Relevant bibliographies by topics / History, Politics and International Relations

Academic literature on the topic 'History, Politics and International Relations'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "History, Politics and International Relations"

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Pitts, Jennifer. "International relations and the critical history of International Law." International Relations 31, no. 3 (September 2017): 282–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817726227.

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Just as the contemporary global structure is a product of nineteenth-century economic and political developments, namely, industrial capitalism and global empires dominated by European metropoles, a misleading conception of the international system as composed of formally equal sovereign states is a product of the same period, as Vattel’s conception of states as equal moral persons was taken up and transformed in the early nineteenth century, especially in imperial Britain. This model continues to shape interpretations of global politics in International Relations (IR), despite the persistence of the imperial legacy in the form of a stratified globe. Historical work informed by postcolonial studies and recent scholarship in International Law can give IR greater analytical and critical purchase on the current global order.
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Wałdoch, Marcin. "The meandres of politics of history in the III Polish Republic territorial self-governments units." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XIV (June 3, 2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2525.

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The politics of history is an object of viral studies, and researches about this phenomenon of political life is constantly deepen. In relations to the international space there are plenty of studies about individual states politic of history, but there are no such studies about local politics, and local societies in relation to the centres of political life. Author highlighted some phenomenon of politics of history of the III Polish Republic’s self-government in the perspective of the theory of centre-periphery. Some conclusions after research make it possible to show some phenomenon of political life such as: political fight between local and national political elites on politics of history; tensions between centre and periphery; shredded collective memory which is dependent of different spaces of local life; collective memory is overcomed by “privatisation and individualisation”.
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Agensky, Jonathan C. "Recognizing religion: Politics, history, and the “long 19th century”." European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 4 (January 12, 2017): 729–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066116681428.

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Analyses of religion and international politics routinely concern the persistence of religion as a critical element in world affairs. However, they tend to neglect the constitutive interconnections between religion and political life. Consequently, religion is treated as exceptional to mainstream politics. In response, recent works focus on the relational dimensions of religion and international politics. This article advances an “entangled history” approach that emphasizes the constitutive, relational, and historical dimensions of religion — as a practice, discursive formation, and analytical category. It argues that these public dimensions of religion share their conditions of possibility and intelligibility in a political order that crystallized over the long 19th century. The neglect of this period has enabled International Relations to treat religion with a sense of closure at odds with the realities of religious political behavior and how it is understood. Refocusing on religion’s historical entanglements recovers the concept as a means of explaining international relations by “recognizing” how it is constituted as a category of social life. Beyond questions of the religious and political, this article speaks to renewed debates about the role of history in International Relations, proposing entanglement as a productive framing for international politics more generally.
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Puchala, Donald J. "The History of the Future of International Relations." Ethics & International Affairs 8 (March 1994): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1994.tb00164.x.

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Most of the significant philosophies of history, ” Pitirim Sorokin observed, and “most of the intelligible interpretations of historical events…have…appeared either in periods of serious crisis, catastrophe, and transitional disintegration, or immediately More or alter such periods.” The twentieth century has been an age of continuing crisis in world politics. In terms of lives sacrificed to political idols, our century, in almost every interpretation, has been a profound catastrophe. This century's last decade is indeed a time of transitional disintegration.
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ARMITAGE, DAVID. "THE FIFTY YEARS' RIFT: INTELLECTUAL HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Modern Intellectual History 1, no. 1 (April 2004): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244303000027.

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Georg Cavallar, The Rights of Strangers: Theories of International Hospitality, the Global Community, and Political Justice since Vitoria (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002)Jonathan Haslam, No Virtue Like Necessity: Realist Thought in International Relations since Machiavelli (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002)Edward Keene, Beyond the Anarchical Society: Grotius, Colonialism and Order in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)
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Wohlforth, William C. "Anarchy Is What Explains the History of International Relations." MGIMO Review of International Relations 64, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-1-64-7-18.

