Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hizballah ?(Lebanon)? Lebanon – Politics and government

Academic literature on the topic 'Hizballah ?(Lebanon)? Lebanon – Politics and government'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Hizballah ?(Lebanon)? Lebanon – Politics and government"

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Usher, Graham. "Hizballah, Syria, and the Lebanese Elections." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537783.

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The reason for Hizballah's poor showing in the recent Lebanese elections was the subject of speculation. Formed after Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, Hizballah acquired renown as a militia force against Israel. Since the 1992 Lebanese elections, it also has acquired a reputation as an effective opposition to the Hariri government, challenging Amal's hegemony over Lebanon's Shi'i community. The mobilization of Lebanon's main political forces against Hizballah in the elections has underscored the likelihood that Hizballah's role in the future will remain what it was in the past: less a domestic challenge to Amal and more a force for military resistance against Israel.
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Morris, Benny. "Israel's Elections and Their Implications." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 1 (1996): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538032.

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The assassination of Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, a spate of bombings in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, the refusal of Syrian President Hafiz al-Asad to play ball in the peace process, and a change of heart among Israel's new Russian immigrants all contributed to the election in May 1996 of the most right-wing government in Israel's history, led by Likud hard-liner Benjamin Netanyahu. Among the likely consequences the author explores are the virtual freezing of the peace process, the rise of Palestinian frustration with the ensuing lack of progress, a resumption of anti-Israeli violence in the self-rule areas and in Israel, and increased pressure from Hizballah on Israeli forces in southern Lebanon.
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STRINDBERG, ANDERS. "Syria under Pressure." Journal of Palestine Studies 33, no. 4 (2004): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.4.053.

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Syria's sharp criticism of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 opened a particularly tense phase in Syrian-American relations, culminating in the May 2004 imposition of U.S. economic sanctions under the Syria Accountability Act. While accusing Damascus of being on the ““wrong side”” in the wars against terror and Iraq, Washington has raised a number of other issues, including Syria's military presence in Lebanon, its support for Hizballah and various Palestinian factions, its alleged ““interference”” in Iraq, and its possible possession of weapons of mass destruction. This report, based on numerous interviews with government officials, analysts, opposition figures, and ordinary citizens, examines Syria's reactions to these allegations, gradual changes in Syrian political culture, and various domestic developments.
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Norton, Augustus Richard. "Hizballah and the Israeli Withdrawal from Southern Lebanon." Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 1 (2000): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676479.

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Using as its starting point the Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon, this article traces Hizballah's development from a radical resistance group known especially for suicide bombings and kidnappings to a highly professional guerrilla force and a political party with a broad constituency and pragmatic leadership. The author examines Hizballah's entry into politics in the early 1990s; its evolving relations with state actors, especially Syria and Iran; its conduct during and following the withdrawal; and its future prospects.
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Assi, Abbas Fawaz. "The Government and Politics of Lebanon." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 4 (September 23, 2014): 520–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2014.957062.

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France, Pierre. "SALAMEY Imad, The Government and Politics of Lebanon, Londres, Routledge, 2013." Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, no. 143 (October 1, 2018): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/remmm.9540.

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Makdisi, Ussama. "AFTER 1860: DEBATING RELIGION, REFORM, AND NATIONALISM IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 4 (September 18, 2002): 601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802004014.

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The events of 1860 constitute a turning point in the modern history of Lebanon. In the space of a few weeks between the end of May and the middle of June, Maronite and Druze communities clashed in Mount Lebanon in a struggle to see which community would control, and define, a stretch of mountainous territory at the center of complicated Eastern Question politics.1 The Druzes carried the day. Every major Maronite town within reach of the Druzes was pillaged, its population either massacred or forced to flee. In July, Damascene Muslims rioted to protest deteriorating economic conditions, targeting and massacring several hundred of the city's Christian population. Although the reasons for the fighting in Mount Lebanon and the riot in Damascus were quite different, the Ottoman, local, and European reactions inevitably conflated both events.2 Following the restoration of order, the conflict of 1860 was the subject, effectively, of an Ottoman government mandate of silence—a desire to forget the events and proceed with administering the newly constituted Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon. At the same time, however, the sectarian violence prompted an outpouring of local memories that the Ottoman government could neither control nor suppress.
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Geha, Carmen, and Joumana Talhouk. "From Recipients of Aid to Shapers of Policies: Conceptualizing Government–United Nations Relations during the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon." Journal of Refugee Studies 32, no. 4 (September 26, 2018): 645–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fey052.

