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Journal articles on the topic 'Hittiti'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 11 March 2023

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1

Klock-Fontanille, Isabelle. "Les hittites et les hourrites, entre mythe et histoire: récit de l'expulsion et de l'integration d'une culture étrangére." Tropelías: Revista de Teoría de la Literatura y Literatura Comparada, no. 7-8 (June 27, 2021): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_tropelias/tropelias.19977-85620.

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Le "Hourrite", dans l' Anatolie du second millénaire avant J. C., semble, de toute évidence, un problème historico-politique. Mais pendant l'Ancien Royaume hittite, l'archéologie ne nous dit rien, nous ne savons des Hourrites que ce que les Hittites nous en disent: dans les textes hittites dits "historiques", le Hourrite apparaît à la fois comme un ennemi pas comme les autres (cannibale, irrespectueux des dieux el du code de la guerre) et comme l'ennemi essentiel dont le royaume hittite doit sans cesse repousser les assauls. Ce qui est pro posé dans les textes hittites par les Hittites eux-mêmes, c'est une lecture "cullurelle" des événements historiques. Pour en comprendre et décrire le mécanisme, pour suivre les transformations du motíf du "Hourrite" dans l'unívers axiologíque hittite, pour montrer comment ce motif a contribué à la construction de l'"idéologie" (au sens dumézilien) de la souveraineté dans l'univers culturel hittite, la théorie de la sémiosphère de Lotman nous a paru un principe méthodologique heuristique.

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2

Mac Sweeney, Naoíse. "Hittites and Arzawans: a view from western Anatolia." Anatolian Studies 60 (December 2010): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000995.

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AbstractThere has been much recent research in archaeology on the dynamics of imperial systems, and valuable work has been done on the complex relationships between the Hittite state and groups on its imperial periphery. The nature of the available source material means that these relationships are usually studied from a Hittite perspective, and that interactions with the Hittites are often seen as centrally important for these groups. In this paper, however, it is argued that archaeological evidence can be used to gain insight into alternative views – views which may not necessarily privilege relationships with the Hittites over those with other groups. One well-documented example of such a group is Arzawa, a quarrelsome coalition of principalities in western Anatolia. This paper will focus on the western Anatolian site of Beycesultan, caught between the Hittite and Arzawan heartlands. It will show that people at Beycesultan did not define themselves primarily in relation to either the Hittites or the Arzawan confederacy, but had their own dynamic and shifting world-view.

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3

Cline, Eric H. "Hittite Objects in the Bronze Age Aegean." Anatolian Studies 41 (December 1991): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642936.

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Some twenty-three objects in the Bronze Age Aegean have been identified as “Hittite” in previous literature. Scholars investigating the nature of the relations between Hittites and Mycenaeans continue to cite one or more of these objects, although many have since been shown to be of non-Hittite origins. In this paper I propose to reexamine the “authenticity” of the Hittite objects reported within the Bronze Age Aegean. The twenty-three objects in question can readily be grouped as to (A) those which might be and (B) those which are not Central Anatolian Hittite in origin.

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4

Dardeniz, Gonca, İ. Tunç Sipahi, and Tayfun Yıldırım. "An insight into Old Hittite metallurgy: alloying practices at Hüseyindede (Çorum, Turkey)." Anatolian Studies 69 (2019): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006615461900005x.

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AbstractThis paper presents archaeological and analytical data on metal artefacts from Hüseyindede (Çorum, Turkey), dated to the Old Hittite period (ca 16th century BC). Hüseyindede, which is set in a rural landscape, demonstrates continuity in alloying traditions from the Early Bronze Age III (ca 26th/25th–22nd/21st century BC) and the Assyrian Trading Colonies period (20th–18th century BC) to the emergence of the Hittites. In addition to known alloying practices of the period, the site presents, for the first time, evidence of the existence of copper-nickel alloys, namely cupronickels, which so far have been documented only at the Late Bronze Age capital of the Hittites, Boğazköy/Hattuša. The Hüseyindede cupronickel objects now pinpoint the presence of this technology to regions spreading out from the Halys basin from the Old Kingdom Hittite period.

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5

Abdi, Kamyar. "Elamo-Hittitica I: An Elamite Goddess in Hittite Court." DABIR 3, no. 1 (November 30, 2017): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00301003.

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6

Dodd, Lynn Swartz. "Strategies for future success: Remembering the Hittites during the Iron Age." Anatolian Studies 57 (December 2007): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008619.

