To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: History of weapons.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'History of weapons'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'History of weapons.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Ono, Reyn SP. "The Secret Weapons of World War II: An Analysis of Hitler's Chemical Weapons Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/944.
Full textAbstract:
Very little historical scholarship specifically analyzes or explores the absence of chemical weapons in World War II. This thesis seeks to fill the gaps in the historical narrative by providing insight into the personal and external factors that influenced Hitler’s chemical weapons policy. This thesis also touches upon the wartime violence perpetrated by both the Axis and the Allies, thereby offering a neutral, unbiased historical account. From 1939-1941, Hitler did not deploy chemical weapons because his blitzkrieg of Europe was progressing successfully – chemical warfare was unnecessary. With the failure of Operation Barbarossa from 1942-1943, Armaments Minister Albert Speer oversaw a massive increase in the production of the lethal nerve agent tabun, indicating Hitler’s desire to deploy chemical gas on the Eastern Front. However, by the request of Soviet Premier Josef Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill threatened to retaliate against Nazi Germany with chemical strikes on German cities in May 1942. Hitler backed down because of the inadequacy of German air defense and his desire to protect the “Aryan” people – based on his own trauma with gas in World War I. However, in the final years of the war in 1944-1945, the stress of the Allied advance on Berlin caused the deterioration of the German dictator’s mental and physical state. Hitler’s thoughts became suicidal and destructive – the German people deserved extinction for their failure in World War II. Thus, Hitler issued the Nero Decree in March 1945. However, the architect turned Armaments Minister, aware of the war’s foregone conclusion, sought to obstruct Germany’s path to catastrophe. Likewise, Hitler sought to initiate chemical warfare. Again, Speer prevented unnecessary civilian casualties by shutting down chemical production plants. The German dictator did not take matters into his own hands because following the failure of the Ardennes Offensive in January 1945, Hitler also grew increasingly apathetic to governing the Third Reich. By April 1945, with Hitler a ghost of his former self, his subleaders fought for control of Nazi Germany, and their inability to cooperate led to a crisis of leadership. Thus, World War II concluded in Europe without chemical warfare. Ultimately, this thesis promotes an awareness of the legacy of violence ushered in by “modern warfare,” a contemporary issue yet to be adequately addressed.
2
Engle, Derek. "Present Arms: Displaying Weapons in Museums." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/492682.
Full textAbstract:
HistoryM.A.
Museums have always had and displayed weapons, including firearms. As museums have evolved, so too has exhibit design and practice. However, many weapons displays have not kept up with changing practices, and many of them are now irrelevant, have limited audiences, or are unhelpful to the broader public. Simply displaying weapons by type or as art is not enough anymore, and keeping them in storage does not take advantage of their potential. Also, many museums are increasingly trying to become places for public discourse about current issues. They often create exhibits meant to be relevant to today and promote discussions about controversial topics. Many museums are also trying to make their collections and objects more accessible to the public. Innovative displays of firearms could help them accomplish both these tasks. The battle over gun control and gun rights is often more of a shouting match than reasoned discourse. Museums could use historic firearms as an opportunity to help facilitate a more responsible conversation about the issue. These firearms are typically not as emotionally charged as modern guns, and could be used as a pathway into the gun debate if displayed creatively. Guns, historic or not, are often not very approachable objects for many people. This can be for a variety of reasons, including their associations with masculinity, power, and nationality. Museums should experiment with new ways to display firearms that can make them more approachable and accessible to broader audiences, and ideally to the entire public.
Temple University--Theses
3
Davison, N. "Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP). Occasional Paper No. 1. The Early History of ¿Non-Lethal¿ Weapons." University of Bradford, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3994.
Full textAbstract:
yesThis paper explores the early history of ¿non-lethal¿1 weapons development covering the period from the 1960¿s, when several diverse weapons were first grouped together in one category and described as ¿non-lethal¿ by law enforcement end-users and policymakers, until 1989, just before the hugely increased interest in the field that developed during the 1990¿s amongst both police and military organisations. It describes the origins and emergence of new weapons, examining this process with reference to technological advances, wider socio-political context, legal developments, and evolution of associated institutional structures. Developments in both the policing and military spheres are considered as well as the interconnections between them. Necessarily this paper focuses on events in the US2, in part because it led the way in this field but also because sources of information on US activities are more readily available.3.
4
Morton, Amanda S. "Unconventional Weapons, Siege Warfare, and the Hoplite Ideal." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1313569557.
Full text
5
Davison, N. "Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP). Occasional Paper No. 2. The Development of ¿Non-Lethal¿ Weapons During the 1990¿s." University of Bradford, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3995.
Full textAbstract:
yesThis is the second in a series of Occasional Papers published by the Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project. It addresses the development of anti-personnel ¿non-lethal¿1 weapons from 1990 to 1999 and follows on from Occasional Paper No.1: The Early History of "Non-Lethal" Weapons. 2 Concentrating on events in the United States, 3 this paper explores the expansion of police and military interest in these weapons with a focus on the research and development activities conducted by the Department of Justice and the Department of Defense. Related developments in international law are also discussed. ¿Anti-materiel¿ weapons, proposed for use against vehicles, electronic equipment, or other objects, are beyond the scope of this research. This paper does not detail the debates over ¿non-lethal¿ weapons that intensified during this period and were marked by an increase in the corresponding literature. Nevertheless this is the background against which the research and development described here occurred. Fidler has observed that, broadly speaking, this debate was polarised with advocates on one side and sceptics on the other.4 The advocates5 emphasised what they viewed as the revolutionary or transformational promise of these weapon systems and their potential to promote the humane use of force. The sceptics,6 on the other hand, building on concerns first expressed in the 1970¿s,7 cautioned against affording any weapons special status and highlighted the need for critical legal, technological and ethical assessment. Fidler has summarised a central theme of this enduring debate: Nothing epitomized the distance separating advocates and sceptics better than disagreements about the moniker ¿non-lethal weapons¿. For proponents, this description encapsulated the technological and ethical distinctiveness of these weapons. For sceptics, the moniker was misleading because it gave moral status to weapons simply by virtue of their technology and not on the basis of legal and ethical analysis of why, how and where they are used.8
6
Smart, Andrew J. Smart. "Books Are Weapons: Didacticism in American Literature, 1890-1945." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu151188606118299.
