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Journal articles on the topic 'History, Philosophy and Politics'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Marcotte-Chenard, Sophie. "What Can We Learn from Political History? Leo Strauss and Raymond Aron, Readers of Thucydides." Review of Politics 80, no. 1 (2018): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670517000778.

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AbstractThrough a comparison of Leo Strauss's and Raymond Aron's interpretations of Thucydides's history, this paper sheds light on the relationship between political history and political philosophy. In continuing the dialogue between the two thinkers, I demonstrate that in spite of their opposed views on modern historical consciousness, they converge in a defense of the object and method of classical political history. However, there is a deeper disagreement regarding the relationship between philosophy and politics. While Strauss makes the case for the compatibility of classical political history and classical political philosophy on the grounds that Thucydides is a “philosophic historian,” Aron argues that it is precisely because Thucydides is not a philosopher that he succeeds in understanding an essential feature of political things, namely, contingency in history.

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2

Macintyre, Stuart. "History, Politics and the Philosophy of History." Australian Historical Studies 35, no. 123 (April 2004): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610408596276.

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3

Petitjean, Patrick. "Introduction: Science, Politics, Philosophy and History." Minerva 46, no. 2 (June 2008): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11024-008-9095-x.

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4

Coffey, John. "Allan, Philosophy and Politics." Scottish Historical Review 82, no. 2 (October 2003): 307–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2003.82.2.307.

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Cloudsely, Tim. "Literature, Philosophy, Politics." European Legacy 12, no. 6 (October 2007): 737–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770701565122.

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6

Salkever, Stephen G. "Socrates' Aspasian Oration: The Play of Philosophy and Politics in Plato's Menexenus." American Political Science Review 87, no. 1 (March 1993): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938961.

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Plato's Menexenus is overlooked, perhaps because of the difficulty of gauging its irony. In it, Socrates recites a funeral oration he says he learned from Aspasia, describing events that occurred after the deaths of both Socrates and Pericles' mistress. But the dialogue's ironic complexity is one reason it is a central part of Plato's political philosophy. In both style and substance, Menexenus rejects the heroic account of Athenian democracy proposed by Thucydides' Pericles, separating Athenian citizenship from the quest for immortal glory; its picture of the relationship of philosopher to polis illustrates Plato's conception of the true politikos in the Statesman. In both dialogues, philosophic response to politics is neither direct rule nor apolitical withdrawal. Menexenus presents a Socrates who influences politics indirectly, by recasting Athenian history and thus transforming the terms in which its political alternatives are conceived.

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7

McIntire, C. T., and Kenneth W. Thompson. "Toynbee's Philosophy of World History and Politics." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 924. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1863956.

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8

Clive, Nigel. "Toynbee's philosophy of world history and politics." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620261.

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9

Marsh, James L. "Reason, History, and Politics." International Philosophical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (1997): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq199737219.

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10

Bartky, Elliot. "Aristotle and the Politics of Herodotus's History." Review of Politics 64, no. 3 (2002): 445–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500034975.

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In the Poetics, Aristotle criticizes Herodotus by claiming that poetry is more philosophical and more serious than history. Aristotle's remark may be understood as a defense of poetry against Herodotus's attempt to supplant the political teaching of the poets and the wise men. Aristotle aligns poetry with philosophy because the poets' political teaching serves the city at the same time that it anticipates political philosophy. In the second section of the article Herodotus's quarrel with the political teaching of the poets, especially Homer, is considered in light of Aristotle's account of the poets. Approaching Herodotus in this manner underscores the significance, for Aristotle, of the politics of Herodotus's History. The third section of the article begins with a discussion of Herodotus's indebtedness to, and difference from, the pre-Socratic philosophers, and goes on to consider Herodotus's quarrel with the wise men. Herodotus's quarrel with the poets and the wise men provides us with a better idea of why Aristotle sought to associate poetry with philosophy, and distinguish them from history.

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DALLMAYR, FRED. "III. Politics against Philosophy:." Political Theory 15, no. 3 (August 1987): 326–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591787015003003.

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12

Castoriadis, Cornelius. "Anthropology, Philosophy, Politics." Thesis Eleven 49, no. 1 (May 1997): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513697049000008.