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AbstractThis article explores the influence of national politics on shaping responses to refugee crises in the Middle East. The article focuses on the case of Lebanon, typically described as a weak or failed state, to explain the progression of policies the Lebanese government used to respond to the Syrian refugee crisis. By using qualitative data from interviews with political officials, the article conceptualizes the change in relations between the Lebanese government and United Nations agencies as evidence of a progression in policies by the Lebanese government. Moving from largely a policy of no-policy, as the crisis in Syria turned into a protracted conflict, we depict Lebanon as moving from a mere recipient of aid from the United Nations to a more active player in shaping crisis response policies. The main thrust of this work is to highlight how exogenous shocks can make governments more influential in shaping United Nations agencies.
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Mourad, Lama. "Brothers, Workers or Syrians? The Politics of Naming in Lebanese Municipalities." Journal of Refugee Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 1387–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feab012.

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Abstract Displaced Syrians in Lebanon face a multitude of legal, social and political categories that operate together to structure their lives and opportunities. One important site of juxtaposition of these various categories can be found in the area of municipal governance, namely in the form of bannered discriminatory curfews that line the public squares of many of Lebanon’s urban neighbourhood, towns and villages. The various named ‘targets’ of these curfews—whether foreigners, Syrians, displaced, labourers, brothers or the disembodied ‘motorbike’ (a class marker in this context)—instantiate the complexity of issues of Syrian belonging in this context. This article examines these categories through their historical, political and social dimensions, and through the lived experience of Syrians who encounter, negotiate and—at times—resist them. Building on over a year of fieldwork in Lebanon from October 2015 to December 2016, this article relies on a diverse set of sources, including ethnographic observation, documents and interviews with a wide array of actors including Lebanese citizens and displaced Syrians, mayors and municipal police officers, as well as lawyers, journalists, aid workers and central government officials.
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DeCoursey, C. A., Boris Naimushin, Hidayet Tuncay, and Maria Stepanova. "Attitudes towards refugees in Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia." Asian Social Science 13, no. 5 (April 19, 2017): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n5p116.

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As refugee flows have increased, western attitudes towards them have become conflicted. Attitudes towards refugees in non-western and in Muslim nations are rarely studied, though these nations accept most refugees. This study of attitudes towards refugees among tertiary students in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Lebanon, Russia and Kyrgyzstan used Appraisal and content analysis frequencies and co-frequencies. Results showed that the Lebanese realised greater affect, possibly due to their experience of refugees. More generally, nationality shaped attitudes more than religion, tertiary students favour technocratic solutions by government actors despite realistically estimating the challenge, and while students critically analyse the problems created by refugee inflows, they retain a nativist stance and seem unaware of the optics and politics of this stance.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hizballah ?(Lebanon)? Lebanon – Politics and government"

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Zigby, Mohammed Ak. "Bullets to ballots : the Lebanonization of Hizballah." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33319.

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In the span of two decades, Hizballah has evolved from an armed resistance movement against Israeli occupation into an efficient political party and---by extension---into a permanent fixture on Lebanon's mainstream political stage. The present analysis traces the evolution of the party from its inception and assesses its performance vis-a-vis the major players of Iran, Israel and Syria. Factors including the characteristics of the movement and the Shiite community itself, the shifting position, interests and policies of various regional actors, and the changing domestic conditions in Lebanon were isolated in order to adequately explain the behaviour and development of Hizballah. As a result, such alternatives to cultural factors (i.e the "Islamic variable") were found to be stronger explanatory factors rather than the Islamic factor. Ultimately, the essay illustrates that Islamic considerations are secondary, if not tertiary, when political decisions are to be made in different contexts. Rather, it is the interests of the more powerful actors that govern the organization's next move, in addition to the aforementioned variables. On the basis of such assumptions and findings, conclusions were finally drawn regarding Hizballah's future developments and its prospects following an Israeli withdrawal.
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Bernhoff, Arthur. "Strength in a weakened state : interpreting Hizb’allah's experiences as a social movement and governing coalition in Lebanon 1985-2013." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6729.