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AbstractThe Maraş and Sakçagözü valley surveys on the east side of the Amanus mountains provide new data regarding patterns of Hittite territorial management and administration. Sites dating to the Late Bronze Age II period were identified by the presence of burnished pottery, drab ware and, occasionally, by animal-shaped ceramic vessel fragments. The standardised drab ware pottery is emblematic of mass production and rigid control of labour sources and raw materials through systems designed to support the economic and political strategies of the Hittite court and to serve its interests. The settlement pattern is linked to Hittite regional needs for agricultural production, raw materials and territorial security. The distinct site location pattern indicates a strategic, restrained use of space by the Hittites. This left room for beneficial integrative features that local élites might emphasise for their own purposes, which comprise a foundation for the prestige later accorded to the Hittite legacy.

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7

Simpson, R. Hope. "The Dodecanese and the Ahhiyawa question." Annual of the British School at Athens 98 (November 2003): 203–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016853.

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The recently reaffirmed identifications of Millawanda (= Miletos) and Apasa (= Ephesos) in the Hittite archives also confirm that interaction between Ahhiyawa and the Hittites was mainly in South-West Anatolia. Since Ahhiyawa was ‘across the sea’ from there, it is now shown to have been one of the ‘kingdoms’ of Mycenaean Greece. The Dodecanese Islands have been proposed, where a population increase may have been accompanied by immigration from the Argolid. But, even if combined with part of the Anatolian mainland opposite, the Dodecanese would not have been sufficiently important, since at least one king of Ahhiyawa was addressed as an equal by a Hittite Great King. Of the other suggested identifications, only Mycenae possessed the power and international status indicated. The Dodecanese seem marked as ‘the islands’, mentioned in the Hittite texts both as belonging to Ahhiyawa and as a haven for persons fleeing Hittite retribution.

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8

Ünal, Ahmet. "A Hittite treaty tablet from Oylum Höyük in southeastern Turkey and the location of Ḫaššu(wa)." Anatolian Studies 65 (2015): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154615000058.

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AbstractIn the summer of 2012 Oylum Höyük yielded its first Hittite cuneiform tablet and thus joined five other Hittite tabletyielding sites in southeastern Anatolia and northern Syria. The tablet was probably removed from a nearby Hittite imperial-period monumental building, which seems to have been the Hittites’ administrative centre at Oylum, and incorporated into Iron Age debris. The wording of the text, in its preserved parts, shares traits with Hittite state treaties. It also has striking similarities with Hittite instruction texts, due to the generic affinities between these two genres. However, on the basis of the overall structure of the Oylum tablet and, most significantly, the inclusion of a list of oath gods at the end of the text, it is proposed that we are dealing here with a treaty. This article clarifies the genre and comprehensible context of the tablet, provides a transliteration and, as far as it is possible, a translation of the text, provides some philological comments and ends with the suggestion that the ancient name of Oylum Höyük was Ḫaššu(wa).

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9

Archi, Alfonso. "Aštata: A Case of Hittite Imperial Religious Policy." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 14, no. 2 (November 24, 2014): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341260.

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The Hittite documentation concerning the Land of Aštata on the Euphrates, with Emar as capital, can now be better evaluated thanks to a more precise chronological order of the documentation from Emar (1400–1180b.c.). Hittite rule did not exercise any religious imperialism, on the contrary, it was Mursili ii who transferred to Hattusa some Aštata cults for the Syrian goddess Išḫara. He did not refrain from calling to his court priests from Emar in order to celebrate the proper rites to the goddess in an emergency. The king of Karkamiš, who exercised Hittite control over Emar, sent there one of his diviners to enquire through oracles if the local gods were in favour of his travelling to the city. A reorganization of cults promoted by Tuthaliya iv was at the origin of the introduction in Emar of a liturgy for some Hittite gods. This was not a superimposition of a theological organized pantheon over the local gods, but personal gods of the king; their cult was committed to the local family of diviners in charge of the cults of the city, with which the Hittites maintained close relations. Apparently, Hittite religion never deeply penetrated Emar society. A group of seals used by some Emariotes, however, presents the same iconographies as Hittite seals, with gods of the Hittite pantheon, an evidence of adhesion to the Hittite rule.

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10

Alparslan, Metin, and Meltem Doğan-Alparslan. "The Hittites and their Geography: Problems of Hittite Historical Geography." European Journal of Archaeology 18, no. 1 (2015): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957114y.0000000075.

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The Hittite state was founded c. 1650 BC and developed thereafter. The Hittites were able to establish their rule in Anatolia's hostile landscape and overcome the difficulties it presented to create an empire—an objective that they achieved with the aid of their remarkable organizational skills. Despite the frequent occurrence of geographical names in the state archives, only a small number of them can be safely localized and, although Hittitology is a 100-year-old field, the regional names have only recently been determined. This article serves as a general introduction to the Hittites as well as a review of the problem of geographical names, revealing the complexity it presents.