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13

Volf, M. N. "History of Philosophy As Cultural Politics: Two Cases." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 16, no. 4 (2018): 240–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2018-16-4-240-256.

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14

Afonasin, Eugene. "Philosophy and Religious Politics in Damascius’ “Philosophical History”." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 2 (2022): 841–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-2-841-861.

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In the paper, I consider some aspects of religious politics in late antiquity on the basis of select fragments from Damascius’ “Philosophical History,” translated into Russian for the first time. I also observe that the archeological finds, often better than the biased literary evidences, show both the different strategies of interaction between the adherents of pagan cults and official Christianity in late antiquity and, more importantly, the non-linearity of the paths by which Christians advanced towards their goal, without ever reaching it. We see that the church authorities often permitted the total destruction of pagan sanctuaries, as happened in 392 with the Serapeum, by initiating the full-scale persecution of pagans and their physical elimination, as Damascus testifies in many sections of his history. On the contrary, in some cases they sought only to "neutralize" the pagan cult, depicting crosses on statues and using ancient temples as churches and, accordingly, to attract the pagan intellectual elite to their side. All in all, this material allows us to take a more comprehensive view of history, reconstructing a complex cultural context.

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15

Prokopenko, Vladymyr V., and Vladymyr M. Kamnev. "The project of retheoretization of political philosophy in E.Voegelin’s A New Science of Politics." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 37, no. 4 (2021): 623–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2021.404.

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The article discusses the project of the retheoretization of political science proposed by political philosopher E.Voegelin. By means of retheoretization (restoration) of the classical Platonic and Aristotelian political philosophy, Voegelin attempts to provide an answer to the discredited positivistic worldview of man, politics and history. Voegelin’s political philosophy evaluates critically both the methods and the subject matter of political science, explores the human nature and reality of human existence in society and history, comprehends relations between knowledge and reality, penetrates the sources of the disorder of society, probes the limits of instrumental rationality, and establishes an ontological basis for political epistemology. His aim is to regain a truth of political order that has been lost through the process of modernization. In developing the theme of retheoretization, he distinguishes between classical political philosophy as represented in the works of Plato and Aristotle, on the one hand, and the modern understanding as conceived by positivism on the other. Voegelin argues that modern political science, like modernity in general, is the result of the great Gnostic revolution. Retheoretization, he insists, would return political science to the kind of enterprise founded by Plato and Aristotle, and overcome the effects of positivism with its emphasis on emulating the methods of natural science and establishing a value-free mode of inquiry. The article concludes that all of Voegelin’s topics are part of his overall plan for the restoration of a true science of politics. This plan, as the authors of the article argue, in A New Science of Politics is not only outlined, but also partially implemented, and Vögelin’s work itself is an example of a restored political philosophy.

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16

Sarna, Jonathan D., and Yehoshua Arieli. "History and Politics." Journal of American History 81, no. 1 (June 1994): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081012.

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17

Brockmann, Stephen. "The Politics of German History." History and Theory 29, no. 2 (May 1990): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2505224.

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18

Pavlov, Alexander. "The 70-Year-Old The New Science of Politics." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 20, no. 1 (2021): 244–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2021-1-244-261.

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The paper is a reflection on the book The New Science of Politics: An Introduction by the German-American political philosopher Eric Voegelin. The book is considered as a classic work in the field of the political theory of the 20th century. The first edition of the book was published in 1952, but its Russian translation was only completed in 2021. The author notes that although Voegelin’s thought is clear, the reading of the work may be difficult because Voegelin re-invents the terms that were already established in the scientific field, such as positivism, Gnosticism, the philosophy of history, the philosophy of consciousness, etc. To clarify the thinker’s contribution to political philosophy, the author addresses several studies that describe this contribution. After a brief enumeration of the components of this ‘contribution’, the author discusses how fully these points are reflected in The New Science of Politics. It turns out that although this work is based on six lectures, it contains all the topics of Voegelin’s political theory. The author further clarifies several key terms of the philosopher, and proceeds to the presentation of Voegelin’s concept. This technique makes Voegelin’s political theory crystal clear. Finally, the author turns to the context of “before-Rawls” political theory and briefly describes how the jurist and (later) political scientist Hans Kelsen reacted to Voegelin’s work. The author also analyses the polemics between Hannah Arendt and Voegelin, explaining why Arendt’s reaction to Voegelin’s criticism might seem strange, although it should not be considered as such. He concludes by referring to some excellent assessments of Voegelin’s philosophy, and states that the great hope that Voegelin would become the most important philosopher of the twentieth century did not come true.