Full text
7
Davison, N. "Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP). Occasional Paper No. 3. The Contemporary Development of ¿Non-Lethal¿ Weapons." University of Bradford, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3996.
Full textAbstract:
yesThis is the third in a series of Occasional Papers published by the Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project. It addresses the contemporary development of anti-personnel ¿non-lethal¿1 weapons, covering the period from 2000 to 2006 inclusive2 and focusing on the research and development programmes of the US Department of Defense and Department of Justice. Following Occasional Paper No. 1, The Early History of "Non-Lethal" Weapons,3 and Occasional Paper No. 2, The Development of ¿Non-Lethal¿ Weapons During the 1990¿s,4 this paper completes our analysis of the overall development of ¿non-lethal¿ weapons from their inception up to the present day.
8
McDonald, Bradley Michael. "African-American Family and Society on the Lands of the Yorktown Naval Weapons Station, 1862-1880." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625861.
Full text
9
Hendry, Gayle Maureen. "Weapons of propaganda : national character and history in the pamphlets of Ulrich von Hutten and his contemporaries." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30678.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the interrelationship between nationalism, technological advance and the development of propaganda in the early sixteenth century. It focuses on the function and contemporary impact of pamphlets written by Ulrich von Hutten (1488-1523). It examines the formative influences on Hutten and considers the ways in which he moulded his chosen genres to solicit the adherence of his target audience. Hutten developed two major themes in order to encourage national sentiment and direct hostility against identified enemy groups. The development and use of the themes of national character and history are explored in Hutten's pamphlets with special consideration of the labels, rhetorical devices, and argumentation employed, as well as the cultural patterns and prevailing prejudices that are manipulated. Hutten's work is compared in detail with pamphlets by two other major authors, Eberlin von Günzburg and Hartmut von Cronberg, and a briefly survey is made of other contemporary pamphlets. The reception of both Hutten's nationalist thought and his propagandistic methods is discussed, as well as
possible reasons for the diverse response of other authors. Both the potential and
the limitations of Hutten's propaganda is revealed in the reactions of other pamphleteers. The thesis emphasizes Hutten's importance as a pioneer and methodologist of early nationalist propaganda, and the relevance of his and his supporters' work in the evolution of nationalism.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
10
Haddon, Catherine. "Union Jacks and Red Stars on them : UK intelligence, the Soviet nuclear threat and British nuclear weapons policy, 1945-1970." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2008. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1439.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a study of the British intelligence assessments produced by the UK's Joint Intelligence Committee regarding the Soviet Union's nuclear capabilities and intentions. It examines the origins of such intelligence, the various organisations that collected, collated and analysed it and how it fed into the Joint Intelligence structure. The thesis seeks both to synthesise existing historical analysis and add new evidence on intelligence organisation, collection, analysis and dissemination by examining the development of such assessments over a twenty-five year period and considering how well they reflected and informed British governments about the status and progress of the Soviet nuclear threat. Lastly, it analyses how this intelligence fed into and may have affected wider British military and ministerial decision-making regarding the course of the UK's nuclear weapons policy between 1945 and 1970.
11
Holloway, Joshua T. "Help, Hinder, or Hesitate: American Nuclear Policy Toward the French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons Programs, 1961-1976." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1555692933625691.
Full text
12
McMahon, Patricia I. "The politics of Canada's nuclear policy, 1957-1963." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0019/NQ45716.pdf.
Full text
13
Halvardsson, Alicia. "Blood and Magic : A microstudy of associations between Viking Age women and their weapons." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-191152.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis discusses what associations Viking Age women and weapons had according to extant sources and how they can present in the grave material. In order to achieve this, literary sources, iconographic representations, and grave material are studied and compared in order to reach a deeper understanding of these associations and what they look like in the archaeology. The literary and iconographic source materials in this thesis are limited those from within, or shortly after, the Viking Age. The grave material in this thesis is also dated to the Viking Age and consists of weapon graves with osteologically determined inhumed females located in Gerdrup, Kaupang, Aunvoll, Nordre Kjølen, and Birka.
14
Jones, Brian Madison. "Abolishing the taboo : President Eisenhower and the permissible use of nuclear weapons for national security." Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/773.
Full text
15
Stuck, Kenneth Edward. "Social Stratification in York County, Virginia, 1860-1919: A Study of Whites and African-Americans on the Lands of the Yorktown Naval Weapons Station." W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625955.
Full text
16
Chalmers, Malcolm G. "Nuclear weapons and British defence policy : an examination of nuclear aspects of British foreign and defence policy 1940-1990." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4220.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an attempt to understand the role of nuclear weapons in Britain's defence and foreign policies. It works from the assumption that decisions in relation to nuclear weapons, can only be understood in the context of a broader overview of the British state's policies since the 1940's. In turn Britain's nuclear policies have made a decisive impact on defence policy as a whole and have had an important effect on international developments. It is hoped that this thesis will contribute to a better-understanding of the causes and effects of the nuclear weapons policies adopted by the UK since the 19401s. The thesis will focus on the politics and political economy of nuclear weapons and British defence policy. This central concern has required that a number of other important aspects of the subject have been given only peripheral consideration. The thesis does not attempt to provide a detailed technological history of Britain's nuclear force. Nor is it intended to provide particular new insights on the nuclear decisionmaking process. Rather it seeks to explore the underlying factors which have shaped both the technology and the perceptions of decision-makers. There is no shortage of historical accounts of Britain's nuclear force. The unique contribution which it is hoped that this thesis makes, however, does not lie so much in its subject matter as in the way that this subject matter is approached. In my view that approach is sufficiently different from those of previous works in this area as to be both original and of some interest to other scholars in this field.
17
Steneck, Nicholas J. "Everybody has a chance: civil defense and the creation of cold war West German Identity, 1950-1968." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1124210518.
