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1
Seoane, Julio. "Opinion pública : Public opinion." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 17 (September 27, 2019): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2019.5028.
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Resumen: Se recorre la historia de la noción de opinión pública en cinco etapas que van desde su presentación en el XVIII con la Ilustración a los nuevos modos de los social media, pasando por la institución de la opinión pública en la prensa liberal del XIX, las cuestiones de la manipulación de finales del XIX y principios del XX y su condición de lugar de la democracia en la segunda mitad del XX. Palabras clave: público, prensa, mass media, sondeos. Abstract: This work try to show the history of public opinion in five stages ranging from its presentation in the XVIII with the Enlightenment to its new configuration with our social media, through the institution of public opinion in the liberal press of the nineteenth century, the issues of manipulation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and its status as a place of democracy in the second half of the twentieth. Keywords: public, press, mass media, polls.
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Leigh, Jeffrey T. "Public Opinion, Public Order, and Press Policy in the Neoabsolutist State: Bohemia, 1849–52." Austrian History Yearbook 35 (January 2004): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800020956.
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In the historiography of the Habsburg monarchy, the era of neoabsolutism, 1849–59, has generally been defined as either a period of reaction or one of missed opportunity when domestic policy was subordinated to the dynasty's great power interests. Historians commenting on this era have made important contributions, mostly in the area of foreign policy, state finance, economic developments, and constitutional theory, and have focused on what could or should have happened had the government chosen various reform agendas. None, however, have investigated the substantial developments then taking place in the alteration of state-society relations in the area of public opinion formation. Their interpretations have therefore missed and consequently masked the neoabsolutist state's pioneering efforts to create a wholly new relationship with the monarchy's disparate lands and peoples founded upon the rule of law under the Stadion Constitution, 4 March 1849, and then the Sylvester Patent, 31 December 1851.
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Horwood, Thomas. "Public Opinion and the 1908 Eucharistic Congress." Recusant History 25, no. 1 (May 2000): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200032039.
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The summer of 1908 was a summer of congresses in London. The decennial Pan-Anglican Congress assembled in July, the History of Religions Congress met in September, the Trades Union Congress held its annual meeting shortly thereafter, and the International Congress on Moral Education took place in October. None of these received as much newspaper attention as the Roman Catholic International Eucharistic Congress, which convened in England for the first time, from Wednesday 9 to Sunday 13, September. Many column inches were devoted to the preparations and proceedings; photographs were printed; and hundreds of readers’ letters were published afterwards. In reportage the newspapers differed slightly; in opinion, more so. Most of the proceedings were not controversial at all, consisting of liturgies, lectures on various aspects of Catholic belief concerning the Eucharist, and evening meetings in the Albert Hall. What excited the press and sections of the public was the proposed closing spectacular: a procession of the Blessed Sacrament through the streets around Westminster Cathedral.
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Streltsov, Alexey D. "Rand rebellion of 1922: the perception in British public opinion." RUDN Journal of World History 10, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 371–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2018-10-4-371-381.
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The article presents the research of the problem of white miners uprising in Witwatersrand in January-March 1922. The aim of the research was to surround the causes of the uprising, the reaction of British establishment and press, as well as the leader of the South African Union. Based on a number of sources, are shown the history of the issue and the driving forces of the rebels. The article contains an indication of both the traditional factors of the strike, characteristic of the industry of the fi rst half of XX, and the specifi c features of South Africa that aff ected the uprising. The author paid attention to the way of analyzing by the British press the causes of the uprising, and how various publications appreciate it, depending on their ideology. Besides, is considered the signifi cance of the uprising for further decision-making by the British leadership on colonial policy.
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García Garino, Gabriela. "Political press and public powers: disputes over the public opinion. Mendoza, 1852-1880." Quinto Sol 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v22i3.2644.
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Kjærgaard, Thorkild. "The rise of press and public opinion in eighteenth‐century Denmark—Norway." Scandinavian Journal of History 14, no. 4 (January 1989): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468758908579175.
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Burge, Daniel J. "A Delayed Revenge: “Yellow Journalism” and the Long Quest for Cuba, 1851–1898." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, no. 3 (June 30, 2023): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781423000038.