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The article examines the major events of the two previous centuries of international relations through main concepts of political realism. The author argues that in order to understand the present dilemmas and challenges of international politics, we need to know the past. Every current major global problem has historical antecedents. History from the late 19th century constitutes the empirical foundation of much theoretical scholarship on international politics. The breakdown of the Concert of Europe and the outbreak of the devastating global conflagration of World War I are the events that sparked the modern study of international relations. The great war of 1914 to 1918 underlined the tragic wastefulness of the institution of war. It caused scholars to confront one of the most enduring puzzles of the study of international relations, why humans continue to resort to this self-destructive method of conflict resolution? The article shows that the main explanation is the anarchical system of international relations. It produces security dilemma, incentives to free ride and uncertainty of intentions among great powers making war a rational tool to secure their national interests.
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Keenes, Ernie. "History and International Relations: Long Cycles of World Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 1 (March 1993): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900002493.

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Prior, Alex, and Yuri Van Hoef. "Interdisciplinary Approaches to Emotions in Politics and International Relations." Politics and Governance 6, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i4.1822.

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The ‘emotional turn’ within the social sciences and humanities attracts increasing scholarly attention. Political Science, traditionally emphasising the ‘rational’ public sphere rather than the ‘emotional’ private sphere, has increasingly questioned this dichotomisation, identifying broader political concepts and practices. The international political process—frequently characterised by widespread distrust, populist campaigns and extreme rhetoric—necessitates addressing and examining its underlying emotions. Informal, affective manifestations of politics are enormously influential, profoundly shaping inter- and intra-national democracy; they accordingly require interdisciplinary study. This thematic issue of <em>Politics and Governance</em> includes disciplines as diverse as education, history, international relations, political theory, psychology, and sociology. In doing so, we illustrate that emotions are cross-disciplinary concerns, relevant beyond the study of politics.
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Nicolle, David. "B: Reviews: Politics and International Relations." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 32, no. 1 (May 2005): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530190500081659.

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Myšička, Stanislav. "Gagliardone, Iginio. 2019. China, Africa, and the Future of the Internet. London: Zed Books." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 9, no. 1 (October 1, 2021): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v9i1.403.

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He holds a PhD and is Assistant Professor at the Department of Politics, Philosophical Faculty, University of Hradec Králové, Czech Republic. He specialises in Chinese modern history, Chinese foreign politics, international relations in Asia, and the history of Asian political thinking. He is the author of the book John Rawls a Teorie Mezinárodních Vztahů [John Rawls and the Theory of International Relations]. E-mail: stanislav.mysicka@uhk.cz
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "History, Politics and International Relations"

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Goodman, Joshua Ross. "Negotiating Counterinsurgency| The Politics of Strategic Adaptation." Thesis, Yale University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10957325.

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What explains the tendency of counterinsurgents to adopt and retain ineffective strategies? Under what conditions do counterinsurgents replace ineffective strategies and what factors shape the strategies eventually adopted? While most studies explaining poor counterinsurgent performance focus on the preferences and pathologies of military organizations, I shift attention to civilian policymakers, explaining strategic choice as the product of their political preferences and the wider political and grand strategic pressures they face. By distinguishing between policymaking principals and bureaucratic agents tasked with implementing strategy, two challenges to successful adaptation can be identified: the challenge of decision, in which policymakers must overcome pressures to retain existing strategies, and implementation, in which policymakers must ensure agents tasked with implementing strategy comply with strategic directives. A solution to each is individually necessary, and together they are jointly sufficient for adaptation.

Counterinsurgency strategy is selected by policymaking principals who arbitrate between the competing recommendations of their bureaucratic agents and advisors. Because policymaker preferences are shaped by their wide responsibilities, an important determinant of counterinsurgency strategy is to be found in the way strategy impacts policymakers' core interests, notably their wider foreign policy objectives and their political security, both of which shape the objectives and strategies of a counterinsurgency campaign. As long as the political and geostrategic pressures that led counterinsurgents to select current strategies persist, counterinsurgents retain ineffective strategy. When domestic political or geostrategic changes lead policymakers to perceive that existing strategies have become liabilities for these higher priority issues, their preferences shift in favor of alternate strategies. Policymakers also face the challenge of ensuring all agents implement policymakers' preferred strategy rather than pursue their own preferred ends using their preferred means. The most effective solution is to empower a single agent, whose preferences most closely align with those of policymakers, to direct the campaign.