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11

Shelestin, Vladimir Yu. "Mythological Time of the Hittites." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017859-1.

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Scholars usually consider the Hittite mythological and epic texts to reflect the narrative traditions of Anatolia, Mesopotamia and Syria, the same as could be said for many other elements of the Hittite culture. Despite the epic texts found in the Hittite archives are often labeled to be foreign or translated literature, the Hittite scribes worked a lot to adapt them to their own worldview. The paper will discuss the temporal aspect of these texts to understand the peculiarities of the Hittite time perception. These texts show little attention to small units of time like day. The only mention of the seven-day-term in the Song of Release can be the feature of Syrian and not Hittite culture. The positive distinction of these texts from their analogues in the rest of the Ancient Near East is the detailed description of the multi-month processes like gestation that can find its counterpart in the ritual texts. The Song of Going Forth have shown the limits of time in the Hittite worldview and gave life to the vivid discussion about how long were the nine years of kingship for the primeval gods. The detailed analysis of all attestations of time periods in the Hittite mythological and epic texts shows that the Hittites had no passion to the great numbers measuring their real or mythological past even with the availability of tools for it, in contrast with other Ancient Near Eastern and Indo-European traditions. These features of time perception in the Hittite myth and epic fit well to our knowledge of the Hittite calendar, based on the periods of one month and of one or several years.

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12

Hansen, Ove. "KUB XXIII. 13: a possible contemporary Bronze Age source for the sack of Troy/Hisarlik?" Annual of the British School at Athens 92 (November 1997): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016671.

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The cuneiform tablet from the Hittite capital Hattusa/Boğazköy, KUB XXIII. 13, reports Hittite warfare in western/north-western Asia Minor around 1240 BC, when the so-called Seha River Land fought against the Hittites and their king Tuthaliyas IV As the date of the war is contemporary with the sack of ‘Mycenaean’ Troy VI, there is a possibility that the conflict described in the tablet could have provided the historical background for the Iliad. Moreover, the etymology of the River Seha seems to be the same as that of the Scamander at Hisarlik, but the Dardanelles could also originally have had that name.

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13

Yakubovich, Ilya. "Were Hittite Kings Divinely Anointed? A Palaic Invocation to the Sun-God and Its Significance for Hittite Religion." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 5, no. 1 (2005): 107–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921205776137972.

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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to improve our understanding of a difficult Palaic invocation to the Sun-god, and to elucidate its implications for the study of Hittite religion. The first part of my account contains linguistic and philological discussion that concludes with a new translation of the scrutinized fragment. According to my interpretation, the Sun-god is requested to anoint the Hittite king and to exalt him. This is the only clear evidence that the gods were thought to be personally responsible for the anointment of Hittite kings. A counterpart to this nontrivial concept is well known from the Hebrew Bible and is inherited by the Christian tradition.The second part of this paper, which is meant to be accessible to all the historians of religion, discusses the anointment as a rite of passage among the Hittites, as well as the relevant parallels in other Ancient Near Eastern cultures. I am arguing that anointment with oil was extended to both Hittite priestly kings and certain other categories of Hittite priests, and that the underlying purpose of this act was ritual cleansing. The spread of this rite to those cultures where kings were not at the head of the religious hierarchy boosted the secondary association of divine anointment with empowerment rather that purification.

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14

Erimtan, Can. "Hittites, Ottomans and Turks: Ağaoğlu Ahmed Bey and the Kemalist construction of Turkish nationhood in Anatolia." Anatolian Studies 58 (December 2008): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008711.

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AbstractThis article analyses the position of the Hittites in the theoretical development of Turkish nationalism in the 20th century. The piece provides an outline of the full content of the Hittite claim in a Turkish nationalist context, particularly its promulgation as part of the so-called ‘Turkish History Thesis’. Following this, I will give full weight to the historical circumstances surrounding the emergence of the Hittite trope in Turkish writing. Basing myself on the work of Mete Tunçay, I will give proper prominence to the publication of the propaganda tractPontus Meselesi(1922). It is my contention that the Turkish intellectual of Azerî descent, Ağaoğlu Ahmed Bey, was the sole author of the textPontus Meselesi. The remainder of the article consists of a close reading of this geo-text. I will demonstrate that Ağaoğlu's discovery of the Hittites as worthy forebears for the Anatolian Muslims, whom he refers to as ‘Turks’ in his text, was the outcome of an ideologically motivated reading of 19th century European accounts of ancient Near Eastern history. The article shows that the propagation of the Kemalist concept of Turkish nationalism in Anatolia dates back to 1922, a year prior to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.

