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Journal articles on the topic 'Ḥizb al-Baʿṯ al-ʿArabī al-Ištirākī'

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Published: 29 July 2024
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1

Stegagno, Carlotta. "Mīšīl ʿAflaq’s Thought between Nationalism and Socialism." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340143.

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This article analyses and describes the political thought of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, the founder—together with Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Bīṭār—and the main ideologue of the Arab Baʿṯ Socialist Party (Ḥizb al-Baʿṯ al-ʿarabī al-ištirākī).1 Mīšīl ʿAflaq was an atypical figure in his contemporary Middle Eastern society, who differ from the strongmen that typified his era such as Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣer and Qaḏḏāfī. He was an intellectual, a philosopher, who, with his ideas of Panarabism and Arab socialism affected more than a generation of Arab youth. His dream of Arab Unity became a reality from 1958-1961 with the merger of Egypt and Syria into the United Arab Republic, and the Panarabist Party he created became one of the key players in Middle East from the 1940s onwards. This paper, after sketching a brief biography of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, focuses on his understanding of Nationalism and Arab Socialism, on which his ideology is grounded. By connecting these two ideas, he created a monist ideology in which the mission of Arab Unity is both the starting point and the final goal.
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2

Lux, Abdullah. "Yemen's last Zaydī Imām: the shabāb al-muʾmin, the Malāzim, and ‘ḥizb allāh’ in the thought of Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥūthī." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 369–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903106084.

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Excerpted from the manuscript of a forthcoming book project, this article provides essential English-language source material on Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn al-Ḥūthī and an alternative framework to that of the mainstream media for exploring what are likely the genuine causes and nature of the wars against Ṣaʿdah, Yemen, undertaken with backing and technical assistance from the United States, if not direct complicity in the name of then President George W. Bush's administration's ‘war on terror’. In addition to shedding light on the voluminous Malāzim of Ḥusayn Badr al-Dīn and providing analysis of its various influences including Khomeini and Lebanon's Ḥizb Allāh, while at the same time demonstrating a lack of evidence for direct support by either Ḥizb Allāh or Iran, the article examines the distinct Jārūdī Zaydī nature of the only contemporary Zaydī political discourse and formulation of its kind, which is distinct from Twelver Shīʿism and antithetical to the ‘wilāyat al-faqīh’ in Iran. The article examines the origins of the Lebanese group known as al-Shabāb al-Muʾmin that would later evolve into Ḥizb Allāh and the history of Yemen's Tanẓīm al-Shabāb al-Muʾmin from which al-Ḥūthī would draw his core group of supporters, and it aims to decipher the nature of the relation between al-Ḥūthī's thought and Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran as well as its grounding in the Jārūdī Zaydī sect and the Zaydīyah at large. The article includes excerpts from an interview with Ayatollah Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallah on the subject, new statements from the Office of ʿAbd al-Mālik al-Ḥūthī in Ṣaʿdah, and in-depth analysis of the Malāzim with exhaustive citations in translation – all never before published – all of which provide essential reading for understanding the objective historical conditions as well as the political, cultural, tribal, ideological, and sectarian dimensions of the wars against Ṣaʿdah.
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3

Burdah, Ibnu. "New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no. 2 (December 20, 2014): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485.

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The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]
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4

Imad, Abdul Ghany. "A topography of Sunni Islamic organizations and movements in Lebanon." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802576213.

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In this data-filled account, the author provides a concise and informative topography of Lebanon's oft-neglected Sunni Islamic movements – dealing with their origins, orientations, founding members and various socio-political and institutional initiatives. Rare details are provided on movements and affiliated institutions – including schools, mosques and media organizations – of the Lebanese tableau where scholarly interest has been dominated by concentration on Ḥizb Allāh. Included are reviews of al-Jamāﺀah al-Islāmīyah (the Islamic Group); Jabhat al-ﺀAmal al-Islāmī (the Islamic Action Front); Ḥarakat al-Tawḥīd al-Islāmī (the Islamic Tawḥīd Movement); Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr al-Islāmī (the Islamic Liberation Party); Jamāﺀat al-Daﺀwah wa al-Tablīgh (the Daﺀwah and Tablīgh Group); Jamﺀiyat al-Mashārīﺀ al-Khayrīah al-Islāmīyah–al-Aḥbāsh (The Association of Islamic Charitable Initiatives); as well as the major Lebanese salafist movements.
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5

Anni, Dhur, and Lukman Hakim. "THE MEANING OF THE RECEPTION OF THE LETTERS MUQAṬṬA’AH IN ḤIZB AL-NAṢR BY ABÛ AL-ḤASAN AL-SHÂDHILÎ." Jurnal Studi Ilmu-ilmu Al-Qur'an dan Hadis 21, no. 2 (July 29, 2020): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/qh.2020.2102-02.