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This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.
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Nasser-Eddine, Minerva. "A transcendent Lebanese identity: more than a mirage? /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phn267.pdf.

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Cua, Diane S. "An analysis of Hizbullah's use of media." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Sep%5FCua.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Baylouny, Anne Marie. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 22, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-57). Also available in print.
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Alagha, Joseph Elie. "The shifts in Hizbullah's ideology : religious ideology, political ideology, and political program /." Leiden : Amsterdam : ISIM ; Amsterdam University Press, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0701/2007358448-b.html.

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Salloukh, Bassel Fawzi. "The king and the general : survival strategies in Jordan and Lebanon." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26324.

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This study is a comparative analysis of the survival strategies of two regimes: Jordan's King Hussein and Lebanon's Fu'ad Shihab. It is an exploration of the domestic determinants of foreign policy behaviour, and the relation between foreign policy behaviour and regime consolidation, legitimation, and survival in small, weak state actors located in a permeable regional system. The study advances an hypothesis of four explanatory variables to explain the success and failure of Hussein and Shihab's respective strategies. Husseinism's 'success'--as opposed to Shihabism's 'failure'--may be explained by a successful insulatory regional policy, the historical process of state formation, the availability of economic resources under state control, and the ability of the state to use its coercive resources without hindrance. This enabled the Hashemite regime to restructure state-society relations to consolidate social control, mitigate the effects of trans-national ideologies on the domestic arena, and achieve an acceptable level of national integration among the different segments of the society gaining the state allegiance from a sizeable number, or from strategic sectors, of the population.
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Majed, Rima. "The shifting salience of sectarianism in Lebanon, 2000-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8ce8330-d51b-4c3a-8675-efd45374cdc8.

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This thesis addresses the question of the shift in the sectarian framing of political conflict and violence in Lebanon by focusing on the period between 2000 and 2010. Lebanon represents an interesting case where the saliencies of sectarian dichotomies have been drastically remodelled in only a few years following the Hariri assassination in 2005. Whereas most studies focus on long-term ethnic and sectarian conflicts, few have addressed the issue of fast remodelling of sectarian divisions in times of political turmoil. How do sectarian schisms shift in a short period of time? Why do some political changes affect sectarian dichotomies and not others? What factors can push some people to take part in clashes framed as sectarian violence? In short, how does political closure happen along sectarian lines? In order to answer these questions, this thesis uses a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods to disentangle the relationship between political change and sectarianism. Building on the social movement literature, it argues that street mobilisations, understood as peaceful or violent collective action, are important mechanisms through which political conflict can assume sectarian overtones. It relies on a compiled dataset of protest events that occurred in Beirut between 2000 and 2010, and applies network analysis techniques in order to study coalition formations and shifts in alliances. This analysis is combined with semi-structured interviews with a sample of 29 residents of Beirut neighbourhoods that witnessed violent clashes in 2007/8. The analysis of my data suggests that the Hariri assassination marked a turning point in the dynamics of contentious politics in Lebanon, and acted as a catalyst for the emergence and consolidation of new coalitions and sectarian dichotomies. The study argues that sectarian political parties are the main channels through which political and sectarian depictions become interchangeable. It suggests that in order for a political shift to be understood in sectarian terms, two main factors need to be taken into account: (i) the competing political parties should represent sectarian communities that are able to compete demographically (in terms of size), and (ii) the competing parties should be able to represent the majority of their sectarian communities (intra-sectarian homogeneity). The analysis of my qualitative data explores the mechanisms at work during periods of collective violence, and shows that drivers such as peer pressure, neighbourhood-level networks, material grievances, pleasure in agency, ideology and previous fighting experience seem to explain individual decisions to participate in collective violence more than sectarian hatred. In fact, rather than being the primary cause of the violence, sectarian cleavages seem to have been crystallised by the 2007/8 episodes of violence. Consequently, this thesis concludes that whereas the conflict in Lebanon today is often understood and framed in sectarian terms, a closer analysis suggests that the conflict at a macro level is essentially political and its implications at the micro level can best be understood beyond the notion of sectarianism.
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Herbert, Lise Jean. "From the supreme Islamic Shii council to AMAL : Shii politics in Lebanon from 1969-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30174.