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15

Miller, Robert D. "Tracking the Dragon across the Ancient Near East." Archiv orientální 82, no. 2 (September 10, 2014): 225–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.82.2.225-245.

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Calvert Watkins definitively illustrated the connections between the Vedics laying of the dragon Vr̥tra by the thunder-god Indra and the storm-god dragon slaying myths of the both ancient Iran (Aži Dahāka) and Indo-European Hittites (Illuyanka). But there are actually two Hittite dragon-slaying myths – the other, Hurrian in origin, concerning the storm god Teshub – and the relationship between the two remains unclear. The Hurrian-Hittite myth clearly underlies the Canaanite storm-god dragon slaying, but the connection of the latter to an independent Semitic dragon-slaying myth is also unclear. Is there a separate Semitic myth at all, or does the dissemination of these mythological motifs all go back to Indo-European Hittites and Indo-Europeans among the Hurrians? And if there is a Semitic myth, did it disseminate from the Levant southeastward to Mesopotamia with the spread of the Amorites in the early 2nd millennium or was there an originally-Sumerian dragon-slaying myth already in Southern Mesopotamia? And what are we to do when specificmotifsoftheearliest Mesopotamian form reappear in the late Iranian Shahname? This essay tracks the dragon across the ancient Near East, as similar myths fed into each other, their elements interweaving and combining in new forms.

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16

Miller, Robert D. "Tracking the Dragon across the Ancient Near East." Archiv orientální 82, no. 2 (September 10, 2014): 437–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.82.2.437-458.

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Calvert Watkins definitively illustrated the connections between the Vedics laying of the dragon Vr̥tra by the thunder-god Indra and the storm-god dragon slaying myths of the both ancient Iran (Aži Dahāka) and Indo-European Hittites (Illuyanka). But there are actually two Hittite dragon-slaying myths – the other, Hurrian in origin, concerning the storm god Teshub – and the relationship between the two remains unclear. The Hurrian-Hittite myth clearly underlies the Canaanite storm-god dragon slaying, but the connection of the latter to an independent Semitic dragon-slaying myth is also unclear. Is there a separate Semitic myth at all, or does the dissemination of these mythological motifs all go back to Indo-European Hittites and Indo-Europeans among the Hurrians? And if there is a Semitic myth, did it disseminate from the Levant southeastward to Mesopotamia with the spread of the Amorites in the early 2nd millennium or was there an originally-Sumerian dragon-slaying myth already in Southern Mesopotamia? And what are we to do when specificmotifsoftheearliest Mesopotamian form reappear in the late Iranian Shahname? This essay tracks the dragon across the ancient Near East, as similar myths fed into each other, their elements interweaving and combining in new forms.

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17

Soysal, Oğuz. "Philological Contributions to Hattian-Hittite Religion (I)." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 8, no. 1 (2008): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921208786182437.

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AbstractIn the first part of the present study the frequent Hittite cult phrase d(GN) aku- / eku- "to drink a deity" is discussed as to whether it should be understood in the accusative or dative sense. The drinking act devoted to divine honor is accompanied chiefly by the accusative case of the deity name. There are also some exceptional cases in which the divine proper name is used in the dative case. In the light of a list of Hattian deities in KBo 21.85+ I 12'-25' it is proposed here that the divine name in the expressiond d(GN) aku- / eku- with ending -n may have been originally constructed in the dative case under influence of Hattian. Since the Hattian dative marker -n is formally the same as the Hittite ending -n for the singular accusative, it is possible that the Hittites had adopted this cult expression in their language in a manner where the divine proper name would function as accusative. This use may have been transformed later into the real "Hittite" accusative in -n.The second part deals with the cult object GIŠhalm/puti- (with other cognate designations) and with its possible connection to GIŠkalmuš-. Materially, these tools appear not to have the same functions, but on the philological level, both words may stem from the same Hattian root halwuutti-.

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18

Reade, Julian. "Real and imagined “Hittite palaces” at Khorsabad and elsewhere." Iraq 70 (2008): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000851.