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AbstractHistorians have long been intrigued by the role that the press played in McKinley’s decision to intervene in Cuba in 1898. Most, however, have focused their attention on the decade of the 1890s, ignoring the long history of interventionism aimed at Cuba. This essay uses the story of William L. Crittenden to explore the many instances where interventionists tried (and failed) to drum up support for Cuban intervention. Crittenden was executed by the Spanish in 1851 after a failed filibuster raid. Over the next four decades, interventionists wrote newspaper accounts, held boisterous public meetings, penned poems, and published novels that demanded revenge upon Spain. Yet Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, Ulysses Grant, and Grover Cleveland did not choose to intervene. By focusing on nearly five decades as opposed to a single year, this essay calls into question the idea that the press reflected public opinion and challenges the larger assertion that the “Yellow Press” propelled the United States into a war with Spain. Whether they shouted “Remember the Maine,” “Remember the Virginius,” or “Remember Crittenden,” writers, editors, poets, and journalists simply did not have the power to control public opinion and certainly did not prove to be successful at manipulating presidents to intervene.
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Bell, P. M. H. "Censorship, Propaganda and Public Opinion: The case of the Katyn Graves, 1943." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 39 (December 1989): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3678978.
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THE SUBJECT of this paper is not the sombre story of the mass graves at Katyn, filled with the corpses of murdered Polish officers; nor will it deal directly with the question of who killed those officers. I approach these events in the course of research on the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy in Britain during the Second World War, and on the closely related matters of censorship and propaganda as practised by the British government in that period. The diplomatic crisis produced by the affair of the Katyn graves was one in which publicity was freely used as an instrument of policy—indeed sometimes policy and publicity were indistinguishable. Those who controlled British censorship and propaganda, and attempted to guide public opinion, were faced with acute and wideranging problems. It is the object of this paper to analyse those problems, to see how the government tried to cope with them, and to trace the reactions of the press and public opinion, as a case study in the extent and limitations of government influence in such matters.
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Soriano, Cristina. "Public Sphere without a Printing Press: Texts, Reading Networks, and Public Opinion in Venezuela during the Age of Revolutions." Itinerario 44, no. 2 (August 2020): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000200.
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AbstractAt the end of the eighteenth century, members of the colonial elite of the Captaincy General of Venezuela addressed a letter to the king of Spain in which they sought permission to have a printing press in the city of Caracas. In the letter, they argued that the establishment of such a press was fundamental for the economic and commercial development of the Captaincy. Months later, they learned that the permission for a printing press had been denied without further explanations. Venezuela became one of the last capital cities in colonial Spanish America to possess this technology. The lack of a printing press during this politically dynamic period moved by the Atlantic revolutions did not necessarily affect public access to reading, sharing of information, and political debate in Venezuela. Venezuela's unique geographical location, and its open and frequent connections with the Caribbean region during the Age of Revolutions allowed for the effective entrance and transit of people and written materials that spread revolutionary ideas and impressions, creating a dynamic and contested political environment. Here I argue that during the late-colonial period, semiliterate forms of knowledge transmission, partially promoted by Spanish reformism, mobilised a socially diverse public that openly debated the monarchical regime, the system of slavery, and the hierarchical socio-racial order of colonial society. The colonial public sphere in Venezuela was shaped, then, within a context of emerging socio-racial tensions and became a space of contestation and struggle, animated by the overlapping of contradictory political discourses.This study contributes to recent debates about the character, nature, and relevance of the public sphere in the colonial world. It explores the circulation of manuscripts and ephemeral written materials, the different modes of production and reception of texts that developed in the colonial context, and an analysis of the character of the urban spaces that facilitated the performativity of texts. It thus offers a new framework for understanding the emergence of a public sphere in Venezuela, a colonial peripheral province with no printing press.
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Emmanuel, Mark. "Viewspapers: The Malay press of the 1930s." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 1 (December 21, 2009): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990233.
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There was a tremendous acceleration in newspaper publishing between 1930 and 1941 despite the Great Depression. The Malay press began to evolve into a site for discussing and debating the circumstances of Malay life in the 1930s. Rather than news, opinions, commentaries, leading articles and editorials made up the bulk of column space in Malay newspapers and magazines of the 1930s. It was a ‘viewspaper’ rather than a newspaper. New forms of public-opinion making like the editorial, increased participation in the media through letters to the editor and contributors' articles, public readings of newspapers, and the extension of newspapers into classrooms meant that a broader cross-section of Malays were able to access debates and discussions on issues of the day and raises new questions about public life in Malaya among Malays.
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AVŞAR, Abdulhamit. "THE ROLE VISUAL MEDIA AS A TOOL OF CULTURAL CONVERGENCE ON TURKEY-AZERBAIJAN RELATIONS." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 32 (July 15, 2022): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.657.