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The meaning of the letters muqaṭṭa’ah at the beginning of several surahs in the Qur'an is still considered mysterious. Many narrations show the search for their meaning by relating to the virtue and purpose of using these letters. The virtue explained by the Prophet and his companions made these letters used in their literal form, such as Abû al-Ḥasan al-Shâdhilî, who used them as part of the dhikr in the Ḥizb al-Naṣr. This study aims to find al-Shâdhilî’s acceptance in his collection of dhikr and prayers. To achieve this purpose, this study uses qualitative methods with data analysis techniques using diachronic approaches and syntagmatic analysis introduced by Ferdinand de Saussure. This study found a shift in meaning and acceptance of the letters muqaṭṭa’ah carried out by al-Shâdhilî. Al-Shâdhilî uses the letters muqaṭṭa’ah as part of the intermediary to make prayer more acceptable. This is based on the view that these letters contain the names of the Great God. Al-Shâdhilî’s shift in acceptance of the letters muqaṭṭa’ah in the Arab community has a significant difference with the acceptance of the Arab community for the Qur'an, which tends to be informative, so acceptance is done by exegesis, whereas al-Shâdhilî accepted the letters functionally in the performative realm.
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6

Millati, Halya, and Miatul Qudsia. "CHARISMATIC AUTHORITY IN THE TRADITION OF READING HIZB HIRZ AL-JAUSHAN AT PESANTREN HIDAYATUL MUBTADI-AAT." Jurnal Studi Ilmu-ilmu Al-Qur'an dan Hadis 21, no. 2 (July 29, 2020): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/qh.2020.2102-07.

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Muslim society’s acceptance of a hadith is manifested in many behaviors, one of which is the use of the hadith sentences as a prayer and dhikr that manifests in a ḥizb. The hadith used as part of the ḥizb is a hadith containing prayers taught by Allah to the Prophet during the battle of Uhud. This hadith is known as the Jawshân Hadith, so the ḥizb born from the act of interpreting the hadith is called the ḥizb Ḥirz al-Jawshân. This study aims to find motives that encourage the community, especially students at Pesantren Hidayatul Mubtadi-aat, in the reception of the hadith in the form of ḥizb reading. To achieve this purpose, this study uses a field study method using Marx Weber’s charismatic authority approach. This research found that the reading, which was done by santri Hidayatul Mubtadi-aat, was a form of performative effort on Jawshân hadith. This is based on a shift in the understanding of the hadith from the informative function to the performative function in the time of al-Ḥusayn. The reading, which was done by santri Hidayatul Mubtadi-aat, was not caused by their understanding of the hadith content, but rather due to the encouragement from outside of themselves to accept the hadith. The encouragement comes from Kiai, who has a charismatic factor so that santri submit and obey without knowing the reasons for the order.
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7

Mujiburrahman, Mujiburrahman. "Kritik Terhadap Pemahaman Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr Atas Hadis-Hadis Khilāfah." Refleksi 15, no. 1 (November 8, 2018): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/ref.v15i1.9707.

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Tulisan ini menunjukkan kekeliruan Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr dalam memahami hadis-hadis Nabi saw yang diklaim memberikan legitimasi menyangkut keharusan menegakkan khilāfah. Tulisan ini juga sekaligus mengafirmasi kesimpulan beberapa sarjana Muslim, di antaranya adalah Alī‘Abd al-Rāziq, yang menyatakan tidak adanya teks-teks suci keagamaan yang mendasari keharusan menegakkan khilāfah.Secara referensial, tulisan ini berangkat dari kajian terhadap literatur hadis.
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8

Radtke, Bernd. "Von Iran nach Westafrika Zwei Quellen für Al-ḥāğğ ʿUmars Kitāb Rimāḥ ḥizb Ar-Raḥīm: Zaynaddīn Al-Ḫwāfī und Samsaddīn Al-Madyanī." Die Welt des Islams 35, no. 1 (1995): 37–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570060952598030.

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9

Fawaid, Ahmad, and Nafi'ah Mardlatillah. "Bias Ideologis Tafsir Hizb al-Tahrīr." MAGHZA: Jurnal Ilmu Al-Qur'an dan Tafsir 5, no. 2 (December 25, 2020): 184–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/maghza.v5i2.4243.