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Between 745 and 700 BC the Assyrian empire established itself in much of the Levant, becoming a Mediterranean as well as a Mesopotamian power. People from former Syro-Hittite states and the coasts of Phoenicia and Palestine were dispersed across the empire, bringing their own social conventions, cultures and expertise in fields ranging from cookery and metallurgy to music and architecture. Many Assyrian kings in previous centuries had demonstrated their respect for these high cultures of the West; Herzfeld (1930: 186–93) was one of the earlier scholars to consider the extent of their indebtedness. Now kings who had visited the West and who had seen how people lived there, built western features into new palaces at Nimrud, Khorsabad and Nineveh.A clear allusion to this process resides in use of the phrase “like a Hittite palace”, literally tamšil ekal mat Hatti, “a replica of a palace of the land of Hatti”, i.e. the kind of palace or palatial structure familiar in the Syro-Hittite, Luwian and Levantine territories which eighth-century Assyrians still called after the Hittites. Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon and Sennacherib all recorded the construction of buildings like this, to which the term bit hilani (with minor variants) was also applied; Esarhaddon recorded building in both Hittite and Assyrian styles, and Ashurbanipal too built a bit hilani. The clearest relevant archaeological evidence consists of some remains on the western side of the main royal palace of Sargon at Khorsabad. P.-É. Botta, the first excavator of these remains, assigned them the name of Monument isolé, Monument X or Temple (henceforward simply Monument X).

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19

Corti, Carlo. "“Because for a long time (the Gods of Zalpa) have been ignored ..Hence these offerings in this way do we donate”. New Celebrations in the Zalpuwa Land." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 10, no. 1 (2010): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921210x500530.

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AbstractIn this contribution a new group of documents, individualized by the writer, is introduced. It is connected to the ancient city of Zalpa on the Black Sea and is entitled “Celebrations in the Zalpuwa Land” (CTH 667): the religious ceremonies described, as well as several participants and the majority of the places mentioned in these tablets, don’t find parallel in Hittite documentation known to us. On the basis of the analyzed elements, it is proposed to assign the colophon of the funerary ritual for the sovereign, IBoT 2.130 to these texts; moreover, it is held that, unlike the scenario that up until now has been reconstructed, the region of Zalpa was recovered once again by the Hittites in the imperial period.

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20

Durnford, S. P. B., and J. R. Akeroyd. "Anatolian marashanha and the many uses of fennel." Anatolian Studies 55 (December 2005): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000624.

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AbstractThe Hittites used the seeds of a particular plant, now known to have been called marashanha, in a ritual for cursing a conquered city to ensure its desolation. Other parts of the same plant provided food and medicine. We have combined textual, botanical, linguistic and herbalist evidence to propose that marashanha denoted at least one species of fennel. This plant readily colonises deserted habitation sites and possesses properties in common with marashanha. We further propose that the Anatolian word ‘marashanha’ has a common origin with the Greek word for fennel, ‘marath(r)o-’, and that the impact of folk etymology on the latter reflects the use of fennel as a female contraceptive. Fennel's ability to inhibit conception accords with the barrenness which the Hittite ritual sought to impose upon a conquered city.

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21

Mouton, Alice. "Mark Weeden, Hittite Logograms and Hittite Scholarship." Syria, no. 89 (January 1, 2012): 402–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/syria.1037.

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22

Canby, Jeanny Vorys. "Hittite Art." Biblical Archaeologist 52, no. 2-3 (June 1989): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210203.

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23

Carter, Charles, Silvin Kos̆ak, and Silvin Kosak. "Hittite Inventories." Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 3 (July 1986): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602118.

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24

Beal, Richard H., and Albertine Hagenbuchner. "Hittite Correspondence." Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, no. 2 (April 1993): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603028.

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25

Jr., James R. Getz, and Itamar Singer. "Hittite Prayers." Journal of Biblical Literature 123, no. 1 (2004): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268554.

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26

Lebrun, René, Itamar Singer, Harry A. Hoffner, and Rene Lebrun. "Hittite Prayers." Journal of the American Oriental Society 124, no. 1 (January 2004): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4132178.

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27

Miller, Jared L. "Hittite Notes." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 54, no. 1 (January 2002): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1360045.

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28

Alexandrov, Boris Е., and Аndrej V. Sideltsev. "Hittite āššweni." Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 103, no. 1 (2009): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.103.0059.

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29

Beckman, Gary, Warren H. Held, William R. Schmalstieg, and Janet E. Gertz. "Beginning Hittite." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 3 (July 1991): 658. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604321.

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30

Garrett, Andrew, Warren H. Held, William R. Schmalstieg, and Janet E. Gertz. "Beginning Hittite." Language 67, no. 2 (June 1991): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415139.

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31

Mouton, Alice. "Sorcellerie Hittite." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 62, no. 1 (January 2010): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jcs41103875.

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32

Kryszeń, Adam. "Hittite Toponymy." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 1 (July 10, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0001.