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Visual media has an important role in international relations, especially in ensuring cultural and social rapprochement, creating mutual awareness in public opinion. Many positive and negative opinions are formed through visual media. Today, there is closeness between the public opinion of Turkey and Azerbaijan that exceeds the will of the political administrations. Turkey's visual mass media, operating in Azerbaijan, have an important place in maintaining and strengthening this closeness, whose roots go back to the depths of history. In this context, Turkish visual media has assumed one of the main roles in the revival of cultural and social rapprochement between two peoples of the same ethnic origin, language and belief who have been separated for many years. In this context, Turkey's public broadcastindeg channel, Turkish Radio-Television Corporation (TRT), has a special place. TRT also opened its second representation in the Turkish Republics in Azerbaijan in 2001. In this way, it increased the number of news and programs and strengthened its contribution to the development of cultural and social relations between the two countries. In the period between 2004 and 2007, this contribution reached its peak, and besides its contribution to the promotion of Azerbaijan, it also contributed to the increase of a positive perception of Turkey in the Azerbaijani public. In this sense, it can be said that as a public diplomacy tool, it has been turned into one of the most important cultural tools in the relations between the two countries. However, it is noteworthy that there are no original studies on the effects of TRT's activities in Azerbaijan on public opinion formation and public diplomacy. The theoretical framework of this study was determined as the function of the press to form public opinion and public policy in international relations. For this purpose, the handling of the activities of the TRT Baku Representation Office in the Azerbaijani press between the years 2004-2007 and the impact of the broadcasting activities on setting the agenda will be evaluated.
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McGregor, Shannon C. "“Taking the Temperature of the Room”." Public Opinion Quarterly 84, S1 (2020): 236–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfaa012.
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Abstract For most of the twentieth century, public opinion was nearly analogous with polling. Enter social media, which has upended the social, technical, and communication contingencies upon which public opinion is constructed. This study documents how political professionals turn to social media to understand the public, charting important implications for the practice of campaigning as well as the study of public opinion itself. An analysis of in-depth interviews with 13 professionals from 2016 US presidential campaigns details how they use social media to understand and represent public opinion. I map these uses of social media onto a theoretical model, accounting for quantitative and qualitative measurement, for instrumental and symbolic purposes. Campaigns’ use of social media data to infer and symbolize public opinion is a new development in the relationship between campaigns and supporters. These new tools and symbols of public opinion are shaped by campaigns and drive press coverage (McGregor 2019), highlighting the hybrid logic of the political media system (Chadwick 2017). The model I present brings much-needed attention to qualitative data, a novel aspect of social media in understanding public opinion. The use of social media data to understand the public, for all its problems of representativeness, may provide a retort to long-standing criticisms of surveys—specifically that surveys do not reveal hierarchical, social, or public aspects of opinion formation (Blumer 1948; Herbst 1998; Cramer 2016). This model highlights a need to explicate what can—and cannot—be understood about public opinion via social media.
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Gao, Yang, and Haozhe Ma. "Selective Bias in the Collective Memory of News Public Opinion and Reflections on Governance: The Case of Watergate Scandal." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 21 (February 15, 2023): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v21i.3427.
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The Watergate scandal is one of the most disgraceful political scandals in American history, and its impact on the history of the United States itself and on the international press as a whole has been lasting. Indeed, the American press, represented by the Washington Post, played a pioneering role in exposing the Watergate scandal. In this context, media journalists showed a clear bias towards collective memory choices. On the one hand, in the face of strong government pressure, journalists continued to report the facts and to uncover the truth with objectivity, truthfulness and accuracy. On the other hand, as the years passed, the media's understanding of the Watergate scandal updated and changed, and collective memory did not remain unchanged. For contemporary China, the prominence of the press in fulfilling its role as a watchdog over the government leads us to reflect on the ability of the media, journalists and civil servants to carry out their duties.
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Petley, Julian. "Doing harm." Index on Censorship 26, no. 2 (March 1997): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600208.
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Kuhn, Robert D. "Archaeology under a Microscope: CRM and the Press." American Antiquity 67, no. 2 (April 2002): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694563.
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Cultural Resource Management (CRM) archaeology receives regular press and media attention. This coverage can shape public perceptions and attitudes about the field. Furthermore, press coverage and public opinion can affect CRM project and policy decision-making. Analysis of the content of newspaper articles collected by the New York State Historic Preservation Office (SHPO) related to CRM archaeology over the five-year period between 1995 and 2000 included documenting the types of issues that received press attention and assessing the amount of positive and negative press coverage. Recommendations to encourage improved media coverage of CRM archaeology include: increased recognition of the importance of press coverage; increased efforts to encourage positive press coverage of CRM; improved skills for working with the press; greater participation from archaeologists in academia; and continued evaluation and assessment of newspaper and media coverage of CRM archaeology.