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This article figures out ideological biases in Abū Rashtah Book’s, al-Taysīr fī 'Ulūm al-Tafsīr: Tafsir al-Baqarah. As a figure of ḥizb al-taḥrīr, Abū Rashtah's interpretation strengthens his organization's ideology and to oppose the ulama's interpretation. This article questions how the al-Taysīr methodology was used by Abū Rashtah for interpreting al-Qur'an and how the biases of Abū Rashtah's interpretation in his book. By using thematic writing techniques on khilāfah verses and using descriptive analysis methods, This research concludes that the method of interpretation applied in his book prioritizes linguistic analysis and the use of reason. Through this method of language based on reason, it was found that there were ideological biases. One of them is the persuasion of the enforcement of the khilāfah Islamiyyah system when he interprets the QS. Al-Baqarah: 30. Abū Rashtah is of the view that this verse is the normative basis for the enforcement of the khilāfah system. Apart from the above verse, the invitation to enforce the khilāfah system can also be found in the QS interpretation of al-Baqarah: 105. Abū Rashtah believes that the Khilāfah Islamiyyah will soon be established on the face of the earth according to Allah's promise.
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10

Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. "Ḥizb al-Nahḍah: from revolution to government and to a second referendum." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 398–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1050280.

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The year 2011 witnessed watershed events in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), resulting in long-awaited political and social transformation, with Tunisia acting as catalyst and modus operandi for the other countries of the region. Although the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ now seems to be gripped in a stalemate in Egypt, where vagueness still prevails, and in Syria and Libya, where the security situation continues to be extremely precarious and unstable, there seems to be a wind of change in the political context in Tunisia, where on 26 October 2014 the population witnessed the second post-revolution elections. The political party Ḥizb al-Nahḍah (Renaissance Party), officially founded in 1981, has been having a considerable impact on the political milieu of the region since its political career has experienced a renewed boost. Furthermore, Salafism has emerged as a legitimate force in the country demanding al-Nahḍah to redefine its role and strategy. While in power al-Nahḍah faced multifarious political, social and economic challenges that compelled it to devise new strategies and policies to suit the changing socio-political climate. In addition to exploring post-revolution transitions and transformations in Tunisia, this paper focuses on Ḥizb al-Nahḍah, the issues and challenges it encountered while in power, and those that lie ahead.
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11

Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. "Reading Rashid Al-Ghannushi’s Debate on Human Rights." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 3, no. 1 (June 10, 2018): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v3i1.75.

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Human rights, a hotly debated issue in the 1970s Muslim world, engaged diverse groups like governments, political activists, civil society members, intellectuals, thinkers and even common people. Though not a novel development, the phenomenon represented renewed interest by individuals and groups regarding many issues, including democracy and secularism. Shaykh Rāshid al-Ghannūshi ̇̄ – the ‘most adroit and flexible’ Tunisian Islamic reformist leader and primary ideologue of Ḥizb al-Nahḍah – is a prominent voice who discussed widely the issue of human rights. In this regard, his famous book al-Ḥurri ̇̄yyāt al-‘Ᾱmah fi ̇̄ al-Dawlah al-Islāmiyyah represents a core strand of his thought. In the contemporary era, Ghannūshi ̇̄, through his prolific writing and appealing intellectual discourse, especially on the issues of Islam–West relations, democracy, pluralism and human rights, engages the minds of intellectuals globally. Considering the global importance of this religio-political thinker, the current study, while exploring how the concept of human rights emerged in the West, will examine and explore objectively Ghannūshi ̇̄’s views on human rights. Moreover, this article will focus on understanding his vision about hotly debated issues such as apostasy, freedom in Islam and the West, and the rights of women.
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12

Kassem, Hashim. "Lebanon's Ayatollah: an interview with al-sayyid Muhammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802588648.

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In this compilation of two interviews (one previously unpublished), Hāshim Qāsim speaks with Lebanon's ayatollah Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh – an internationally recognized Muslim scholar, independent thinker, sometimes ‘iconoclast’ faqīh, mufassir and marjaﺀ al-taqlīd whose influence has transcended borders and spanned decades and generations. Faḍlallāh's prolific writing has included not only works on Islamic jurisprudence, politics, thought and tradition, but also a complete exegesis of the Qurﺩān as well as diwans of Islamic poetry. Peer, associate, friend and student of some of the greatest minds and most influential figures of the Shīﺀite world including Khomeini, Abū-l-Qāsim al-Khoei, Muaḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr, and Mūsā al-Ṣadr, Faḍlallāh has mentored and influenced countless Muslims and important personages, including senior members of Ḥizb Allāh, for over half a century. In this interview Faḍlallāh discusses major issues and touches upon many important recurrent themes of his overall discourse from issues faced by Muslims – including the hijab, Zionism and Islamic fundamentalism, to globalization, to world justice.
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13

Mazzucotelli, Francesco. "Les « printemps arabes » au miroir du Ḥizb Allāh." Oriente Moderno 94, no. 2 (November 18, 2014): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340062.