I combine comparative analysis and process tracing, drawing on case studies from the 20th century British Empire. Beginning in the British Mandate for Palestine, I draw on a most similar comparison of two phases of the Palestinian Rebellion (1936, 1937-39) and the Jewish Rebellion (1945-1947), each demonstrating a different outcome: 1936 represents a case of successful decision but failed implementation; 1938 represents a case of successful decision and successful implementation; and 1946-7 represents a case of failed decision. Each is then matched to a most-different extension from Malaya and Ireland.

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Dumitrescu, Theodor. "The early Tudor court and international musical relations /." Aldershot [u.a.] : Ashgate, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016142806&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Revised Thesis (doctoral)--University of Oxford, 2004.
Foreign cultural models at the English royal court -- International events and musical exchanges -- Building a foreign musical establishment at the early Tudor court -- Anglo-continental relations in music manuscripts -- English music theory and the international traditions. Includes bibliographical references (p. [297]-315) and index.
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Bosley, Christopher C. "A grand unified theory of world politics| The stability imperative and reifying imagined communities in a global society." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10240576.

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The emerging global structure is wrought with tension. The contemporary international system, marshaled by the communications-and-information revolution and characterized by dense interaction capacities among transnational actors, can be conceived as a global society wherein a common normative framework guides and constrains state behavior. Its intersection with revisionist rising powers harboring intentions to mold that framework to reflect their own preferences risks an ambiguous standard of behavior, confusion, and a clash of norms that threatens to transform the cohesion that underpins accord in the global society into chaos. As the state upon whose values and principles the existing international system is based upon, it is the responsibility of the United States to ensure the stability and viability of that system and – as far as other states are expected to conform to the normative standards thereof – its ability to accommodate the development of the states within it. The United States has traditionally promoted the democratic peace as the key stabilizing mechanism in the international system. While fully institutionalized democracies may be more stable and less aggressive than other forms of government, however, emerging democracies tend to be extraordinarily violent as self-rule precipitates secessionist wars, pathological homogenization, and ethnic cleansing as “the people” are defined and those excluded are sorted out. In regions beset by the legacies of colonialism and multi-ethnic empires, wherein state boundaries were arbitrarily drawn to aggregate and divide a complex mosaic of social identity groups, the results are national cascades fueling pervasive identity-driven conflict in a struggle to reify into the primary organizing structure of modernity: the nation-state.

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Edelman, Ross David. "Cyberattacks in international relations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1d71a7a-7680-4f97-b98d-a41a4b484fda.

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New methods of conflict and coercion can prompt tectonic shifts in the international system, reconfiguring power, institutions, and norms of state behavior. Cyberattacks, coercive acts that disrupt or destroy the digital infrastructure on which states increasingly rely, have the potential to be such a tool — but only if put into practice. This study examines which forces in the international system might restrain state use of cyberattacks, even when they are militarily advantageous. To do so I place this novel technology in the context of existing international regimes, employing an analogical approach that identifies the salient aspects of cyberattacks, and compares them to prior weapons and tactics that share those attributes. Specifically, this study considers three possible restraints on state behavior: rationalist deterrence, the jus ad bellum regime governing the resort to force, and incompatibility with the jus in bello canon of law defining just conduct in war. First, I demonstrate that cyberattacks frustrate conventional deterrence models, and invite, instead, a novel form of proto-competition I call ‘structural deterrence.’ Recognizing that states have not yet grounded their sweeping claims about the acceptability of cyberattacks in any formal analysis, I consider evidence from other prohibited uses of force or types of weaponry to defining whether cyberattacks are ‘legal’ in peacetime or ‘usable’ in wartime. Whereas previous studies of cyberattacks have focused primarily on policy guidance for a single state or limited analysis of the letter of international law, this study explicitly relates international law to state decision-making and precedent. It draws together previously disparate literature across strategic studies, international law, and diplomatic history to offer conclusions applicable beyond any single technology, and of increasing importance as states’ dependence on technology grows.
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Castro, e. Almeida Manuel. "Defective polities : a history of an idea of international society." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/654/.