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Abstract This article provides an up-to-date overview of the collection of toponyms in the Hittite corpus. It discusses the general features of the inventory of place names and their distribution according to various criteria, including dating, language and specific context. Particular attention is paid to the geographic typology of toponyms applied by the Hittite scribes (from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives). It is hoped such a general sketch could offer comparative material for broader, more inclusive studies on the geographical concepts in the Ancient Near East.

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33

Carter, Charles. "Hittite ḫašḫaš-." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 44, no. 2 (April 1985): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373116.

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34

Sideltsev, Andrei V. "Hittite prosody." Indogermanische Forschungen 123, no. 1 (August 1, 2018): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0005.

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Abstract This paper deals with the prosody of the Hittite sentence connectives nu, šu, ta. It is argued that bare sentence connectives are unstressed, being proclitics, whereas sentence connectives+ encliticsare stressed. Some implications for diachronic and synchronic phonology of Hittite are also discussed.

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Sideltsev, Andrej V. "Hittite Anaphora." Archiv orientální 84, no. 1 (May 4, 2016): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.84.1.75-104.

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Two aspects of anaphora in Hittite are discussed in this paper. The first is a syntactic means of marking immediate anaphora after the first mention. Besides fronting a constituent hosting -a/ma and demonstrative phrases, it is shown that this specific type of anaphora is also marked by the seemingly redundant structure of an enclitic pronoun + full NP in its canonical position. It is argued that the parallel syntactic behaviour of all three constructions provides evidence that distinguishes some cases of enclitic pronoun + full NP from appositions, allowing them to be considered as a taxonomically distinct category, i.e., clitic doubling. The second part of the paper deals with non-standard anaphora in relative clauses. It explores the occasional associate anaphoric relationship between the relative phrase and its correlate (bridging) in a cross-linguistic perspective. It is shown that this non-standard anaphora provides additional evidence that Hittite relative sentences are not standard but rather that they constitute a separate taxonomic category, i.e., correlatives.

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Cline, E. H. "Aššuwa and the Achaeans: the ‘Mycenaean’ sword at Hattušas and its possible implications." Annual of the British School at Athens 91 (November 1996): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016439.

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It has been suggested that the inscribed bronze sword found at Hattušas in 1991 is a Mycenaean type B sword which may be used as evidence for Hittites fighting in the Trojan war against the Mycenaeans and for a historical background to the Trojan war. The present independent investigation of the sword indicates that it may well be a variant of an Aegean type B sword, but might reflect Mycenaean influence rather than outright manufacture. Moreover, a variety of evidence suggests that the sword must be interpreted in the light of events occurring not during the Trojan war, but some two hundred years prior to that war. It is possible that Mycenaean involvement in the Aššuwa rebellion c.1430 BC was recorded in contemporary Hittite documents and remembered in later Greek tradition as the legendary pre-Trojan war exploits of Achilles and other Achaean heroes in NW Anatolia.

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Gerçek, N. İlgi. "Hittite Geographers: Geographical Perceptions and Practices in Hittite Anatolia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (June 26, 2018): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0026.

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AbstractHittite archives are remarkably rich in geographical data. A diverse array of documents has yielded, aside from thousands of geographical names (of towns, territories, mountains, and rivers), detailed descriptions of the Hittite state’s frontiers and depictions of landscape and topography. Historical geography has, as a result, occupied a central place in Hittitological research since the beginnings of the field. The primary aim of scholarship in this area has been to locate (precisely) or localize (approximately) regions, towns, and other geographical features, matching Hittite geographical names with archaeological sites, unexcavated mounds, and—whenever possible—with geographical names from the classical period. At the same time, comparatively little work has been done on geographical thinking in Hittite Anatolia: how and for what purpose(s) was geographical information collected, organized, and presented? How did those who produce the texts imagine their world and their homeland, “the Land of Hatti?” How did they characterize other lands and peoples they came into contact with? Concentrating on these questions, the present paper aims to extract from Hittite written sources their writers’ geographical conceptions and practices. It is argued that the acquisition and management of geographical information was an essential component of the Hittite Empire’s administrative infrastructure and that geographical knowledge was central to the creation of a Hittite homeland.

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Beal, Richard H., and Gary Beckman. "Hittite Diplomatic Texts." Journal of the American Oriental Society 121, no. 3 (July 2001): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606683.

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Sideltsev, Andrej V. "Hittite Clause Architecture." Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 109, no. 1 (2015): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.109.0079.

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Traverse, Alfred. "ANYONE FOR HITTITE?" TAXON 39, no. 2 (May 1990): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1223032.