Full text
18
Jaehnig, James S. "Why the United States underestimated the Soviet BW threat." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FJaehnig.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s):Peter R. Lavoy, Mikhail Tsypkin. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.53-55). Also available in print.
19
Olmstead, Jacob W. "A Diabolical Disneyland in Zion: the Mormons and the MX." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2005. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4994.
Full textAbstract:
In September 1979 President Jimmy Carter publicly announced his decision to support the deployment of the MX missile and mobile basing scheme in Utah and Nevada. Despite local opposition and the close proximity of the proposed base to its headquarters, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons) remained silent until 5 May 1981, when the First Presidency issued a statement opposing the MX plans. The purpose of this work is to narrate the history of the development of the Mormon position regarding the deployment of MX missile in the Great Basin and evaluate the response to the statement both locally and nationally. As described in this work the initial deliberations within the Mormon Church were held within the Special Affairs Committee (SAC), which gathered information on the issues concerning the MX. In the process the SAC met with scholars, politicians and religious figures furnished by the grass-roots opposition in Utah. As argued by this thesis it was the arguments presented by both national and local religious figures who convinced the SAC that the MX presented a clear moral concern which required further discussion. Eventually the matter was turned over to the First Presidency and later the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles for further consideration. Because a consensus could not be reached, in the place of clear Mormon opposition the First Presidency issued two general denunciations of the nuclear arms race. Eventually, there was full agreement and a statement was issued on 5 May 1981. As argued in this thesis, it was likely the efforts of Gordon B. Hinckley, a member of the Twelve and chairman of the SAC, who working behind the scene was able to unify the hierarchy, as opposed to Edwin B. Firmage, who has traditionally been credited with convincing the hierarchy to take a position. As illustrated by this thesis the statement evoked a number of responses from the local and national media and religious and political leaders. The response was generally positive; however, there were a number of critical columns and editorials issued by the national media. Moreover, the statement had considerable influence moving Utah's congressional delegation toward opposition. As argued by this thesis this was a moot point because recently elected President Ronald Reagan had latent reservations about the MX program and had been looking for an alternative basing mode prior to the statement's release. In conclusion this thesis argues that, although the statement had little impact on the history of the MX and the Mormon Church, the development of the First Presidency's MX position does provide a case study illustrating the bureaucratic processes within the Church for establishing official political policy in the late-twentieth century.
20
Lefebvre, Benoît. "Combattre de loin chez les Romains et leurs adversaires : des réalités du combat aux représentations culturelles (Ier siècle av. J.-C. - IIIe siècle apr. J.-C.)." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MON30014.
Full textAbstract:
Il est commun d’affirmer que les Romains valorisaient le combat au corps-à-corps et méprisaient le combat de loin. Toutefois, les armes de jet (flèches, balles de fronde, javelots, pierres) ont joué un rôle important dans la guerre antique.Depuis plusieurs décennies, l’histoire militaire se penche sur d’autres thématiques comme le corps combattant, l’expérience du combat ou encore le rapport entre la guerre et la culture d’une société. Cet intérêt suscite de nombreuses interrogations et fonde de nouvelles pistes de réflexion. C’est pourquoi nous appliquons ces thématiques de recherche à l’étude du combat de loin dans la guerre antique à l’époque romaine (Ier siècle av. J.-C. – IIIe siècle ap. J.-C.).Les Romains avaient recours aux projectiles dans diverses circonstances, contre différents ennemis et plus fréquemment qu’on ne le pensait. La puissance des armées romaines reposait en partie sur leur capacité à intégrer des tactiques et des armements de différents peuples. Cette intégration fut à l’origine d’une évolution de l'art de la guerre mais aussi des réflexions romaines autour de celle-ci.Notre analyse se fonde en partie sur une approche culturelle de l’histoire militaire et plus précisément sur les rapports qui unissent pratiques militaires et représentations culturelles. En effet, les représentations ont pu influencer les pratiques (par exemple, les tactiques et les manières de combattre) mais l'inverse est tout aussi vrai. L'étude de ces rapports nous aide à comprendre toute la complexité de la guerre romaine.Ces recherches visent à remettre en question certaines idées reçues. Premièrement, l’aspect de la bataille romaine, l’armement et l’équipement des unités et des combattants étaient en réalité beaucoup plus variés. Les sources montrent notamment que l’utilisation des projectiles se diffuse au sein des armées romaines pendant notre période. Deuxièmement, les représentations de ces armes et des combattants qui les utilisent ne se réduisent pas à un discours négatif hérité des Grecs. En effet, les Romains ont à plusieurs reprises valorisé les projectiles, et les archers, frondeurs et lanceurs de javelots ont su trouver leur place dans l’art de la guerre romain et plus généralement antiqueIt’s a commonplace to say that Romans valued hand-to-hand fighting and despised long range fighting. However, throwing weapons (arrows, slingshots, javelins, hand-thrown stones), played a key role in Ancient warfare.Military history has been interesting in other topics for several decades : fighting bodies, combat experience and relationships between war and culture. This interest raises numerous questions and opens new fields of research. That’s why we apply theses topics to a study of throwing weapons in ancient warfare in Roman times (1st century BC - AD 3rd century).However, Romans fought different enemies with long range weapons in several circumstances and more frequently than we usually thought. Roman armies’ power was partially based on their ability of borrowing tactics and weapons from different peoples. This progressive integration led to an evolution of the Roman art of war and the Roman discourses on it.Our analysis partially focuses on a cultural approach to the history of warfare and relationships between military practices and cultural representations. To some extent, representations could affect military practices (for example, tactics and fighting ways) but the opposite was true. Studying these relationships helps us to understand all the complexity of Roman warfare.These researchs aim at challenging some common misconceptions. Firstly, the ‘face’ of Roman battle, weapons and equipment of units and soldiers were far more varied than we thought. Sources prove especially that the use of throwing weapons during our period spreads among Roman armies. Secondly, the representations Romans had of these weapons and their users are not limited to a negative discourse borrowed from the Greeks. Indeed, Romans many times valued throwing weapons, and bowmen, slingers and javelin throwers could find their place in Roman warfare and more generally in Ancient warfare
21
Jussel, Paul C. "Intimidating the World the United States Atomic Army, 1956-1960 /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1085083063.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 222 p.; also includes graphics Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-222). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
22
Kenna, Timothy C. "The distribution and history of nuclear weapons related contamination in sediments from the Ob River, Siberia as determined by isotopic ratios of Plutonium, Neptunium, and Cesium." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/29059.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Joint Program in Oceanography (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Earth, Atmospheric, and Planetary Sciences; and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution), 2002.Includes bibliographical references.