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This thesis is about the idea of defective polities. It addresses two important understandings in the literature which inform current theory and practice surrounding failed states. First, the thesis addresses the conventional standpoint that the end of the Cold War generated a new challenge for international society, widely known as the challenge of failed states. It aims to counter the ahistoricism of the literature on failed states in IR and cognate fields by showing that the nature of the issue of ‘failed states’ precedes the emergence of the concept in post-Cold War international society. Second, we respond to the view that international law/the doctrine and norm of state sovereignty have been essentially instruments in the hands of the most powerful members of international society, often used to justify practices of imperial and colonial nature. According to this perspective international law/state sovereignty explain or are crucial in the perpetuation of the idea and category of defective polities. By looking at the history of the relationship between the doctrine and norm of state sovereignty and the idea and category of defective polities, our aim is to show that these views about the role of international law are, to a great extent, misleading. Bearing in mind the possibility that concepts perform functions, the central hypothesis this thesis will be testing is the following: failed states are the latest of a number of concepts prevalent in international society that refer, or did so in the past, to the idea and category of defective polities. Although this argument implies a sense of continuity, the history of this idea is characterised by an evolving normative context. Thus, this thesis combines an English School approach with history of ideas, a meta-theoretical choice that is simultaneously sensitive to notions of continuity and change. This framework involves an attempt to: (a) identify and comprehend these concepts; (b) understand what functions these concepts served; (c) shed light on the kind of motives and legitimating arguments used by the actors uttering the concepts; and (d) understand if and how conceptual changes are related to normative changes in international society.
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Nickel, Jeffrey B. "United States' Foreign Policy during the Haitian Revolution: A Story of Continuity, Power Politics, and the Lure of Empire in the Early Republic." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626323.

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Reminiskey, Edward I. C. "CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: THE POLITICS OF INTEGRATION, ENGAGEMENT, AND DISSENT, 2008-2016." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/807.

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This thesis is a comprehensive interpretation of European political history in the periodization from 2008 to 2016. The history begins with an exploration of the intellectual and political origins of the post-World War II project of European integration and the development of, and opposition to, the early institutions that eventually formed the contemporary assemblage of the European Union. Following a traditionally structured history, this work is styled as a ‘history of the present’ that specifies the role of the European Union in precipitating and attempting to overcome the financial and monetary crises, foreign policy quandaries on its Eastern periphery, an unmanageable escalation in migration rates, and the materialization of Eurosceptic, populist, and anti-establishment political actors at European and national levels. The specific arrangement of this thesis intends to fulfill its ultimate purpose of identifying the dynamic circumstances that aided the outcome of the United Kingdom referendum to leave the European Union.
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Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.

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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.

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Carolyn, Cadena A. "The Politics of History Education: An Exploration of Revisionist History and Educating for the Enrichment of Democracy, Community, and International Cooperation." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1250681787.

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Bender, Michael Mclean. "History, Identity Politics and Securitization: Religion's Role in the Establishment of Indian-Israeli Diplomatic Relations and Future Prospects for Cooperation." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2484.