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Salus, Peter H., and Jaan Puhvel. "Hittite Etymological Dictionary." Language 61, no. 3 (September 1985): 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414405.

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Zorman, Marina. "Modality in Hittite." Historical Linguistics 126, no. 1 (November 2013): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2013.126.1.127.

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Watson, W. G. E. "Review: Hittite Prayers." Journal of Semitic Studies 50, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgi011.

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Inglese, Guglielmo, and Simone Mattiola. "Pluractionality in Hittite." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 73, no. 2 (August 27, 2020): 261–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2020-2003.

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AbstractHittite features three derivational suffixes, i.e., -ške/a-, -šša-, and -anna/i-, that attach to verbs and are commonly described as expressing a number of imperfective-like functions. So far, the distribution and use of these suffixes has defied a satisfactory explanation. Whereas some scholars argue that they operate within the domain of lexical aspect, others view them as associated with the encoding of grammatical imperfective aspect. In this paper, we focus on the interpretation of -ške/a- and argue that a better understanding of the nature of this suffix can be achieved if one frames its description within the typology of pluractional constructions. As we show, the range of polyfunctionality of -ške/a- fully complies with the cross-linguistic behavior of pluractional markers. We also provide a tentative diachronic scenario that accounts for the rise of such polyfunctionality out of the original semantic core of the suffix.

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Windekens, A. J. Van. "Problèmes d’etymologie hittite." Indogermanische Forschungen 94, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-1989-0108.

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Sazonov, Vladimir, and Joanna Töyräänvuori. "Jumalad sõjas: jumalik toetus ja sõdade teoloogiline õigustamine muistses Anatoolias ja Põhja-Süürias." Mäetagused 82 (April 2022): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2022.82.sazonov_toyraanvuori.

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As we can see, divine support, divine intervention, and an ideology of (divine) warfare developed in the Hittite world throughout the whole of Hittite history and became better formulated and more complex with the passing of time, reaching their apex during the New Kingdom Period. If we can observe barely any divine support for Anitta’s deeds in the Text of Anitta, then Ḫattušili I, who ruled 100 years later, already elaborated this phenomenon more explicitly and referred to gods in support of his aggressive politics and military actions (The Annals of Ḫattušili I). The phenomenon of divine support for war can be found in an even more sophisticated and developed manner during the New Kingdom, in the Annals of Tudḫaliya I, in the Manly Deeds of Šuppiluliuma and in the annals written by Muršili II, etc. In some cases, we even have outright theological justification of wars. As we can see, ideology, religion, and theology played an insignificant role in conflict and warfare and especially in the divine support of war in Hittite Anatolia at the time of Anitta in the 18th century BCE. This, however, changed dramatically across the time, and in the Annals of Ḫattušili I, the role of gods increased considerably, and the king began to refer to the gods in justification for his actions (also in war). Later, in the epoch of the New Kingdom, since the time of Tudḫaliya I, and especially since Muršili II, the role of the gods became even more elaborate and sophisticated, and the kings mention several gods or a group of gods, instead of only two or three of them (as was done by Ḫattušili I) which helped them in wars and in military campaigns. We have several pieces of evidence from Hittite sources in which the ruler uses proper theological justification for his military campaign or for the invasion of another country, and the most elaborate of these are the annals of Muršili II. Similar themes of divine support and the occasional theological justification of war are also found in the texts of the vassal kingdoms of the Hittite Empire, with the exception that, on the ideological level, the Hittite kings were the representatives of the gods for the Syrian kings. This is a clear difference between the texts from the core area of the Hittite Empire and the texts from the kingdoms of the Hittite ambit. Many of the wars fought by the major international players of the Late Bronze Age were fought on the battlefields of North Syria, which is why war is a common occurrence in the texts of the peoples based there. Unlike in the Hittite texts, the petitioning of the gods before military undertakings is a common trope in the texts from Ugarit and Alalaḫ. The same may have been true of the other Syrian vassals of the Hittite kings, but fewer texts have remained from them. These petitions were also accompanied by rituals meant to ascertain good fortunes in war. The petitioned deities changed depending on the place of origin of the petitioner and the place that was attacked. Both one’s ancestral gods and the gods of the enemy needed to be respected for a campaign to be successful, and peace could also be made on behalf of the gods of both parties only. In the North Syrian kingdoms, proper conduct of war concerned not only the present but also the past and future generations. A victory or defeat could be decided by the conduct of one’s ancestors, and teaching one’s descendants the proper way to petition the gods for success in war was supremely important. While the storm god was likely the most important deity concerning the theological justification of war among the North Syrian kingdoms, this role of the god is not always clearly formulated in the texts. Goddesses were also petitioned for success in war, but there was a clear difference in how common soldiers and kings apprehended the gods, especially the widely popular warrior goddess Anat. While soldiers and warriors looked to the goddess for success in battle, she functioned as the nursemaid of the king. While the petitioning of divine support for military undertakings was likely shared by kings across the entire ancient Near East, Anatolia and North Syria formed a cultural ambit where influences were readily exchanged both from Anatolia to Syria and from Syria to Anatolia. In the texts from these areas, we can see details and motifs that are particular to either region but also themes that are shared by both areas. It is noticeable that the political relationship of overlord and vassal or subject kingdom can be seen not only in the political correspondence of the kingdoms but also on the ideological level, in the texts that the Hittites wrote for their own gods and the Syrians wrote for theirs. The hierarchical relationships of the kingdoms of Anatolia and North Syria are so ingrained that they influenced the very core of how the divine support of war was formulated in the texts.