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Sorokin, Aleksandr. "Electoral technologies in city elections in the Russian Empire on the eve of the revision of the Act on City Self-Government of 1870 (based on the materials of the provincial periodical press)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2022): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202212statyi50.
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The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of electoral technologies in city elections in the Russian Empire. Th e materials of the provincial periodical press show the mechanisms of working with voters, ways of forming public opinion about candidates for deputies of city dumas and city chiefs, the participation of mass media in the formation of the image of city self-government bodies.
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Robinson, John P., Gladys Engel Lang, and Kurt Lang. "The Battle for Public Opinion: The President, the Press, and the Polls during Watergate." Social Forces 64, no. 1 (September 1985): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2578992.
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Ramos Palomo, María Dolores, and Víctor José Ortega Muñoz. "Mujeres Gladiadoras. Prensa republicana femenina y movilización política en los inicios de la cultura mediática en España (1896-1922)." RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación 2, no. 15 (2020): 16–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rihc.2020.i15.02.
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: The enormous potential of the Spanish republican female press at the junction of the 19th-20th centuries acquires historical interest due to the renewal of the journalistic market aimed at women, which, transcending the framework of beauty, fashion, home and domestic economy magazines welcomes a political, doctrinaire, militant and radical journalism, directed and written by women, although it had male collaborations. This press - El Progreso, La Conciencia Libre, El Gladiador, El Gladiador del Librepensamiento and Redención, among other publications- conferred recognition and intellectual authority on its promoters, by giving them the possibility of spreading their ideals, create opinion, influencing the public sphere and articulating a political tradition and culture that has been largely neglected in the history of the press. Keywords: Republican press, women, media culture, Spain, 19th - 20th centuries.
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Ishchenko, Nikita S. "The Afghan Question in Russian Conservative Opinion Journalism in the Mid-1880s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2022): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018389-5.
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In the first half of the reign of Alexander III (1881–1894), Russia took several important steps to strengthen its position in Central Asia. The annexation of the city of Merv, the Iolatan and Panjdekh oases in 1884–1885 led to territorial disputes with Afghanistan over the southern Turkmen lands and to a clash with an Afghan detachment on the Kushka River. The latter event nearly brought the political confrontation between St Petersburg and London over influence in the region to the brink of a full-scale military conflict. The peace settlement resulted in the work of a mixed British-Russian commission to determine the western part of the Russian-Afghan border, which culminated in the signing of an agreement in 1888. These events did not elude the attention of the Russian public. Leading national periodicals reported on the situation on the southern borders of the empire. In this article, the author attempts to characterise the views of influential Russian conservative authors of those years on Russian policy in Afghanistan in the mid-1880s and to analyse the extent to which their foreign policy proposals coincided with the actions of the Russian government. The study draws on the publications of the most influential representatives of the conservative press, as well as official press articles on events on the Russian-Afghan border, published during the period when the Russian-British confrontation in the region (1884–1886) was at its peak. The author concludes that, despite Alexander III's sympathy for conservative views and those who expressed them, the government did not accept a single proposal from conservative publicists regarding Russian policy at the borders of Afghanistan.
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Antyukhova, Ekaterina, and Valerii Blokhin. "Transformation of the Public Sphere During World War I: Attitude to War and Peace." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2022): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.1.1.
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Introduction. The paper analyses the Russian public sphere during World War I. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of the functioning of the periodical press under the conditions of military censorship. The paper demonstrates how censorship restrictions regulated the discussion of issues that were of special political importance and transformed the publicity regime in the country. Methods and materials. The presented work is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The methodological framework for writing the article is the public sphere model proposed by J. Habermas, as well as special methodological approaches developed in the works of N. Luhmann. With a view to understanding and analysing the processes taking place in the public sphere, the research method of case studies is used. The source base of the study, in addition to publications in periodicals, consists of official documents regulating the activities of military censorship institutions in Russia. Analysis. The study reveals and demonstrates the possibilities of the periodical press to create a special sphere of publicity in the country through the information impact on the population. The article states that the press at the early stage of World War I did not differ in the variety of opinions, made no attempt to develop an objective overview of what was going on. First of all, the issues of the “fair war” and “inevitable victory” were brought up, which fueled the atmosphere of patriotic euphoria. At the same time, the military censorship suppressed any attempts to discuss the possibility of making peace between belligerent countries, even if they came from the supporters of military conflict, as it was the case with the article by P.A. Sorokin. The same trend was observed both in 1915 and 1916. Mentioning peace on the pages of the periodical press was equated with violations that the enemies could use to their advantage. Results. Thus, the press acted as only one, albeit very important, element of the public sphere within which the formation of public opinion took place during World War I. The mechanisms of the public sphere fulfilled one of the key tasks: due to its influence the population was mobilized in all areas of its practical activity. At the very beginning of the war, the press stood in solidarity with the authorities regarding the inevitability of the future victory of Russia and the need to protect the Fatherland from enemy attacks. The question of the duration of hostilities and the advent of peace was more complicated. However, as the war continued and the internal political crisis grew, the attitude towards the early conclusion of peace was changing, gradually transforming into hatred of all the actors of the war in the public sphere, with its own authorities taking the place of the enemy governments. Throughout the war, the pressure on the media by the censorship striving to maintain a pro-government publicity regime increased. However, at some point the transformation of the public sphere became irreversible and in many ways predetermined the events of 1917. The authors’ contribution. E.А. Antyukhova has defined the methodological approaches to the interpretation of the documents of the periodical press of World War I in terms of the public sphere, demonstrated its possibilities in the formation of public opinion. V.F. Blokhin has analyzed the existing points of view in the domestic and foreign historiography on the features of the functioning of the periodical press under the conditions of World War I, demonstrated the work of military censorship at different stages during the military conflict.