This thesis addresses the sources and transport of nuclear weapons related contamination in the Ob River region, Siberia. In addition to being one of the largest rivers flowing into the Arctic Ocean, the bulk of the former Soviet Union's nuclear fuel reprocessing and weapons testing facilities (i.e. Mayak, Tomsk-7, and Semipalitinsk) are located within the Ob drainage basin. The atom ratios 240Pu/239Pu, 237Np/239Pu, and 137Cs/240Pu, measured by magnetic-sector ICP-MS, are used to distinguish between contamination derived from global fallout and contamination derived from local sources. Deposition chronologies estimated for sediment cores are used to construct a record of weapons related contamination at the sites sampled. Contaminant records indicate that in addition to debris from atmospheric weapons tests, materials derived from local sources have also played a role in nuclear weapons related contamination of the Ob region. Isotopic data presented in this study clearly demonstrate that non-fallout contamination has been transported the full length of the Tobol, Irtysh, and Ob Rivers (i.e. the tributaries draining Mayak, Semipalitinsk, and Tomsk-7, respectively). In several instances, unique isotopic compositions are observed in sediments collected from tributaries draining each of the suspected non-fallout sources. In such cases, these materials and their deposition ages have been used to link contamination in the Ob delta to Mayak, Tomsk-7, or Semipalitinsk. Linear transport rate estimates (km yr-1) indicate that contaminated sediments transit between source tributaries and the Ob delta on time-scales of [less than or equal to] l year.
(cont.) These estimates suggest that a catastrophic release of contamination due to dam failure at one of the many reservoirs located at both Mayak and Tomsk-7 that contain high levels of radioactive waste would result in measurable levels of contamination in the delta within as little as 1 year. Isotopic concentrations in sequentially extracted sediments containing weapons related contamination reveal that the majority of plutonium and neptunium (80 to 90 percent) behaves in a similar fashion regardless of the source and is removed by treating the sediments with citrate-dithionite. This indicates that plutonium and neptunium are not truly refractory and likely associate with redox sensitive sedimentary components. Isotopic ratios measured in extracted fractions suggest that only a minor fraction of contamination is associated with acid leachable or acid digestible sedimentary phases.
by Timothy Cope Kenna.
Ph.D.
23
Oberle, John P. "Japanese-U.S. missile defense : stepping stone towards normalization /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FOberle.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, H. Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-95). Also available online.
24
Ambrose, Matthew John. "The Limits of Control: A History of the SALT Process, 1969-1983." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1417687511.
Full text
25
Griffith, Luke. "Weighing Capabilities and Intentions: George Kennan and Paul Nitze Confront the Bomb." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1339520964.
Full text
26
Jenkins, Ellen Janet. ""Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.
27
Powell, Charles R. H. "Addressing Global Threat: Exploring the Relationship between Common Purpose and Leadership." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1416412672.
Full text
28
Lane, Alexander M. "Mass Shootings and Gun Control: Obama’s Road to Reform." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/621.
Full textAbstract:
This work is intended to evaluate President Obama’s gun control policies by determining whether stricter federal gun control laws should apply within theUnited States. This paper examines whether setting legal standards at a national level would effectively reduce gun related violence and mass shootings on a local and state level. These include events such as Sandy Hook Elementary inNewton,Connecticut, the Virginia Polytechnic school shootings, and theAuroraTheatershooting inDenver,Colorado. Specifically, could executive orders proposed by the president, such as assault weapon bans, rigorous background checks on gun sales, submission of mental health records to the FBI Databases, and increased aid between states and mental health care institutions effectively reduce horrific incidences of gun related violence. Using gun control data from past and present as our research, we will determine whether stricter gun control policies have deterred violent crimes, murder rates, suicides and mass shootings. Since our research focuses on policy solutions as an alternative to reduce mass shootings, not the psychological make ups and environmental factors of mass shooters, we will omit America’s gun culture as a variable within our study: such as the effects violent video games and movies could have on the psyche of troubled individuals. After carefully analyzing gun date related to gun violence and crime, this work will attempt to suggest whether or not President Obama’s gun control policies will pass in Congress and which legislation will be the most effective in limiting gun violence and mass shootings.
29
McCoy, Daniel D. "‘Our Responsibility and Privilege to Fight Freedom’s Fight’: Neoconservatism, the Project for the New American Century, and the Making of the Invasion of Iraq in 2003." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2177.
Full textAbstract:
The Project for the New American Century (PNAC) was a neoconservative Washington, D.C. foreign policy think tank, comprised of seasoned foreign policy stalwarts who had served multiple presidential administrations as well as outside-the-beltway defense contractors, that was founded in 1997 by William Kristol, editor of the conservative political magazine The Weekly Standard, and Robert Kagan, a foreign policy analyst and political commentator currently at the Brookings Institution. The PNAC would shut down its operations in 2006. Using The Weekly Standard as its mouthpiece, the PNAC helped foment support for the removal of Iraqi president Saddam Hussein beginning in 1998, citing Iraq’s noncooperation with UN weapons inspections. The PNAC became further emboldened in its urgency and rhetoric to quell the geopolitical risk posed by Hussein after the 9/11 terror attacks. The only justifiable response the George W. Bush Administration could play in thwarting Hussein, the PNAC argued, involved a military action.
Keywords: The Project for the New American Century; Iraq War; Saddam Hussein; The Weekly Standard; The Vulcans; weapons of mass destruction
30
Johnson, Phillip M. "Casting Off the Shadow: Tactical Air Command from Air Force Independence to the Vietnam War." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1398949297.