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This thesis highlights a new approach to the programs and agenda of the Shi`ite representative body in Lebanon known under the acronym AMAL. The period studied is from 1969--1984. Previous studies have drawn insufficient attention to the important and quintessentially Islamic relation between religion and politics for this particular community. This relation becomes a focal point for this thesis.
Here, I study and tell the story of how a politically and socially marginalized sector of a society awakened unto itself and sought change in its political, social and economic position. This change involved a reaffirmation of specifically Shi`i doctrines, beliefs and motifs which helped this community assert themselves with a new identity during this fifteen year period.
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Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. "The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.

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This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are: 1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon? 2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon? The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.
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Leroy, Didier. "La résilience islamique au Liban: contribution à l'étude de l'évolution idéologique et structurelle du Hezbollah." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210071.

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Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le galvaudage intensif du concept d’« islamisme » par les sphères médiatiques et politiques a eu pour effet de catégoriser de manière simpliste et illusoire des phénomènes sociaux très différents de par le monde, dans le registre du terrorisme. Dans ce contexte, le Hezbollah libanais -pourtant chiite et farouchement opposé à Al-Qaïda- a acquis un statut particulier dans la mesure où le Secrétariat d’Etat américain l’a désigné comme la principale menace terroriste dès 2002. Nous proposons ici une recherche casuistique sur le « Parti de Dieu ». Etude longitudinale retraçant l’évolution de ce mouvement milicien devenu parti politique, notre travail vise à mieux cerner ce « fait social » et à situer celui-ci au sein du vaste spectre des islams politiques. Nous synthétisons ici les phases de maturation idéologique que celui-ci a connues depuis son émergence et retraçons l’évolution structurelle de ce parti politique avant tout caractérisé par son projet de « société résistante ». Chacun de ces deux volets (idéologique et structurel) laisse entrevoir les interactions bilatérales qui se sont créées, dans la diachronie, entre le religieux et le politique au sein du Hezbollah, mais illustre surtout la soumission polymorphe de l’un comme de l’autre à la cause inébranlable de la résistance face à Israël. L’élément fondamentalement nouveau que nous apportons à la littérature scientifique spécialisée est une grille d’interprétation du cheminement global d’une grande partie de la communauté chiite du Liban. Celle-ci a pour point de départ le concept -initialement psychologique- de « résilience », et propose la transposition de ce dernier dans le champ sociopolitique. L’analyse qui en découle met en perspective l’« idéologie résiliente » et la « structure résiliente » que le Hezbollah a progressivement développées dans une optique stratégique.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Books on the topic "Hizballah ?(Lebanon)? Lebanon – Politics and government"

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J, Muller Benjamin, ed. Rethinking Hizballah: Legitimacy, authority, violence. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012.

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Abboud, Samer Nassif. Rethinking Hizballah: Legitimacy, authority, violence. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012.

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Aramu, Alessandro. Lebanon: Reportage nel cuore della resistenza libanese. Cagliari: Arkadia, 2012.

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Levitt, Matthew. Hezbollah: The global footprint of Lebanon's party of God. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013.

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Bressan, Matteo. Hezbollah: Tra integrazione politica e lotta armata. Roma: Datanews, 2012.

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Ranstorp, Magnus. Hizb'allah in Lebanon: The politics of the western hostage crisis. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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al-Ḥarb al-sādisah: Al-naṣr al-mukhtaṭaf. al-Qāhirah: Maktabat al-Shurūq al-Dawlīyah, 2007.