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This essay analyzes how Ḥizb Allāh frames its reading of the ‘Arab Spring’ and the ongoing Syrian conflict within the lines of a global interpretation of regional politics. The Middle East is seen as the battleground between ‘the American-Zionist axis’ and its local proxies, on the one hand, and the ‘axis of opposition and rejection’ (al-mumānaʿah), on the other hand. According to Ḥizb Allāh’s thought, the Arab uprisings should be assessed according to the role that they can play in the ongoing conflict between the ‘logic of hegemony’ of the American-Israeli policies in the region and the ‘anti-imperialist resistance’. Therefore in this binary logic, the key element of evaluation is not democracy per se but the position of existing regimes and opposition movements vis-à-vis the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and theus-Israeli plans in the Region.
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14

Iqbal, Muzaffar. "Gibril Fouad Haddad. The Lights of Revelation & the Secrets of Interpretation: Ḥizb 1 of the Commentary on the Qur'ān by al-Bayḍāwī." Islamic Studies 62, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v62i1.2746.

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15

McGregor, Richard J. A. "A Sufi Legacy in Tunis: Prayer and the Shadhiliyya." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1997): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064497.

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In the following article, I present an account of the legacy of the famous saintly mystic Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili (d. 1258). The parameters of the study will be narrowed geographically to Tunis and thematically to prayer. Tunis played an important role in the formation of the saint'sṭariqa(mystical order or brotherhood, pi.ṭuruq), and the city today still has a branch of the brotherhood and a number of sacred sites. The theme of prayer as used here includes prayer texts and a wide variety of activity, from popular devotions to spiritual discipline. As will become clear, this is a central element in any discussion of theṭariqa'sorganization, ritual, and literature. In addition to the brotherhood and the sites, there is a Tunisian edition of the only recordedcompositions of the saint, his prayers—known asaḥzāb(sing,ḥizb). This study will thus reflect the saint, his brotherhood, and the use of theaḥzābas integrated elements of the living Shadhili legacy in Tunis. This presentation will go beyond the usual academic treatments of Sufism, which rarely enter the modern period and are concerned mostly with the larger Sufi treatises. I hope not only to bring to light the importance of some lesser known liturgical and ritual practices, but also to begin to appreciate the “lesser tradition,” as it were, of Sufi prayer texts.
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16

Saputra, Rangga Eka. "Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa al-Rafāhīyah (PKS) wa Siyāsāt al-Huwīyah al-Islāmīyah: Istiratijīyāt Kawādir al-Ḥizb li Ta’ṭīr Qaḍāyā Nukhabihim al-Fasādīyah al-Mālīyah." Studia Islamika 23, no. 2 (September 18, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sdi.v23i2.3313.

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17

Helmy, Muhammad Irfan, and Ahmad Ali Nurdin. "Al-Kifāḥ min ajli dawlah Islāmīyah ‘abra al-masār al-dīmuqrātī: Tajribat al-Ḥizb al-Islāmī al-Mālizī (PAS)." Studia Islamika 27, no. 2 (August 3, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.36712/sdi.v27i2.11909.

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This paper discusses how PAS follows democratic way to achive its political goal to establish an Islamic state. Is it true that the establishment of PAS was triggered by its motive to struggle for Islamic state which is not addressed by UMNO? What and how is the concept of Islamic state according to PAS? How and to what extent did Muslim and non-Muslim in Malaysia accept PAS idea, in Malaysian election history, particularly in the last 2018 election? By analysing document of PAS Islamic state, party’s statute, and PAS performance from election to election, the researcher argues that up to present PAS was unsuccessfull to reach its political goal yet. PAS only won and occupied Kelantan and several times won in Sabah and Terengganu. The result of 2018 election shows that PAS was beaten by Pakatan Harapan coallition as well as Barisan Nasional coalition. However, PAS’s struggle through democratic way has significantly contributed to reduce a negative image of Islamic movement in South East Asia. Islam is not monolithic and Islam is compatible with democracy. PAS’s struggle is a clear proof.
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18

Marzuki, Ismail. "Al-Siyāsah al-Qanūnīyah li Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa al-Rafāhīyah (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) fi al-Fatrah 1998-2004 al-Mīlādī: Dirāsah li Qaḍīyat Qānūn Idārat al-Zakāh." Studia Islamika 19, no. 3 (December 31, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sdi.v19i3.357.

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