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Raković, Aleksandar. "Yugoslav Rock Opera Gubec-beg (1973–1984) – Theatrical Spectacle and Cultural Diplomacy." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.rak.253-274.
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The paper shows how the first Yugoslav rock opera Gubec-beg was created, how its spectacular stage production made its way into the repertoire of Zagrebʼs Komedija Theatre and the Vatroslav Lisinski Concert Hall in Zagreb, how important it was for Yugoslav culture at home and cultural diplomacy abroad and for public opinion regarding this performance. The paper is written on the basis of documents from the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the domestic press and periodicals (entertainment, music, daily, youth, political, musicological, theatre), and academic and scholarly literature.
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Iannone, Aniello. "Democracy Crisis in South-East Asia: Media Control, Censorship, and Disinformation during the 2019 Presidential and General Elections in Indonesia, Thailand and 2019 Local Election in the Philippines." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 26, no. 1 (July 21, 2022): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.71417.
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South-East Asia is suffering a rapid deterioration of the free press and Freedom of expression. According to the last report of Freedom in the World 2021, in the last few years, almost all the South-East Asian countries have experienced a reduction in Freedom of expression, and in certain cases, their rights have been restricted. What kind of effects do the media have on public opinion? How can disinformation, censorship, and media control manipulate public opinion? Is social media promoting the anti-democracy establishment? Does social media reduce the democratic quality of a country by limiting its expression through control? This paper is based on desk-based research, where literature on political history and the political history of using media has been reviewed and analyzed—with a comparative analysis, focusing on the data available on the three countries of interest: Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines, taking a comparative study the last election in 2019 in those countries. As a method, this study conducts a critical literature review with a historical approach. This study found that all the countries analyzed utilized the media to spread disinformation, war propaganda, and control. Borrowing from the Gramscian theory of hegemony, the paper argues that the theory of media and control can be used as a theoretical framework to examine the rule of media to manipulate and control the opinion public.
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الخفاجي, جاسب. "Political Issues in Jabal Amel Newspaper 1911-1912 (Historical Study in Models)." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 7 (October 27, 2010): 91–168. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2011/v1.i7.6103.
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Despite the interest of specialized researchers (academic and non-academic) in the history of the Arab press, it remains in dire need of further research and investigation in many of its aspects. later than the last century, and thus they neglected to a large extent the study of the history of many Arab newspapers in the stage of pioneering and establishment, which made the ambiguity and lack of clarity surrounding the beginnings of its establishment, the factors driving its emergence and its positions on the political events existing at the time, but rather the position of local, Arab or public opinion Global
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Abdrazakhova, A. K., Z. N. Ermaganbetova, and G. M. Sembiyeva. "The history of the formation of industry publications in the Kyzylorda region." BULLETIN of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Journalism Series 145, no. 4 (2023): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7174-2023-145-4-125-133.
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Today, a sufficiently developed reader chooses a publication that provides informative and expert information according to his interests, tastes, culture and level of education. In recent years, we can see that the demand for industry journalism has increased more than universal journalism. That is why it is one of the most important issues to differentiate mass media in our country and region and consider effective ways to increase the number of readers. The author points out that the market of modern periodicals is filled with newspapers and magazines of different directions, topics, formats, sizes, and regional industry press occupies a special place among this diversity. It is clearly shown that it is the main source of information in the districts and regions, a center of socio-cultural relations, coordinating the life of the local population and forming public opinion. The article examines the originality, formation, development history, functional purpose of the modern regional press, and defines and analyzes the current face of the press in the Syr region. It is shown by examples that the regional press plays a great role in strengthening and improving the independence of the state. Based on the fact that the periodical press is going through a period of complex transformation, the author of the article concludes that in order to effectively implement their activities, regional publications need to stimulate the civil activity of regional readers, in addition to showing the truth and increasing the quality of information products.