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Uchitel, Alexander. "Land-Tenure in Mycenaean Greece and the Hittite Empire: Linear B Land-surveys from Pylos and Middle Hittite Land-Donations." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48, no. 4 (2005): 473–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852005774918787.

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AbstractThe article is a comparative study of Mycenaean Greek and Hittite land-tenure systems. It is based upon a systematic comparison of two groups of documents: land-registers (the so-called E-series) from Pylos and Middle Hittite land-donations. The traditional interpretation of both Mycenaean Greek and Hittite documents is challenged and alternative interpretations are offered. Thus, on the Mycenaean side, the construction with the preposition pa-ro is reinterpreted, and on the Hittite side an entirely new interpretation of a Hittite expression pir-sahhanas is offered. Both land-tenure systems are interpreted as two manifestations of compulsory labour service of small landholders attached to large agricultural estates. Cet article est une étude comparative des systèmes de tenue de la terre dans la Grèce mycénienne et l'empire hittite. Elle est fondée sur une comparaison systématique de deux groupes de documents : les registres de la terre (appelés la série E) de Pylos et les donations de terre moyenne hittite. L'interprétation traditionnelle des documents mycénien et hittite est ici remise en question et une nouvelle explication est offerte. Ainsi, du côté mycénien, la construction avec la préposition pa-ro est réinterprétée, et du côté hittite une interprétation entièrement nouvelle de l'expression pir-sahhanas est proposée. Les deux systèmes de tenue de la terre sont interprétés comme deux manifestations d'un service de travail obligatoire dus par des petits propriétaires attachés à des grandes propriétés agricoles.

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Kudrinski, Maksim. "Hittite heterographic writings and their interpretation." Indogermanische Forschungen 121, no. 1 (November 1, 2016): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2016-0009.

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Abstract All attested texts in the Hittite language along with the phonetic writings of Hittite lexemes make broad use of Sumerian and Akkadian morphemes, words and word combinations conveying the meaning of corresponding Hittite elements. This article questions the common assumption that all foreign elements were read and dictated in proper Hittite and presents evidence suggesting that in some cases word combinations underlying Sumerian and Akkadian writings cannot be interpreted as grammatical Hittite strings because of their different syntactic properties. The phenomena discussed in the article are most likely due to the features of the scribal jargon heavily influenced by the Sumero-Akkadian scribal tradition.

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Kloekhorst, Alwin, and Willemijn Waal. "A Hittite Scribal Tradition Predating the Tablet Collections of Ḫattuša?" Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 109, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2019-0014.

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Abstract This article discusses the origins of a group of four Hittite OS tablets, which share some unique and peculiar features with respect to their shape, spelling conventions and palaeography. It argues that these four tablets are the oldest documents of the Hittite corpus, and that they were not created in Ḫattuša, but have been imported from elsewhere. Originally, they belonged to an older writing tradition, predating the establishment of Ḫattuša as the Hittite capital. This implies that the royal tablet collections in Ḫattuša do not reflect the very first beginnings of Hittite cuneiform, but only the start of a royal administration there. The typical Hittite ductus was already created in the 18th century BCE – in Kuššara, Nēša or elsewhere in Anatolia.

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Bachvarova, Mary R. "Multiformity in the Song of Ḫedammu." Altorientalische Forschungen 45, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2018-0001.

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AbstractA new analysis of the narrative tradition of the Hurro-Hittite Song of Ḫedammu is presented, arguing that two separate Hittite versions can be reconstructed, one relatively condensed, the other more prolix. Such multiformity supports the postulation of an oral tradition lying behind the scribal production of Hurro-Hittite narrative song at Ḫattuša.

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