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This dissertation aims to provide an understanding of the historical and contemporary dynamics of India’s foreign policy towards Israel within the context of religious identity from 1947 to 2015. A historical analysis of the relationship between India and Israel exhibits the ways that religious identity has served as a primary factor impeding as well as facilitating relations between the two nations. The analysis was done within the context of the historical Hindu-Muslim relationship in India and how the legacy of this relationship, in India’s effort to maintain positive relations with the Arab-Muslim world, worked to inhibit relations with Israel prior to normalization in 1992. However, the five years leading up to normalization, and thereafter, the dynamic is reversed with this legacy playing an increasingly progressive role in India-Israel relations via the social construction of shared meanings and identities between India’s Hindu majority with Israel’s Jewish majority. Social construction of shared meanings and identities are based, in part, within an historical/modern-day context of conflict with a minority, religious Other (Islam), and through bridges of connection based in other historical, cultural, social, and religious areas. Formal interviews, archival primary-source analysis of government documents, and secondary-source review were methods employed in the evaluation of the role of religion in India’s foreign policy towards Israel. In conclusion, this dissertation demonstrates the normative and functional effects that religious identities have played, and continue to play, in determining India’s foreign policy towards Israel given the fundamental role religious identity has historically played in the structuring of social perceptions, interactions and worldviews within Indian society up and through the present-day.
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Books on the topic "History, Politics and International Relations"

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1949-, Kent John, ed. International relations since 1945: A global history. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

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Holsti, K. J. International politics: A framework for analysis. 5th ed. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall International, 1988.

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International politics: A framework for analysis. 7th ed. London: Prentice-Hall International, 1995.

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Holsti, K. J. International politics: A framework for analysis. 7th ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1995.

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Holsti, K. J. International politics: A framework for analysis. 5th ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, 1987.

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Holsti, K. J. International politics: A framework for analysis. 6th ed. London: Prentice-Hall International, 1992.

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Holsti, K. J. International politics: A framework for analysis. 6th ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1992.

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Ray, James Lee. Global politics. 3rd ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987.

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Ray, James Lee. Global politics. 9th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2008.

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Juliet, Kaarbo, ed. Global politics. 8th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "History, Politics and International Relations"

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Callahan, William A. "Chinese Exceptionalism and the Politics of History." In Asian Thought on China's Changing International Relations, 17–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137299338_2.

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de Graaf, Beatrice. "Taming the Evil Passions: Moderation in the International Relations." In The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History, 89–107. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27415-3_5.

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Iñiguez de Heredia, Marta. "Re-engaging History and Global Politics in the Accounts of the Contemporary Conflict in the DRC." In Recentering Africa in International Relations, 59–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67510-7_3.

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Gribenski, Fanny. "Negotiating the Pitch: For a Diplomatic History of A, at the Crossroads of Politics, Music, Science and Industry." In International Relations, Music and Diplomacy, 173–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63163-9_8.

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Carr, Madeline. "A (Select) Political History of the Internet." In US Power and the Internet in International Relations, 45–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137550248_3.

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Kerr, Philippa. "The Politics and History of Numbers in Intergroup Relations and Conflict Research." In The Routledge International Handbook of Discrimination, Prejudice and Stereotyping, 231–43. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429274558-16.

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Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. "Salafism: A Brief History." In The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy, 11–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18089-7_3.

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Linklater, Andrew. "Freedom and History in the Political Theory of International Relations." In Men and Citizens in the Theory of International Relations, 139–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20867-8_8.

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Williams, Howard. "Political Philosophy and World History: The Examples of Hegel and Kant." In International Relations and the Limits of Political Theory, 110–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24940-4_8.

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Williams, Howard. "Political Philosophy and the Philosophy of History in Hegel’s Essay on the English Reform Bill." In International Relations and the Limits of Political Theory, 29–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24940-4_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "History, Politics and International Relations"

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Özgün, Tevfik Orçun, and Onur Koçak. "Turkey-Macedonia Relations from Cultural and Historical Perspective." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00975.

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Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.
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Karabushenko, Pavel, and Ekaterina Gainutdinova. "The concept of Greater Eurasia and geopolitics." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.dxyu5419.