Full text
31
Grguric, Nicolas Grguric, and eqeta@yahoo com au. "Fortified Homesteads: The Architecture of Fear in Frontier South Australia and the Northern Territory, ca 1847-1885." Flinders University. Humanities, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080225.161715.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an investigation into the use of defensive architectural techniques by
civilian settlers in frontier South Australia and the Northern Territory between 1847 and
1885. By focussing specifically on the civilian use of defensive architecture, this study
opens a new approach to the archaeological investigation and interpretation of Australian
rural buildings, an approach that identifies defensive strategies as a feature of Australian
frontier architecture.
Four sites are analysed in this study area, three of which are located in South Australia
and one in the Northern Territory. When first built, the structures investigated were not
intended, or expected, to become what they did - their construction was simply the
physical expression of the fear felt by some of the colonial settlers of Australia. Over
time, however, the stories attached to these structures have come to play a significant part
in Australias frontier mythology.
These structures represent physical manifestations of settler fear and Aboriginal
resistance. Essentially fortified homesteads, they comprise a body of material evidence
previously overlooked and unacknowledged in Australian archaeology, yet they are
highly significant in terms of what they can tell us about frontier conflict, in relation to
the mindsets and experiences of the settlers who built them. This architecture also
constitutes material evidence of a vanguard of Australian colonisation (or invasion) being
carried out, not by the military or police, but by civilian settlers.
v
Apart from this, these structures play a part in the popular mythology of Australias
colonial past. All of these structures have a myth associated with them, describing them
as having been built for defence against Aboriginal attack. These myths are analysed in
terms of why they came into existence, why they have survived, and what role they play
in the construction of Australias national identity. Drawn from, and substantiated
through, the material evidence of the homesteads, these myths are one component of a
wider body of myths which serve the ideological needs of the settler society through
justifying its presence by portraying the settlers as victims of Aboriginal aggression.
32
Lockwood, James Martin. "Prospects for Nuclear Non-Proliferation: An Actor-Oriented Case Study of Iran’s Future." Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1701.
Full textAbstract:
This study is designed to assess the effectiveness of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime and analyze theories for effectively analyzing countries that are a risk for proliferating nuclear armaments. The initial phase of my research is designed to assess the existing literature and primary theoretical approaches for analyzing nuclear non-proliferation initiatives and potential nuclear proliferators. My main means of analysis will be to examine the national and international actors involved in each case. With this method, I plan to analyze a government at the level of each of its ruling institutions. Each of these institutions will be analyzed in the context of Joseph Cirincione's five drivers and barriers: security, prestige, domestic politics, technology, and economics. This study will then review multiple historical cases of countries and treaties related to the nuclear non-proliferation issue in the context of my method of analysis. In particular, each historical study will discuss major actors and institutions with respect to the five major proliferation concepts, as a means of demonstrating the validity of my method. The primary section of my thesis will be the application of my method to one of the preeminent nuclear proliferation threats today: Iran. After a discussion of the physical status of Iran's nuclear program, I will begin my analysis in terms of my concepts, and will examine the principal actors involved in the Iranian nuclear dispute. These will be the Iran's moderate and conservative factions, as well as the U.S., Israel, the EU-3, and IAEA, and they will be examined in the context of the five drivers and barriers. The final section will be my overall risk analysis for Iran. My preliminary analysis is that regime survival is the most critical issue when it comes to the principal motivations of a state to develop nuclear arms. If this is correct, policy options designed to take advantage of the actors' positions in Iran can be formulated based on the specific conditions that prevail in Iran.
33
Meyer, Anthony Lee Isaac. "Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in BipolarSystems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464219367.
Full text
34
Dedman, Stephen. "Techronomicon (novel) ; and The weapon shop : the relationship between American science fiction and the US military (dissertation)." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0093.
Full textAbstract:
Techronomicon Techronomicon is a science fiction novel that examines far-future military actions from several different perspectives. Human beings have colonized several planets with help from the enigmatic and more technologically advanced Zhir, who gave spaceships and habitable worlds to those they deemed suitable and their descendants. The Joint Expeditionary Force is the military arm of the Universal Faith, called in when conflicts arise that the Faith decides are beyond the local government and militia and require their intervention. Leneveldt and Roader are JEF officers assigned to Operation Techronomicon, investigating what seems to be a Zhir-built defence shield around the planet Lassana. Another JEF company sent to Kalaabhavan after the murder of the planets Confessor-General loses its CO to a land-mine, and Lieutenant Hellerman reluctantly accepts command. Chevalier, a civilian pilot, takes refugees fleeing military-run detention camps on Ararat to a biological research station on otherwise uninhabited Lila. The biologists on Lila discover a symbiote that enables humans to photosynthesize, which comes to the attention of Operation Techronomicon and the JEF's Weapons Research Division. Leneveldt and Roeder, frustrated by the lack of progress on Lassana, are sent to Lila to detain the biologists, who flee into the swamps. Hellerman's efforts to restore peace on Kalaabhavan are frustrated by the Confessors, and his company finds itself besieged by insurgents. The novel explores individuals' motives for choosing or rejecting violence and/or military service; the lessons they learn about themselves and their enemies; and the possible results of attempts to forcibly suppress ideas.
35
Jameson, Sarah K. "American Soldiers' Use of Weaponry in World War I." TopSCHOLAR®, 2016. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1599.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how the modern weaponry shaped the American soldiers’ use of weaponry and the change of tactics during World War I. The American experience was unique as Britain, France, and Germany grew accustomed to the advancements in weaponry over time, while the American Expeditionary Force encountered this type of warfare for the first time. The American Army served mainly as a constabulary, fighting guerilla forces before the war, and had to be trained to fight a conventional war in Europe. The common soldiers would modify official doctrine to fit the realities of the battlefield in which they found themselves.