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19

GEUSS, RAYMOND. "Neither history nor praxis." European Review 11, no. 3 (July 2003): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000280.

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John Rawls construed the Theory of Justice as central to political philosophy, and defended a series of purportedly egalitarian versions of such a theory. This essay points out that Rawls' philosophy became increasingly influential during precisely that period in recent history – the last quarter of the 20th century – in which global inequality increased most dramatically, and explores some possible explanations of this peculiar fact. It concludes by arguing that methodological defects make his approach fundamentally misguided: early versions of his theory are too abstract to be of relevance to understanding politics or as guides to action, and later ones too parochial.

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20

Secada, J. "Review: History and Illusion in Politics." Mind 113, no. 451 (July 1, 2004): 545–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mind/113.451.545.

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21

Diggins, John Patrick, and Robert B. Westbrook. "Philosophy Without Foundations, Politics with Illusions." Reviews in American History 21, no. 1 (March 1993): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702960.

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22

Berger, Chris. "Making Liberal Democracy Ethical: Aristotle on the Unity of Ethics and Politics." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2013): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19041.

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Contemporary liberal democracy recognizes a fundamental distinction between matters of “public” and “private” domain that amounts to a separation of ethics from politics. Such a distinction is, however, a recent one insofar as the history of political thought is concerned. Political and ethical matters can and in fact have been thought of and practiced as a single project. Aristotle is one philosopher who has approached ethics and politics not as two distinct subjects but as a single unified project: the project of living well. This essay examines Aristotle’s ethical-political project and engages with contemporary thinkers who have grappled with Aristotle’s political philosophy as a possible remedy for the problems currently confronting liberal democratic politics. It argues that the best remedy for the ills of liberal democracy that arise out of the continued prevalence of relativism in liberal democratic discourse is a re-thinking of liberal education that unites ethical and political considerations. The author contends that Aristotle’s political philosophy offers us a vantage point from which this unity may be perceived and, hopefully, implemented.

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23

FORRESTER, KATRINA. "CITIZENSHIP, WAR, AND THE ORIGINS OF INTERNATIONAL ETHICS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, 1960–1975." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 773–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000496.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines a series of debates about civil disobedience, conscription, and the justice of war that took place among American liberal philosophers, lawyers, and activists during the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War. It argues that these debates fundamentally reshaped American political philosophy, by shifting the focus from the welfare state to the realm of international politics. In order to chart this transition from the domestic to the international, this article focuses on the writings of two influential political theorists, John Rawls and Michael Walzer. The turn to international politics in American political philosophy has its origins, in part, in their arguments about domestic citizenship. In tracing these origins, this article situates academic philosophical arguments alongside debates among the American public at large. It offers a first account of the history of analytical political philosophy during the 1960s and 1970s, and argues that the role played by the Vietnam War in this history, though underappreciated, is significant.

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24

Pocock, J. G. A. "Quentin Skinner: The History of Politics and the Politics of History." Common Knowledge 10, no. 3 (October 1, 2004): 532–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-10-3-532.

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25

Gunderson, Erik. "The History of Mind and the Philosophy of History in Sallust's Bellum Catilinae." Ramus 29, no. 2 (2000): 85–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001612.

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With the assassination of Julius Caesar on the Ides of March in 44 BCE, the political fortunes of one of Caesar's lesser political partisans began to wane. Gaius Sallustius Crispus, a minor political figure, formerly involved in scandal and now left without a backer, retired from politics and began to write history. His first project was an account of a failedcoup d'étatfrom some decades before. Sallust recorded the efforts of a thwarted candidate for Rome's highest office named Lucius Sergius Catilina to raise an army of disaffected Romans and foreigners and to install himself and his partisans at Rome. In the end, though, nothing much came of the plot: some were arrested and killed; some fought and died; others who had not been caught in too manifest support of Catiline were suddenly expressing their enmity for the monster.