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In modern international relations, the emphasis of dominance is beginning to shift more and more from the Western part of the political map of the world to the East. Countries that were previously in colonial dependence on the West (China, India) are beginning to challenge international leadership. Against this background, at the beginning of the XXI century, the concept of Greater Eurasia began to take shape and gradually develop, as a desire to acquire subjectivity and an attempt to establish a new hierarchy of geopolitical leadership. Geopolitical geometry plays an important role in the analysis of these processes, which delineates the Eurasian space in accordance with the currently available geopolitical strategies of the leading world powers. And in this geometry, the Caspian region is increasingly emerging, to which the properties of the axial region of Eurasia are increasingly being attributed. The axial region means a certain space that has an increased degree of attraction (economic, cultural, political), which determines the course of history and politics. As the political history of Eurasia shows, most often significant events and vast empires (Persia, Horde, Russia, etc.) arose precisely in the area of the so-called "Caspian Gate" connecting the expanses of Europe and Asia. This work analyzes the concept of Greater Eurasia through the prism of its geopolitical assessment and the role played in its development by its axial region – the Greater Caspian region.
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Fuentes, Gabriel. "The Politics of Memory: Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.

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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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Emilova, Irena. "The Anti-Crisis Management in The Process of Global Integration." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/05.

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The global integration demands a theoretical understanding and characterization of anti-crisis management. On the one hand, it is associated with changes, which not only create opportunities, but also raise a number of difficulties, and on the other - with the necessity of a concept, combining different approaches. The globalization has various dimensions. It is the subject of discussion by the researchers of many scientific fields - sociology, economics, geography, politics, international relations, culture, technique and technology, history, demographics and more. The definitions of the specialist of policy and international relations are interpreted as a accelerating and improving transnational nature of the relationship between the partners and establishment an international order with help of the UN and other international organizations. The anti-crisis management is a relatively new area of scientific knowledge. In the process of globalization, changes in economic, political, social and spiritual environment, there are expanding opportunities but also pose serious constraints to its theoretical study and practical application. This paper examining with some aspects of the anti-crisis management in the process of global integration. Clarified are the main requirements for anti-crisis management as a system, as a set of mechanisms and processes, specific technologies and management styles. It discusses factors that determine the effectiveness of anti-crisis management. There is substantiating necessity of interpretation on the need for new specific features in management thinking.
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Nasirova, Kamala. "Theoretical analysis of political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-192-200.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons in the system of international relations. If we look at our recent history, we can see that in fact, in the modern system of international relations, the factors that determine the international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons are political elements, political causes and threats, as well as international political and military security. Therefore, the article touches on the issue of ensuring both the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and the violated rights of refugees and internally displaced persons through counter-attack operations of Azerbaijan in September-November 2020.
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Sayamov, Yury. "DIPLOMACY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AS POLITICAL NOTIONS AND SUBJECTS OF THE EVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENT." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-200-211.

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The study investigates diplomacy and international relations as political notions and subjects of the evolutionary development. It contains new definitions of the notions of diplomacy and international relations proposed by the author. The article shows that the main way to carry out the international relations in the course of their evolution from ancient times till very recent have always been wars and conquests leaving not more than 5% of the whole time of the life of the humanity for its development in the absence of big devastating conflicts. The history of the forming of international relations the world over is followed from the first contact between the most early civilizations, through the river, see and ocean periods of human development to Westphal, Vienna, Versailles-Washington and Yalta-Potsdam systems. In the present situation, when the world is moving towards the multipolarity, diplomacy appears as ever more important.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. "PREACHERS OF DIALOGUE: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERFAITH THEOLOGY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bjxv1018.

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While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.
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Kazenkov, Oleg Iurevich. "History of Relations Between Argentina and Countries of Latin America and the United States in XXI Century." In All-Russian scientific and practical conference with international participation, Chair Dmitrij Nikolaevich Ermakov. Publishing house Sreda, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-97354.

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The article analyzes the history of difficult relations between the United States and Latin American countries in recent times. The author, using a wide source base, examines the prospects for US participation in the overthrow of legitimate political regimes in the States of the region.
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Çiftçi, Hakkı, and Murat Koç. "The New Geopolitical Environment of Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00756.