36
Mampye, P. Jim. "Empowerment of small and medium enterprises through the defence-related industry programme." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53406.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The defence industry was established for the purpose of providing the then South African Defence Force (SADF) with armaments before. The SADF was there to serve the government of the day. Since then, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has been established to fulfil the same as the SADF, but is much more credible and representative. Thus there has been both continuity and renewal. The idea of public policy presupposes that there is a sphere that is not private or purely individual, but is held in common. The public comprises that dimension of human activity that is regarded as requiring government or social regulation or intervention or at least common action. This related to the defence-related industries too, which require government intervention in ensuring that small and medium enterprises (SMEs) get involved in the defence industry in general. Public policy is really about defining what counts as public,who provides, who pays, and whom to pay. The modem meaning of 'policy' is that of a course of action or plan, a set of political purposes - as opposed to 'administration'. Policy is seen as rational, a manifestation of considered judgement. A policy is an attempt to define and structure a rational basis for action or inaction. Policy involves deliberate behaviour to pursue certain objectives. The distinction between action and inaction properly emphasises that policies can initiate change or resist change. Policy is intended to affect all or selected points of the external and internal environment of the political system. Policy consists of a series of actions and decisions. The policy needed by the defence-related industry in one that will allow the inflow of entrepreneurs with education to help them learn from the experienced engineers within the industry. The individual drive and interest will be the driving force for success as defined and understood by the free market economy without unnecessary government interference. The development of SMEs in the defence-related industry is part of the renewal of the defence industry. The manufacturing can be left to small firms requiring less capital and sophisticated machines and processes.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verdedigingsnywerheid is tot stand gebring om die destydse Suid-AfrikaanseWeermag (SAW) van krygstuig te voorsien. Die SAWwas daar om die regering van die dag te dien. Sedert die demokratiese verkiesing in 1994 is dit nou die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW), wat, alhoewel dit dieselfde funksie as die SAW vervul, meer geloofwaardig en meer verteenwoordigend is. Daar was dus kontinuïteit sowel as vernuwing. Die konsep van openbare beleid veronderstel 'n sfeer of terrein van lewe wat nie privaat of alleenlik individueel is nie, maar eerder gemeenskaplik Die openbare terrein is daardie dimensie van menslike aktiwiteit waarvoor staats- of sosiale regulering of intervensie nodig IS, of ten minste gemeenskaplike aksie. Dit het ook betrekking op die verdedigingsnywerheid, waar staatsintervensienodig is om te verseker dat klein en medium ondernemings by die verdedigingsnywerheidin die algemeen betrokke raak. Die doel met openbare beleid is eintlik om te bepaal wat openbaar is, wie verskaf, wie betaal, en wie betaal moet word. Die konsep van ''beleidbepaling'' is om bewustelik 'n keuse te maak tussen twee hoofalternatiewe vir loodsgemeenskappe. Die moderne betekenis van die begrip ''beleid'' behels 'n rigting of aksie of plan, 'n stel politiese oogmerke - in teenstelling met "administrasie". Beleid word gesien as rasioneel, 'n manifestasie van weloorwoë oordeel. Dit is byvoorbeeld ondenkbaar dat politici sou toegee dat hulle nie 'n beleid insake X het nie. Beleid is 'n poging om 'n rasionele grondslag vir aksie te bepaal en te struktureer. Namate 'n staat sy wetgewingsprosedures verander, so behels die funksies van ''beleid'' die skep van 'n aanneemlike storie, wat die skrywer se doel verseker en waarin beleid 'n rolspeler is. Die betekenis het betekenis. Die term ''beleid'' word gebruik om aan te toon dat daar 'n behoefte is om uit te klaar watter sosiale doelstellings gedien word deur die toedien (ook self-toedien) van wetenskaplike energie. Met ander woorde, die klem val spesifiek op die beleidwetenskap van demokrasie, waar realisering van menswaardigheid, in teorie en in praktyk, die uiteindelike doelwit is.
37
Knoblauch, William M. "Selling the Second Cold War: Antinuclear Cultural Activism and Reagan Era Foreign Policy." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1330967967.
Full text
38
O'Connell, Kaete Mary. "Weapon of War, Tool of Peace: U.S. Food Diplomacy in Postwar Germany." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/574976.
Full textAbstract:
HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation examines U.S. food diplomacy in occupied Germany. It argues that the origins of food aid as an anti-communist strategy are located in postwar Germany. Believing a punitive occupation was the best insurance against future conflict, Allied leadership agreed to enforce a lower standard of living on Germany and did not allow relief agencies to administer aid to German civilians. Facing a growing crisis in the U.S. Zone, President Truman authorized food imports and permitted voluntary agencies to operate in 1946. This decision changed the tenor of the occupation and provided the foundation to an improved U.S.-German relationship. It also underscored the value of American food power in the emerging contest with the Soviet Union. Food served as a source of soft power. It bridged cultures and fostered new relationships while reinforcing notions of American exceptionalism. Officials recognized that humanitarian aid complemented foreign policy objectives. American economic security was reflected in their abundance of food, and the dispersal of this food to war-torn Europe, especially a former enemy, made a strong statement about the future. As relations with the Soviet Union soured, policymakers increasingly relied on American food power to encourage German embrace of western values. Occupation officials portrayed food relief as an expression of democratic ideals, emphasizing the universality of Freedom from Want and focusing on well-nourished German children as the hope for future peace. American food fostered the spread of liberal democracy but its dispersal also contained communism. This work bridges diplomatic history and food studies to investigate the consequences and significance of the transnational food exchange. Food aid had layered political, cultural, and emotional implications. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the role of compassion in diplomacy and the symbolism inherent in food to demonstrate the lasting political currency of humanitarian aid. Paying close attention to the food relationships that emerge between Germans and Americans allows one to better gauge the value of U.S. food aid as a propaganda tool. Food embodies American power; it offers a medium for understanding the experience and internalization of the occupation by Americans and Germans alike. Food aid began as emergency relief in 1946, reflecting the transition from a punitive to rehabilitative occupation policy. Recognizing Germany’s need for stability and self-sufficiency Military Government officials then urged economic recovery. Food aid was an important piece for German economic recovery, with supporters emphasizing Germany’s potential contribution toward European recovery. The positive press generated by the Marshall Plan and Allied airlift of Berlin contributed to the growing significance of propaganda in the emerging Cold War. Food relief was both good policy and good public relations, providing a narrative that cast the United States as a benevolent power in a rapidly changing world. Food aid to Germany underscored America’s humanitarian obligations, conscripted emotion into the Cold War, and swayed public opinion on the home front and with the former enemy.