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26

CHEKURI, CHRISTOPHER. "2. WRITING POLITICS BACK INTO HISTORY." History and Theory 46, no. 3 (October 2007): 384–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2303.2007.00416.x.

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27

Dahal, Girdhari. "Gita Philosophy and its Influence on Nepali Politics." Tribhuvan University Journal 33, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v33i1.28691.

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The people of Nepal have witnessed different political movements in the political history of Nepal. The political movements are influenced by different philosophies. Gita philosophy as well has marked distinct impact in the politics of Nepal. The people of Nepal had to bear a lot of injustice, oppression and exploitation during Rana rule. Although the governments prior to Rana rule were also not so much democratic, to some extent they were directed to public welfare. At the time of Rana rule there had taken place many reformations in global politics, but Nepali people were denied off very common citizen rights. So, there was a need for a democratic movement in Nepal. In the campaigns for democratic movements then, there was a very significant impact of Gita philosophy. It is found from this study that four martyrs of 1997BS and founder leaders of Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party were influenced by the ideas of Gita philosophy and the general public has a great faith on the Gita philosophy. Gita philosophy has formed the foundations for the democratic movement in Nepal. And even after the establishment of democracy in Nepal, there were series of political changes in Nepal. And in the revolutions or campaigns for restoration of democracy or for the republic, there has been a role of different political leaders and as many of the first-generation leaders are still in active politics, we can find direct or indirect influence of Gita philosophy in Nepalese politics. Though the later generations of leadership seem to have less knowledge about Gita, their activities and the political interests matched with the principles of Gita philosophy.

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28

Capelos, Tereza, Stavroula Chrona, Mikko Salmela, and Cristiano Bee. "Reactionary Politics and Resentful Affect in Populist Times." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 27, 2021): 186–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4727.

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<p>This thematic issue brings together ten articles from political psychology, political sociology, philosophy, history, public policy, media studies, and electoral studies, which examine reactionary politics and resentful affect in populist times.</p>

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29

Mahdi, Muhsin. "Philosophy and political thought: reflections and comparisons." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 1, no. 1 (March 1991): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900001405.

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Having constituted a new epoch in human history and a new religiouspolitical order, the revealed religions challenged the tradition of Greek philosophy to adjust to, investigate, and make intelligible a religiouspolitical order based on prophecy, revelation, and the divine law. The challenge led certain Arab and Muslim philosophers to reassess the relative distance between the thought of the Greek masters, (Plato, Aristotle, Plotinus, in particular) and the doctrines propagated by the revealed religions, and to make use of such works as Plato's Republic and Laws, rather than Aristotle's Politics, when offering a philosophic account of the new religious–political phenomenon and of such new disciplines as the science of the divine law and the science of revealed theology.

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30

Verovšek, Peter J. "Habermas’s Politics of Rational Freedom: Navigating the History of Philosophy between Faith and Knowledge." Analyse & Kritik 42, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2020-0008.

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AbstractDespite his hostility to religion in his early career, since the turn of the century Habermas has devoted his research to the relationship between faith and knowledge. His two-volume Auch eine Geschichte der Philosophie is the culmination of this project. Spurred by the attacks of 9/11 and the growing conflict between religion and the forces of secularization, I argue that this philosophy of history is the centerpiece of an important turning point in Habermas’s intellectual development. Instead of interpreting religion merely as part of the history of postmetaphysical thinking, Habermas now sees it as a crucial normative resource for both philosophy and social cohesion in the future aswell. Despite its backward-looking approach,my basic thesis is that this book is best understood as a forward-looking appeal for a tolerant, self-reflective democratic politics that brings religious and secular citizens together dialogically through the cooperative use of their rational freedom.

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31

Heineman, Elizabeth, and William J. Simpson. "When History Meets Politics." Common Knowledge 24, no. 3 (August 1, 2018): 405–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-6939805.

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32

Olafson, Frederick A., and Fred R. Dallmayr. "Critical Encounters: Between Philosophy and Politics." Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 49, no. 1 (September 1988): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2108004.

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33

Chaplin, Jonathan. "Book Review: Politics, Theology and History." Studies in Christian Ethics 16, no. 2 (August 2003): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095394680301600211.

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34

Newson, Malcolm. "Green history. A reader in environmental literature, philosophy and politics." Political Geography 14, no. 3 (April 1995): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(95)90001-2.