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The World Political Atlas has been reorganized, the direction of this reorganization is determined by shared sovereignty reflexes, and is applied through strategic decisions. Metropolitan and hinterland borders form the backbone of the newly formed world political atlas Various western- (or the US) origin approaches such as “Neo Liberal Colonialism” , The Clashes of Civilizations”, “The End of History”, and Eurasian Sovereignty”, introduced as the application components of the framework of sovereignty, attract particular attention as the primary sources of the newly formed political atlas . Within the embracing scope of the concept of globalization, “The new World Order” formed through a new political atmosphere with such concepts and claims as “postmodernism”, neo-liberalism”, “the end of history”, and “the cashes of civilizations” can neither maintain its validity nor is wholly embracing in its attempt to perceive the political future of the world . Instead of establishing a comprehensive reconciliatory platform, all of these concepts and claims reflect enormous controversy due to their characteristics leading to constant arguments and, therefore, result in new conflicts, new political actors, new relations of power, and new searches for sovereignty. New “geopolitical gaps” constitute the focus of sovereignty and power relations of the new process.
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Başeğmez, Nergiz, and Kerem Toker. "A Crossroad For Turkey: European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.

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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Reports on the topic "History, Politics and International Relations"

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Stelmakh, Marta. HISTORICAL CONTEXT IN THE COLLECTION OF ARTICLES BY TIMOTHY SNYDER «UKRAINIAN HISTORY, RUSSIAN POLITICS, EUROPEAN FUTURE». Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11098.

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The article examines the problem of the image formation of Ukraine in the international arena in the historical journalism of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the historical context in the journalistic collection «Ukrainian History, Russian Politics, European Future». It identifies the main considerations of the author on the past of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the need to develop historical consciousness in the fight against Russian manipulation. Methodology: the comparative, historical, system analysis and other methods are used in the process of scientific research. The results of the study were obtained by analysing the author’s journalistic works and by considering the main historical themes raised by Timothy Snyder. Main results: The historical context in Timothy Snyder’s journalism is often focused on the Holodomor and the events of World War II. After all, these events are connected with the beginning of the image formation of the Ukrainian people as supporters of Nazism by the Russian authorities and the devaluation of the Ukrainians’ contribution to the establishment of peace during the Second World War. It is determined that the non-reflective attitude to history, the inability to draw parallels between the events of the past and the future leads to an ineffective response to manipulation and propaganda, which can threaten world peace. Conclusions: the realization that Russian aggression against Ukraine has its own history is a necessary aspect in the elucidation of this issue. The Eurasian Union and cooperation with the European far-right are Russian propaganda tools that discredit the Ukrainian state in the world community. Publicist Timothy Snyder points out that Europe’s future interconnects with the past, so he emphasizes the need to study and rethink history, which today has become the object of propaganda and manipulation. Significance: The results of our study will help journalists who study the historical aspect of journalistic materials and research foreign materials on Ukrainian issues. In addition, our research is necessary for Ukraine, because Russia’s aggression continues, as well as the aggressor’s propaganda, which is based on the distortion and falsification of historical events.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Constantin, Sergiu. ECMI Minorities Blog. Romanians and Moldovans in Ukraine and their kin states’ engagement before and after the war – towards a triadic partnership for effective minority protection? European Centre for Minority Issues, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/kjkj1212.