Temple University--Theses
39
Johnson, Ian Ona. "The Faustian Pact: Soviet-German Military Cooperation in the Interwar Period." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1461255006.
Full text
40
Bhattachary, Sanjoy. "A necessary weapon of war : state policies towards propaganda and information in eastern India, 1939-45." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244050.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis studies official policies of propaganda at different levels of the colonial administration in Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and the eastern United Provinces during the Second World War. By contrast to the available research, it treats 'propaganda' as a complex political strategy, whereby information and a variety of material benefits were disseminated, always biased towards a particular viewpoint, with the purpose of mobilising support for specific ideological campaigns, for example the publicity launched against the Indian National Congress between 1942 and 1944. Attention is given to the objectives of policy, the structures used to disseminate official propaganda, the limitations imposed on these efforts by the available technology, the audiences targeted, the themes advertised, and the impact of these activities on wartime and post-war politics. Contrary to earlier work on the topic, this thesis argues that colonial policy aimed not merely to suppress information inimical to that released by the state, but also to collect intelligence about the morale of specific audiences, their responses to the various nationalisms being articulated at the time, and the themes which needed to be addressed at particular junctures of the conflict. The thesis concludes that evidence of propaganda policies permiL<; generalisations about the nature of the colonial state in the 1940s. It suggests that the authorities failed to mobilise support for unpopular wartime policies amongst the civilian population and thus increasingly depended on the use of force; and that this failure contributed, in large measure, to the dissolution of the Indian Empire in 1947.
41
Poore, Stuart Edward. "Strategic culture and non-nuclear weapon outcomes : the cases of Australia, South Africa and Sweden." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/43763/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis uses a "strategic culture" approach to gain insights into non-nuclear weapon outcomes in Australia, South Africa and Sweden. Strategic culture refers to the ideational and cultural pre-dispositions possessed by states towards military strategic issues. The theoretical aim for this research is to explore the various conceptions of strategic culture offered in the literature and to evaluate the potential benefits of conducting strategic cultural research. Strategic Studies has traditionally been dominated by realist theories, which typically provide rationalist materialist explanations for outcomes. This thesis highlights the relevance of domestic strategic cultural context to strategic decision-making and, in the process, explores the potential inadequacies of non-cultural strategic analysis. It will be contended that strategic culture is illsuited to provide an alternative theory to explain causes of outcomes. Instead it provides an approach for investigating the "cultural conditions of possibility" for strategic decision-making. These will be seen as constituting the assumptions made by theories that pursue rationalist materialist ontologies. Non-nuclear weapon outcomes are potentially problematic for realist explanations by suggesting instances of states not maximising their power by acquiring the most powerful weaponry. This thesis focuses on non-nuclear decision-making in Australia, South Africa and Sweden. In each case it is possible to identify distinctive strategic cultural proclivities which have shaped perceptions of security-material factors. The aim is therefore to provide a thick description of these cultural tendencies and to explore how they affect nuclear decision-making. This will provide insights into why the non-cultural accounts which dominate the literature on these non-nuclear outcomes, might be inadequate. Equally, it will emphasise the value of pursuing a strategic culture approach.
42
Peterson, Christian Philip. "Wielding the Human Rights Weapon: The United States, Soviet Union, and Private Citizens, 1975-1989." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1242234040.
Full text
43
Nelson, Cortney. "“Our Weapon is the Wooden Spoon:” Motherhood, Racism, and War: The Diverse Roles of Women in Nazi Germany." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2448.
Full textAbstract:
The historiography of women in Nazi Germany attests to the various roles of women in the Third Reich. Although politically invisible, women were deeply involved in the Nazi regime, whether they supported the Party or not. During Nazi racial schemes, men formed and executed Nazi racial programs, but women participated in Nazi racism as students, nurses, and violent perpetrators. Early studies of German women during World War II focused on the lack of Nazi mobilization of women into the wartime labor force, but many women already held positions in the labor force before the war. Nazi mistreatment of lower-class working women and the violence against their own people, as well as Allied terror bombing and mass rape, proved the Nazis inept at protecting German women. The historiography of women in Nazi Germany is complex and controversial but proves the importance of women in the male dominated regime.
44
Baumgarten, Alisse. "Rape as a Weapon of War: The Demystification of the German Wehrmacht During the Second World War." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/586.
Full textAbstract:
The German Armed Forces were originally thought to be completely innocent of all war crimes associated with unethical Nazi racial policies. This has been proven not to be the case. History has adjusted itself to show that Wehrmacht forces were guilty of virtually every war crime except for the sexual violation foreign women. Due to the long-standing assumption that Nazi racial ideology prevented the intermingling of the “Aryan” race with the “unworthy” Eastern European races, this myth was rarely questioned. Given the lack of hard evidence proving that civilian women were raped by invading Wehrmacht troops, a firm conclusion is out of the question. However, with a concrete understanding of the Nazi attitude towards sexual relations, the components in the East that led to a breakdown in Wehrmacht discipline, and the resulting reaction of the Soviet Union in light of this brutality, one can surmise the type of violence women were forced to endure. Through the research conducted in this thesis, it is likely that the mass rape of Eastern European women did indeed occur. The silence that surrounds this issue is highly indicative of the cultural elements that prevent an open discussion of this topic. This thesis is meant to spark a discussion of the implications and reverberations of mass rape in a wartime setting.