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35

Williams, Howard (Howard L. ). "Interpreting the World: Kant's Philosophy of History and Politics (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 27, no. 1 (1989): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1989.0002.

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36

Barnhart, Joe E. "PROVIDENCE AND ANTHROPOMORPHISM IN HISTORY AND POLITICS: AN ESSAY IN PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY." Essays in the Philosophy of Humanism 15, no. 1 (June 12, 2013): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/eph.v15i1.49.

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37

Rivero, Ángel. "Agnes Heller: Politics and Philosophy." Thesis Eleven 59, no. 1 (November 1999): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513699059000003.

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38

Lorenz, Chris F. G. "Explorations between philosophy and history." Historein 14, no. 1 (May 27, 2013): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.217.

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This introduction summarizes the basic ideas behind the articles collected in <em>Przekraczanie granic: eseje z filozofii historii i teorii historiografii</em> [Bordercrossings: essays on the philosophy of history and theory of historiography]. The first basic idea is the idea that the writing of history has a “border crossing” character, meaning that history writing involves border crossings, first, between history and philosophy and, second, between history and “politics” in a broad sense. The second basic idea is that the dialectical mechanism of “inversion” (of “negation” and of “the unity of opposites”) is fundamental for our understanding of debates in the philosophy of history and in historiography. The third idea is that interesting prejudices and other assumptions in both philosophy and in history are found by contrast, not by analysis (Feyerabend). Analysis of controversies is therefore the most fruitful point of departure in the philosophy of history and in historiography. Because all key ideas in the humanities are “essentially contested concepts” (Gallie), controversies are the “normal” discursive condition in the humanities.

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Bryan, Jenny. "Philosophy." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000339.

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Sara Brill's new book develops her argument for understanding ‘shared life’ as central to Aristotle's ethics and politics. By focusing on this notion of shared life, she seeks to establish the connection between Aristotle's ethical, political, and zoological works in order to ground her emphasis on the essential animality of human society in Aristotle's conception. Her argument turns on a distinction between bios, a ‘way of life’ that we can choose or reject, and zoē, ‘life itself’ (3), and she is committed to establishing the generally unrecognized significance of the latter in Aristotle's ethical thought. The volume is divided into three parts. The first (‘Shared Life in Aristotle's Ethics and Politics’) concentrates on developing an account of Aristotle's concept of ‘shared life’ in the ethical and political works in such a way as to establish the importance of the zoological perspective. Here, Brill argues that shared life is at the heart of many of the central concerns of the Nicomachean Ethics, including his account of friendship. This is not simply sharing of goods or communal living: ‘Because living in its authoritative sense is perceiving and thinking, sharing one's life is sharing in perception and sharing in thinking’ (52). Brill finds a similar focus on shared zoē in the Eudemian Ethics, and the suggestion that our self-awareness and self-concern depend on the presence of others. She further develops her central claim: for all that Aristotle makes repeated assertions of human exceptionality, he also adopts a zoological framework of analysis that locates human friendship within the category of ‘animal attachment’, albeit as a special case. Human society is distinguished from animal society, but primarily as an intensification of the animal, rather than as a rejection of it. As Brill notes, setting up some of the critical analysis found in the third part of the book, her emphasis on community helps to highlight both its fragility and the consequences of exclusion. This is an idea she explains further in her analysis of shared life in the Politics: ‘if Aristotle's ethics show us the most vivid form of shared life, his Politics shows us the conditions of its destruction’ (92). Brill considers two extremes of shared life to be found in the Politics. Aristotle rejects communism for the sake of the philia that lies at the heart of a true community. His account of tyranny, meanwhile, can be understood as an analysis of a polis lacking a meaningful presence of shared life or the common good. The second part of the book concentrates on fleshing out the detail of the zoological perspective at the heart of Brill's argument by focusing on the zoological works in particular. She makes the sensible point that, while Aristotle's zoological works may be inaccurate in biological detail, they nevertheless help us to understand his own thinking about the nature and relationship of intelligence and life. Beginning with the History of Animals, Brill looks for the political in Aristotle's biological, and argues that he conceives of animal sociality in terms of its various manifestations of the political bond of a common task. It is within this context that we should situate even shared human life. This is not to say that humans are not to be distinguished from animals: what marks humans out is the fact that they can choose their way of life (bios). But this choice does not liberate them from the fact of their animality. For this reason, analysis of Aristotle's politics, and of the polis itself, should be informed by an awareness of his zoological sensibility. At times in the detail of Brill's own analysis, this zoological emphasis seems to fade into the background, but her central claim remains that human politics is an intensification of animal sociality, rather than a rejection of it. The third and final part presents an intriguing exploration of intersections between Brill's account of Aristotle's zoē-politics and modern critical theory (her volume is published in the interdisciplinary series Classics in Theory). She first addresses the connection between Aristotle's commitment to private ownership and his eugenics legislation, noting the double mean of tokos as both ‘interest’ and ‘child’. She is particularly interesting on Aristotle's concern with the threat of uncontrolled or excessive reproduction. She then turns to an analysis of Aristotle's account of – and ambivalence towards – the maternal bond as central to his understanding of human communities and, especially, friendship. The two chapters of Part III are particularly compelling; I look forward to seeing further approaches to Aristotle, and ancient philosophy in general, along these lines.