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al-Ḥarb al-sādisah allatī shannahā al-ʻadūw ʻalá Ḥizb Allāh fī Lubnān fī Tamūz ʻām 2006 M: Ārāʼ wa-mawāqif. ʻAmmān: Dār al-Rāyah lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2009.

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al-Iʻṣār: Waqāʼiʻ wa-asrār al-intiṣār al-thānī li-Ḥizb Allāh ʻalá Isrāʼīl. Bayrūt: Dār al-Hādī lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2007.

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Min Ḥasan Naṣr Allāh ilá Mīshāl ʻAwn: Qirāʼah siyāsīyah li-Ḥizb Allāh. Beirut: Riyāḍ al-Rayis lil-Kutub wa-al-Nashr, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Hizballah ?(Lebanon)? Lebanon – Politics and government"

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Salamey, Imad. "Republic of Lebanon." In Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa, 347–76. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424908-11.

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Harris, William. "Republic of Lebanon." In The Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa, 79–110. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429494482-3.

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Ilias, Fouad. "3. Perceptions of Hizballah among FPM Members." In The Evolving Patterns of Lebanese Politics in Post-Syria Lebanon. Graduate Institute Publications, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.iheid.266.

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Nassif, Nadim. "Developing a National Elite Sport Policy in an Arab Country." In Sport, Politics and Society in the Middle East, 147–64. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065218.003.0009.

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Lebanon has never qualified to the FIFA World Cup, and has only won four medals at the Olympic Games since it started participating in 1948. This chapter investigates why Lebanon is failing in international sport and argues that the promotion of elite sport has never been a priority for the Lebanese government. It also reviews the academic literature on elite sport success, and discusses political, economic, demographic, and cultural factors that contribute to Lebanon’s failure in international sport. It is argued that the meagre annual budget allocated to the Ministry of Sport by the Lebanese government is a necessary but insufficient explanation for Lebanon’s failure in international sport. The Ministry of Youth and Sport issued their “Sport Strategy 2010–2020,” but never implemented the policies proposed. Beyond the government there is the problem that corruption is prevalent in the national sport federations. This chapter highlights how administrators are occupying key positions based on their political affiliations, rather than on their skills and capacities.
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Dueck, Jennifer M. "An Enduring Dilemma: Teaching National Identity in Lebanon." In The Claims of Culture at Empire's End. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264478.003.0005.

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The situation in Lebanon shared many features with that in Syria. Education and language were symbolic pillars of political power and collective identity in both countries. That said, there were marked differences between the educational systems in Syria and Lebanon. In spite of the occasional threat of violence, schools in Lebanon did not become targets for popular aggression as they did in Syria. Struggles over education were confined to the political sphere where the debates were sometimes intense. The actual practice of politics was dominated by intra-sectarian conflict in which Christians and Muslims formed cross-confessional allegiances to further their interests within their own communities. The discussion also considers how educational provision affected the network of relationships between the French government, the French missionaries, the Maronite Patriarchy, and the Maqāsid Islamic Charitable Association.
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Erçakıca, Mustafa. "Current Maritime Delimitation Activities in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea: An Evaluation from International Maritime Law Perspective." In Politics, Economy, Security Issues Hidden Under the Carpet of Mediterranean, 30–44. European Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/bi.20221101.2.

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The ‘Republic of Cyprus’, which today consists only of Greek Cypriots, has been carrying out activities to limit its marine zones in the Eastern Mediterranean, in order to explore natural resources. Turkey and Turkish Cypriots have been claiming that they also have legal rights over the maritime natural resources in Eastern Mediterranean. Another incident in the Eastern Mediterranean is the 2019 Memorandum of Understanding between Turkey and the UN-recognized government of Libya, namely the Government of National Accord, for delimiting their maritime zones. This is an important treaty for Eastern Mediterranean that effected the regional relations. This treaty is registered to the list of the UN Secretary General, and it must be respected by other actors. But the claims of other regional States such as the ‘Republic of Cyprus’ and the plans for EastMed pipeline conflicts with this treaty. Additionally, to these, two other important regional States, Israel and Lebanon, have been experiencing tensions due to their claims on maritime zones. This is another example of the unstable relations between the Eastern Mediterranean States. Parties of the Eastern Mediterranean disputes must coordinate a multilateral conference for solving all these disputes over Eastern Mediterranean delimitation activities and exploration of natural resources.
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7