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Holmila, Antero, and Pasi Ihalainen. "Nationalism and Internationalism Reconciled." Contributions to the History of Concepts 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2018.130202.
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The carnage of World War I gave rise to liberal visions for a new world order with democratized foreign policy and informed international public opinion. Conservatives emphasized continuity in national sovereignty, while socialists focused on the interests of the working class. While British diplomacy in the construction of the League of Nations has been widely discussed, we focus on contemporary uses of nationalism and internationalism in parliamentary and press debates that are more ideological. We also examine how failed internationalist visions influenced uses of these concepts during World War II, supporting alternative organizational solutions, caution with the rhetoric of democracy and public opinion, and ways to reconcile national sovereignty with a new world organization. The United Nations was to guarantee the interests of the leading powers (including the United States), while associations with breakthroughs of democracy were avoided. Nationalism (patriotism) and internationalism were reconciled with less idealism and more pragmatism.
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Raykhlina, Yelizaveta, and Ala Graff. "Introduction: Agency and Autonomy in the Russian Press across the 1917 Divide." Russian History 48, no. 3-4 (September 19, 2022): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340035.
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Abstract This forum examines the professionalization of journalism in Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union using recent revisionist approaches in press history. Four essays, ranging chronologically from the 1820s through the 1960s, use case studies of both commercial and state-owned periodicals to explore the rise of the press as a source of information and opinion in Russia. Yelizaveta Raykhlina’s article examines the institutions and networks, both formal and informal, that promoted the earliest professional and commercial periodicals in the first third of the nineteenth century. Ala Graff’s article analyzes the professionalization of the press during the 1860s–1880s, exploring how newspaper editors navigated the space between limited editorial autonomy and the growing technical complexity of the newspaper publishing business. Felix Cowan’s article examines the professionalization of the penny press in late Imperial Russia, focusing on how editors and journalists viewed their work as a vehicle for social mobility as well as a public service for the poor and marginalized. Ekaterina Kamenskaya’s article analyzes the newspaper Sel’skaia zhizn’ (Rural Life) and the role of its foreign correspondent network in both carving out space for professional autonomy as well as in bringing a unique narrative of the world to a rural Soviet audience in the 1960s.
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Migliucci, Dario. "Legislative Investigations into Propaganda Activities (1919–1941)." Historia y Comunicación Social 26, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/hics.65273.
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The present work analyzes the complex relationship that was established during the interwar period between the American press and the legislative committees which investigated the propaganda activities of subversive movements and large private corporations during those years. The investigation is the result of the examination of journalistic sources and documentary evidence recently collected from various US federal and state archives. The main hypothesis is that the struggle against propaganda by both the press and the legislative committees became a new form of manipulation of public opinion, enabling politicians and reporters to exploit people’s aversion to the new persuasion techniques in order to satisfy their own personal interests and ideological purposes.
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Tusan, Michelle. "Laurence Fenton. Palmerston and The Times: Foreign Policy, the Press and Public Opinion in Mid-Victorian Britain." American Historical Review 119, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.1.253.
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Arrese, Ángel. "The role of economic journalism in political transitions." Journalism 18, no. 3 (July 8, 2016): 368–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884915623172.
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Due to its peculiar nature, the economic and financial press, throughout history, has had a particular liberty of action in times of tight media controls imposed by the authorities. Both the type of content that it spreads – technical information useful for markets and businesses – and its limited public visibility – with tiny, but influential, audiences – have facilitated this media’s carte blanche to influence elite public opinion in moments of profound political and economic change. This phenomenon can be analysed in some detail around the processes of the political transitions experienced in many authoritarian and totalitarian regimes in the last third of the 20th century. As discussed in this article, economic publications played an important role in changing the mindset of the ruling classes in Argentina, Spain, Russia, China and South Africa, before and after political changes, during times when freedom of the press was restricted for other media.
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Lawrence, Jon. "Fascist violence and the politics of public order in inter-war Britain: the Olympia debate revisited*." Historical Research 76, no. 192 (March 27, 2003): 238–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00174.