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40

Kuzminski, Adrian. "Archetypes and Paradigms: History, Politics, and Persons." History and Theory 25, no. 3 (October 1986): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2505190.

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41

Hawthorn, Geoffrey. "Is postmodern politics politics?" History of the Human Sciences 5, no. 3 (August 1992): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095269519200500309.

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42

Stone, Alison. "Essentialism and Anti-Essentialism in Feminist Philosophy." Journal of Moral Philosophy 1, no. 2 (2004): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/174046810400100202.

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AbstractThis article revisits the ethical and political questions raised by feminist debates over essentialism, the belief that there are properties essential to women and which all women share. Feminists’ widespread rejection of essentialism has threatened to undermine feminist politics. Re-evaluating two responses to this problem—‘strategic’ essentialism and Iris Marion Young’s idea that women are an internally diverse ‘series’—I argue that both unsatisfactorily retain essentialism as a descriptive claim about the social reality of women’s lives. I argue instead that women have a ‘ genealogy’: women always acquire femininity by appropriating and reworking existing cultural interpretations of femininity, so that all women become situated within a history of overlapping chains of interpretation. Because all women are located within this complex history, they are identifiable as belonging to a determinate social group, despite sharing no common understanding or experience of femininity. The idea that women have a genealogy thus reconciles anti-essentialism with feminist politics.

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Merzenina, Anastasia. "Political “Event” and Law in the Philosophy of Vladimir Bibikhin Ontic Aspect and Superhethic Dimension." Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics VI, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 70–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2022-3-70-91.

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This article attempts to investigate the political modus of “event” in Vladimir Bibikhin's philosophy. It is assumed that Bibikhin's political subject is always in the sphere of political decision and cannot be excluded from it. However, the subject's ontic choice of political strategy in the political event can be supplemented by the eventic listening to the fall (Verfall) into the “being in the world”, due to which a historically concrete event can acquire the character of the “running ahead” (Vorlaufen) into the possibility. It seems that in Bibikhin's philosophical approach, the political event represents the hermeneutic closure of ontic and ontological plans of time, which directly entails the reconciliation of revolutionary and conservative-legal potentials of man in faith. However, although it transcends politics, the event does not abolish the political decision as a non-genuine modus of being. Nevertheless, the presence of the suprethical dimension of faith in the political event complements and completes the subject's ontic choice of the constantly “untrue” ideological attitude. Bibikhin's event as a community event does not provide human with means for political action but in faith, asserts only the possibility of politics and predicts its downfall. The “ontological” event can affect the “ontic” of politics, but not vice versa. The article concludes that, according to Bibikhin, the duality of event and politics cannot be overcome, but the event can still influence politics and make it resonate with itself.

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GREENBERG, UDI. "ERNST CASSIRER'S MOMENT: PHILOSOPHY AND POLITICS." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 1 (April 2013): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000431.