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Ukraine recognizes Romanian and Moldovan as distinct minority languages, even though the official language of the Republic of Moldova is Romanian. This distinction between Romanian and Moldovan is not merely a symbolic matter, it has practical, negative consequences for members of the minority communities concerned. Since the 1990s, Ukrainian-Romanian relations have been affected by mutual distrust rooted in historical resentments, stereotypes, and prejudice at the level of both political elites and the general public. Moldova and Ukraine have experienced ups and downs in their bilateral relations due to the complex geopolitical context and growing Russian interference. The ongoing Russian war against Ukraine has had a strong impact on Moldova and Romania as well as on their kin minority communities in Ukraine. This war marks a turning point in history. It has caused tectonic shifts in global affairs, in the Euro-Atlantic community, and in national politics and interstate relations. Ukraine, Romania, and Moldova can turn the ongoing crisis into an opportunity to reset their (dysfunctional) bilateral relations. It is high time for a paradigm shift towards a new, enhanced triadic partnership which is able to ensure an effective system of minority protection.
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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.

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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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Carty, Anthony, and Jing Gu. Theory and Practice in China’s Approaches to Multilateralism and Critical Reflections on the Western ‘Rules-Based International Order’. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.057.

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China is the subject of Western criticism for its supposed disregard of the rules-based international order. Such a charge implies that China is unilateralist. The aim in this study is to explain how China does in fact have a multilateral approach to international relations. China’s core idea of a community of shared future of humanity shows that it is aware of the need for a universal foundation for world order. The Research Report focuses on explaining the Chinese approach to multilateralism from its own internal perspective, with Chinese philosophy and history shaping its view of the nature of rules, rights, law, and of institutions which should shape relationships. A number of case studies show how the Chinese perspectives are implemented, such as with regards to development finance, infrastructure projects (especially the Belt and Road Initiative), shaping new international organisations (such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), climate change, cyber-regulation and Chinese participation in the United Nations in the field of human rights and peacekeeping. Looking at critical Western opinion of this activity, we find speculation around Chinese motives. This is why a major emphasis is placed on a hermeneutic approach to China which explains how it sees its intentions. The heart of the Research Report is an exploration of the underlying Chinese philosophy of rulemaking, undertaken in a comparative perspective to show how far it resembles or differs from the Western philosophy of rulemaking.
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Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.

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Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.
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Racu, Alexandru. The Romanian Orthodox Church and Its Attitude towards the Public Health Measures Imposed during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Too Much for Some, Too Little for Others. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-3-racu.

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This paper discusses the religious dimension of the public debate concerning the public health measures adopted by the Romanian authorities during the pandemic and focuses on the role played by the Romanian Orthodox Church within this context. It delineates the different camps that were formed within the Church in this regard and traces their evolution throughout the pandemic. It contextualizes the position of the Church in order to better understand it, placing it within the broader context of the Romanian society during the pandemic and integrating it within the longer history of post-communist relations between the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian state and the Romanian civil society. It analyses the political impact of the public health measures and the role of the Church in shaping this impact. Finally, starting from the Romanian experience of the pandemic and from the ideological, theological and political disputes that it has generated within the Romanian public sphere, it develops some general conclusions regarding the relation between faith, science and politics whose relevance, if proven valid, surpasses the Romanian context and thus contributes to a more ecumenical discussion regarding the theological, pastoral and political lessons that can be learned from an otherwise tragic experience.
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Edstrom, Jerker, Ayesha Khan, Alan Greig, and Chloe Skinner. Grasping Patriarchal Backlash: A Brief for Smarter Countermoves. Institute of Development Studies, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/backlash.2023.002.

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Nearly three decades ago the UN World Conference on Women at Beijing appeared to be uniting the international community around the most progressive platform for women’s rights in history. Instead of steady advancement, we have seen uneven progress, backsliding, co-option, and a recent rising tide of patriarchal backlash. The global phenomenon of ‘backlash’ is characterised by resurgent misogyny, homo/transphobia, and attacks on sexual and reproductive rights. It is articulated through new forms of patriarchal politics associated with racialised hyper-nationalist agendas, traditionalism, authoritarianism, and alterations to civic space that have become all too familiar both in the global North and South. A wide range of actors and articulations are involved and influenced by underlying drivers and dynamics. A clearer view of the patriarchal nature of current backlash is a prerequisite for building a cohesive movement to counter it, strategically engaging researchers, activists, policymakers and donors in development.
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