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Abstract This article uses press reports, pamphlet literature, politicians' diaries, parliamentary debates and Home Office/police papers at the Public Record Office to sustain two main arguments. Firstly, that contrary to recent revisionist accounts, revulsion at fascist violence played an important part in the failure of Mosley and British fascism. It is shown that the furore over blackshirt violence at Olympia in 1934 served to alienate Conservative opinion from fascist ‘extremism’ both in parliament and in the press, and also convinced both British Union of Fascists and communist leaders that they must dissociate themselves from responsibility for the organization of violence. Secondly, the article suggests that debates about Olympia highlighted profound disagreements over the legitimacy of dissent and protest in public politics, and over the proper role for the police and the law at indoor political meetings. Ultimately the reaction against fascist violence led to a significant increase in the state's role in this traditionally private sphere of political life.
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Richards, Chase. "Ernst Keil vs. Prussia: Censorship and Compromise in theAmazonAffair." Central European History 46, no. 3 (September 2013): 533–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913000988.
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Recent scholarship has cautioned us that censorship does not require a censor, nor can it be described merely as the repression of information by power. Censorship can be discursively productive, and historically it has worn many guises. This article treats a case in which state censorship practices were unstable, their execution uncertain, and their target cunning, if ultimately open to compromise. Sparked by an antiaristocratic short story in Ernst Keil'sGartenlaube(arbor, bower), the most widely read German periodical of the era, theAmazonaffair involved not only its namesake ship—the Prussian S.M.S.Amazon(Amazone), a wooden corvette that sank in a storm off the coast of Holland in 1861—but an extraordinary confrontation between the conservative Prussian state and the liberal popular press. From the misstep of a weekly family magazine arose a multiyear press ban and a struggle over liberal-democratic public opinion in Germany. If no clear winner emerged from theAmazonaffair, the episode nonetheless speaks to the malleability of German political culture at a moment of profound transition, as well as to the ability of the state to shape it.
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Young, Julia G. "Fascists, Nazis, or Something Else?: Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista in the US Media, 1937–1945." Americas 79, no. 2 (March 17, 2022): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.142.
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AbstractThis paper examines the public relations battles in the US media over Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS), an explicitly Catholic social movement founded in 1937 that aimed to restore the Church to its traditional role in Mexican society and to reject the reforms of the revolutionary government. The sinarquistas shared many of the features of fascism and Nazism, the major global antidemocratic movements of the time, including a strident nationalism, authoritarian leanings, an emphasis on martial discipline and strict organizational structure, and a militant aesthetic. Both its ideological leanings and rapid growth (as many as 500,000 members by the early 1940s) led many US writers to suggest that the UNS represented a dangerous fifth-column threat to both Mexico and the United States. Others, particularly in the Catholic press, saw the UNS as an anticommunist organization that could actually help foster democracy in Mexico. For their part, UNS leaders defended themselves vociferously and sought to build relationships with influential US Catholics who could advocate for them in the press. By analyzing this debate, this paper both underscores the transnational characteristics of the UNS and highlights the crucial role of US public opinion in Mexican politics during the 1940s.
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Ben-Bassat, Yuval. "Mass petitions as a way to evaluate ‘public opinion’ in the late nineteenth-century Ottoman empire? The case of internal strife among Gaza’s elite." Turkish Historical Review 4, no. 2 (2013): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00402002.
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This article evaluates collective petitions (arz-ı mahzars) sent to Istanbul from Gaza at the end of the nineteenth century as a way of assessing the political mood of the elite in Ottoman provincial towns. Gaza was the theatre of considerable tension, cleavages, and rivalry among its elite. One of the key questions in this context is the implications of sending collective petitions from towns such as Gaza to the imperial centre given the political censorship and the absence of free press at a time when there was nonetheless greater communication between the centre and the provinces, and an altered relationship between the state and its subjects. Thus more than ever before collective petitions represented local political alignments and what could be very cautiously defined as ‘public opinion’ among the elite in provincial Ottoman towns such as Gaza.
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MORAN, JOE. "CROSSING THE ROAD IN BRITAIN, 1931–1976." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005292.
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This article explores the history of crossing the road in Britain from the traffic acts of the early 1930s to the introduction of the Green Cross Code in the early 1970s. It reconstructs this history through the examination of government documents, press releases, newspaper articles, newsreels, public information films, and other road safety materials. Since the interwar period, British governments have become progressively more involved in policing the activity of crossing the road, and there have been two main planks of policy. The first has been to design progressively more sophisticated crossings; the second has been road safety education, including advice about how to use the crossings, disseminated through school crossing patrols, children's clubs, and public information films. Governments have generally relied on appeals to good sense and civic duty rather than legally enforceable rules about crossing the road, and have sought to follow as well as lead public opinion in determining how much to coerce both pedestrians and motorists. The formulation of policy in relation to public attitudes and media responses means that crossing the road during this period has interesting implications for both political and cultural history.