Booth, Marilyn. "Pearls Scattered: An Introduction." In Classes of Ladies of Cloistered Spaces. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748694860.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the book at the centre of this study, a mammoth biographical dictionary of 453 world women published in Arabic in Cairo 1893-6 at Egypt’s government printing press; and its author, Zaynab Fawwaz, an immigrant from southern Lebanon to Egypt who wrote on gender politics in the press and also wrote two novels, a play and some poetry. The chapter places this book in the context of scholarship on gender politics, feminism, nationalism and anti-colonialism, and early feminist discourse in the Arab region and especially Egypt. In that context, the fin-de-siècle interest in ancient history – Pharaonic, Ptolemaic, Semitic – evident in Egypt’s and Arabic Ottoman publications, receives attention as it relates to Fawwaz’s outlook on women’s history.
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8

Henry, Lovat. "s.VII Anxieties, Ch.26 International Criminal Tribunal Backlash." In The Oxford Handbook of International Criminal Law. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198825203.003.0027.

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This chapter explores the phenomenon of backlash against international criminal tribunals, defining backlash as ‘intense and sustained government disapproval of tribunal conduct, accompanied by aggressive steps to resist such conduct and to remove its legal force’. After promising beginnings, post-Cold War international criminal tribunals have increasingly faced strident criticism from important constituencies, including previously supportive governments. This has prompted concern about declining support for and ‘backlash’ against such tribunals, amidst broader debates about similar tendencies affecting international adjudication more generally. Drawing on International Relations theories, this chapter analyzes drivers and inhibitors to backlash against international criminal tribunals, specifically the International Criminal Court, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon. It identifies several factors relevant for explaining tribunal backlash: domestic politics and the preferences and interests of powerful elites; external actors, particularly engaged regional and great powers; and transnational social pressure.
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9

Dueck, Jennifer M. "Introduction." In The Claims of Culture at Empire's End. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264478.003.0002.

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This chapter, in setting the stage, first offers a theoretical framework for understanding culture as a forum of exchange and negotiation between diverse leaders, communities, and institutions, and provides a note on the structure of the book and its sources. Following that, it outlines the historical background of the Mandates most relevant to understanding the intersection between politics and culture in the Levant. It describes the cultural networks for Syria and Lebanon. Part I of this book discusses how Levantine political and religious leaders cooperated, negotiated, and competed with the French government over the provision of education and language instruction. Part II widens the circle of actors to consider other Western powers which, like the French, saw the Middle East as an integral factor of Mediterranean security. Finally, the third part of this study focuses on a cultural phenomenon that drew the attention of almost all parties with a stake in culture, namely scouting and youth movements.
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10

Monteiro, Stephen. "Private Dis-Pleasures: Mona Hatoum, Mediated Bodies and the Peep Show." In Screen Presence. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474403375.003.0004.

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In subject and mode of presentation, Mona Hatoum’s 1980s and 90s video works centring on the body drew on the history of pornographic and medical imaging techniques. Making comparisons to porn peepshows and MRI, both of which were newsworthy in Britain (for very different reasons) when Hatoum left Lebanon to study art in London in the 1970s, this chapter provides a close analysis of a handful of her installations, chief among them her Corps Etranger of 1994. It examines how Hatoum’s heavily mediated images and carefully constructed environments raised questions about gender, sexuality, and the identity politics of social space. Just as peepshows became political battlegrounds eliciting heavy government regulation by testing the rules of public space and social interaction, Hatoum’s installations tested the rules and expectations of art exhibition spaces. These works opened zones where visitors would become equally aware of the potential for transgression and surveillance in their own daily performance of body and self.
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