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The emergence of the German Jewish philosopher Ernst Cassirer (1874–1945) as the object of scholarly attention has been both surprising and rapid. In the decades since his early death while in exile in the United States, Cassirer never fell into complete oblivion. His works remained known to specialists in German intellectual history; his participation in a famous 1929 debate with Martin Heidegger in Davos, Switzerland, one of the most iconic moments in modern Continental thought, made his name familiar to most students of modern philosophy. Yet Cassirer lacked the widespread recognition given to contemporaries such as Heidegger or Walter Benjamin, and his work never became the center of historical or philosophical study. This neglect stemmed, in part, from dismissal by his peers; as Edward Skidelsky explains in his new study, Rudolf Carnap found him “rather pastoral,” Isaiah Berlin dismissed him as “serenely innocent,” and Theodor Adorno thought he was “totally gaga” (125). The last few years, however, have seen the rise of a remarkable new interest in Cassirer in both Germany and the English-speaking world. Among this recent literature, Edward Skidelsky's and Peter Gordon's works lead the small “Cassirer renaissance” and offer the best English-language introduction to his thought. Both Gordon and Skidelsky ambitiously seek to relocate Cassirer at the forefront of modern German and European thought. Gordon goes as far as to call him “one of the greatest philosophers and intellectual historians to emerge from the cultural ferment of modern Germany” and one of the most important thinkers of the twentieth century (11). In making such bold statements, Gordon and Skidelsky clearly set their sights beyond the person himself; they aspire to highlight a central strand of thought that enjoyed a powerful presence in early twentieth-century Germany but fell into neglect in the postwar era. In doing so, they seek to reevaluate the nature and legacy of Weimar thought, its complex relationship with the period's unstable politics, and its relevance today.

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Bourke, Paul F., and Donald A. DeBats. "Restoring Politics to Political History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 15, no. 3 (1985): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204141.

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Sherwin, Martin J. "Hiroshima as Politics and History." Journal of American History 82, no. 3 (December 1995): 1085. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945113.

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Samuel, Raphael. "SCOTTISH DIMENSIONS: History, Literature, Politics." History Workshop Journal 40, no. 1 (1995): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/40.1.106.

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REVILL, JOEL. "A PRACTICAL TURN: ELIE HALEVY'S EMBRACE OF POLITICS AND HISTORY." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 1 (September 25, 2014): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000389.

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Elie Halévy's legacy is bounded by the two primary objects of his scholarly interest: the history of modern Britain and the study of French socialist doctrines. Taken together, his writings on temperate English politics and occasionally intemperate French socialists cemented his status as a leading French liberal of his generation. Read out of context, the tone of his criticism of wartime socialization and the growth of wartime governments has given him a conservative reputation in some circles and inspired a backlash among historians seeking a more progressive Halévy in his prewar writings. Meanwhile, the depth of his historical study of Britain has elicited several discussions of Halévy's turn from philosophy to history at the end of the 1890s. The portrait of Halévy that emerges in light of his historical studies of England and of French socialism is detailed, accurate, and flattering, but, like any portrait, it is incomplete. Before he was a historian, Halévy was a philosopher, and before he mastered his craft in the early twentieth century, Halévy struggled to find his voice in the late nineteenth.

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Gregory, Eric. "Politics and Beatitude." Studies in Christian Ethics 30, no. 2 (January 6, 2017): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946816684448.

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The limits and secularity of political life have been signature themes of modern Augustinianism, often couched in non-theological language of realism and the role of religion in public life. In dialogue with Gilbert Meilaender, this article inverts and theologizes that interest by asking how Augustinian pilgrims might characterize the positive relation of political history to saving history and the ways in which political action in time might teach us something about the nature of salvation that comes to us from beyond history. This relation of continuity and discontinuity eludes dogmatic formulation, but the goal of the present article is to see where a shared Augustinianism and a shared commitment to aspects of the liberal political tradition might find illuminating disagreement.

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Arruzza, Cinzia. "‘Un paradigma in cielo’. Platone politico da Aristotele al Novecento, Mario Vegetti, Rome: Carocci, 2009." Historical Materialism 21, no. 1 (2013): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341269.

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Abstract Vegetti’s book tries to decipher and recast the complex history of the interpretation of the political Plato in a compelling historical and philosophical analysis. This review article presents an intellectual profile of Mario Vegetti and a critical engagement with his historical and politico-philosophical approach. It concludes with the suggestion that we should investigate the vicious circle of philosophy and politics in Plato’s Republic in light of Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach.

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