45
Hutchison, Yvette. ""Memory is a weapon" : the uses of history and myth in selected post-1960 Kenyan, Nigerian and South African plays." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51338.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 1999.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In hierdie proefskrif word gekyk na die verwantskap tussen geskiedenis, mite, geheue en teater. Daar word ook gekyk na die mate waartoe historiese of mitiese toneelstukke gebruik kan word om die amptelike geheue en identiteite, soos deur bewindhebbers in post-koloniale Nigerie en Kenya geskep, terug kon wen of uit kon daag. Hierdie werke word dan vergelyk met die soort teater wat tydens die Apartheidbewind in Suid-Afrika geskep is, om verskille en ooreenkomste in die gebruik van historiese en mitiese gegewens te bekyk. Die slotsom is dat een van die belangrikste kenmerke van die teater in vandag se samelewing sy vermod is om alternatiewe historiese narratiewe te ontwikkel wat kan dien as teen-geheue ("counter-memory") vir die dominante narratief van amptelike geskiedenisse. Sodoende bevraagteken die teater dan ook 'n liniere en causale siening van die geskiedenis, maar interpreteer dit eerder as meervoudig en kompleks.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: This thesis considers the relationship between history, myth, memory and theatre. The study explores the extent to which historic or mythic plays were used to either reclaim or challenge the official memories and identities created by those in power in the postcolonial Kenyan and Nigerian context. These are then compared to the South African theatre created during Apartheid, exploring the similarities and differences in the South Africans use of historic or mythic referents. The conclusion reached is that one of the most powerful aspects of theatre in society is its ability to create alternate historic narratives that become a counter-memory to the dominant narrative of official histories. It also challenges seeing history as linear and causal, and makes it more plural and complex.
46
Peltola, Larissa. "Rape and Sexual Violence Used as a Weapon of War and Genocide." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1965.
Full textAbstract:
Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been used against civilian populations since the advent of armed conflict. However, recent scholarship within the last few decades proves that rape is not a byproduct of war or a result of transgressions by a few “bad apples,” rather, rape and sexual violence are used as strategic, systematic, and calculated tools of war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Rape has also been used as a means of preventing future generations of children of “undesirable” groups from being born. Rape and sexual violence are also used with the purpose of intimidating women and their communities, destroying the social fabric and cohesion of specific groups, and even as a final act of humiliation before killing the victim. In each conflict that is examined in this thesis, sexual violence is used against civilian populations for the specific purpose of genocide.
47
Nabuco, de Araujo Rodrigo. "Conquête des esprits et commerce des armes : la diplomatie militaire française au Brésil (1945-1974)." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00690336.
Full textAbstract:
Les relations internationales du Brésil sont marquées par l'omniprésence états-unienne. Nous proposons ici de déconstruire en partie cette perspective, à l'appui d'archives inédites issues des ministères français des Affaires étrangères et de la Défense. Durant les années 50, 60 et 70, la France a envoyé ses plus grands spécialistes du renseignement au Brésil. Issus d'horizons politiques très différents, ces hommes ont assuré le transfert des doctrines coloniales de l'armée française vers l'armée brésilienne mais ils ont aussi créé des débouchés pour les industries françaises reconstituées dans l'après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En moins de vingt ans, l'armée française a entièrement remodelé la perception que les militaires brésiliens avaient de leur rôle. La technologie exportée n'était pas uniquement matérielle ; politique, elle a permis la construction d'un nouvel édifice militaire, fondé sur le principe de la guerre anti-subversive, sur l'action des services de renseignement et sur l'hégémonie des groupes industriels liés à l'armement. En ce sens, la France a largement contribué à ce que l'armée brésilienne atteigne son autonomie stratégique. Pourtant, sa technologie n'a pas apporté que des résultats positifs. Bien au contraire, à l'instar des guerres menées par l'armée française dans les colonies, la guerre anti-subversive au Brésil a refondu la société brésilienne.
48
Raney, Catherine A. "From Housewife to Household Weapon: Women from the Bolivian Mines Organize Against Economic Exploitation and Political Oppression." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/591.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well.
Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present.
This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.
49
Sales, Izabella Fátima Oliveira de. "Difusão, status social e controle de armas na Mariana setecentista (1707-1736)." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2009. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2779.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-07T15:23:18Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
izabellafatimaoliveiradesales.pdf: 821130 bytes, checksum: 5fbc7a45a3a0560dc709e2ed25869fb4 (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-11T15:47:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 izabellafatimaoliveiradesales.pdf: 821130 bytes, checksum: 5fbc7a45a3a0560dc709e2ed25869fb4 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-11T15:47:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 izabellafatimaoliveiradesales.pdf: 821130 bytes, checksum: 5fbc7a45a3a0560dc709e2ed25869fb4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-28
CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O objetivo central deste trabalho foi estudar a difusão e o controle de armas no termo de Mariana nas três primeiras décadas do século XVIII, assim como o papel que as mesmas representavam no processo de distinção dos indivíduos em uma sociedade marcada pela cultura de Antigo Regime. Nesse sentido, tentamos compreender os princípios da atuação da coroa através da legislação sobre as armas, sua expressão na colônia e o perfil da distribuição de armas entre os colonos. A análise das evidências empíricas nos permitiu observar que, apesar da intenção por parte das autoridades no sentido de controlar o uso de armas, havia uma disseminação significativa desses instrumentos em relação aos vários segmentos da população. Notamos uma maior concentração dos armamentos sob o poder da elite local, permitindo que esses atores apresentassem melhores condições de prestar serviços em benefício do Império, aumentando suas possibilidades de negociação com a Coroa, na medida em a metrópole dependia da força armada dos particulares para manter a ordem.
The central objective of this work was to study the spread and control of arms at the Mariana in the first three decades of the eighteenth century and the role they are in the process of differentiation of individuals in a society marked by the culture of Ancient Regime. In this sense, we try to understand the principles of action of the crown through the law on weapons, its expression in the colony and the profile of the distribution of weapons among the settlers. The analysis of evidence allowed us to observe that despite the intention by the authorities to control the use of weapons, there was a significant spread of these instruments in relation to the various segments of the population. Noticed a higher concentration of armaments under the power of local elite, so that these actors had better able to provide services for the benefit of the empire, increasing your chances of negotiating with the Crown, in that the metropolis depended on the armed force of individuals to maintain order.
50
McCaul, Edward B. Jr. "Rapid technological innovation: the Evolution of the artillery fuze during the American Civil War." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1131732518.
Full text