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Qaisar, Shahzad, Muhammad Zubair Iqbal, and Muhammad Shoaib Malik. "Pakistan- US Relations in Elite Press (2012-2013)." Global Regional Review VII, no. I (March 30, 2022): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2022(vii-i).12.
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Pakistan-USA relations have witnessed many ups and downs throughout the history of their interaction. The elite press on both sides played an important role in shaping and re-shaping attitudes,policies, and public opinion over various bilateral and regional issues. Post 9/11 situation expanded the part of the press on both sides due to war on terror cooperation and subsequent developments. Regime changes in America or Pakistan are often perceived as a harbinger of new policy shifts with anticipations of a new era of bilateral relations. The last year of the PPP government in Pakistan witnessed re-election of Barack Obama for the second term, but Pakistan's upcoming elections were more speculative interms of office holder and the party. The scholar are divided about the role of the elite press in policy making and influencing the policy-making process through their content and issue projection.But the press on both sides published their approaches through editorials over a number of issues that could be major component of the upcoming government's policy-making process. War on terror,political discourse, religion, and politics remained choices for editorials for Daily Dawn and Washington Post during that period of time.
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Smith, Michael M. "CarrancistaPropaganda and the Print Media in the United States: An Overview of Institutions." Americas 52, no. 2 (October 1995): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008260.
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Despite the voluminous body of historical literature devoted to the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) and U.S.-Mexican diplomatic relations, few works address the subject of revolutionary propaganda. During this tumultuous era, however, factional leaders recognized the importance of justifying their movement, publicizing their activities, and cultivating favorable public opinion for their cause, particularly in the United States. In this regard, Venustiano Carranza was especially energetic. From the inception of his Constitutionalist revolution, Carranza and his adherents persistently attempted to exploit the press to generate support among Mexican expatriates, protect Mexican sovereignty, secure recognition from the administration of Woodrow Wilson, gain the acquiescence–if not the blessing–of key sectors of the North American public for his Constitutionalist program, enhance his personal image, and defend his movement against the criticism and intrigues of his enemies–both Mexican and North American.
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Belousov, Mikhail. "Foreign Observers of the Russian Political Crisis: The Case of the Interregnum of 1825." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018555-8.
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The article examines the events of the Russian interregnum, which preceded the Decembrist revolt, as a phenomenon of European politics, as it focuses on analysing the reports and reasoning of foreign diplomats on the development of the dynastic crisis and the struggle between the Grand Dukes Nicholas and Constantine. These communications, on the one hand, determined the discussion of the Russian crisis in the press and could be used to interpret it. On the other hand, the study of this segment of the information field makes it possible to determine fairly accurately the motivation that European public opinion attributed to Constantine's actions and his bizarre behaviour in November–December 1825. This study takes a different approach to interpreting the logic of an event that shook the European continent than previous historiographical works have done. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources, as well as the French press which dominated European political discourse at the time, the author demonstrates that the key issue before Russia and Europe in the crisis in question was the possible emergence of an independent Polish state under the sceptre of one of the Romanovs.
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Калужинська, Юлія. "HISTORY OF STUDYING OF UKRAINIAN MASS MEDIA LANGUAGE." Society Document Communication, no. 13 (January 10, 2022): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2518-7600-2021-13-64-82.
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The article describes the historical stages of learning the language of the Ukrainian press. Attention to the language of journalism is due to the fact that the selection and use of language is characterized by a combination of two requirements – the desire to strengthen both the logical and emotional side of expression. The study of the language of journalism, namely the language of Ukrainian newspapers, has a history. The appearance of a significant number of articles on this topic was facilitated by language discussions on language culture, which in some way also affected the language of the press.
In the 20’s of the 20th century the language of the press stood out as a separate variety. It is determined that the basis of its development was the vernacular. It was found that the «newspaper language» developed in close connection with the language practice of the intelligentsia and influenced the prestige of the national language.
The language of the media is dynamic in nature, so it responds most quickly to all changes in public consciousness and reflects the state of the latter, influencing its formation. In the language of the media it is easy to see the new trends in approaches to language learning that can be traced in modern linguistics.
The role of the media in modern society is difficult to overestimate. They have a powerful potential for the state of public opinion, as most of their ideas about the world people get from newspapers and magazines. Characteristic features of the mass media are their publicity, i.e. an unlimited number of consumers; indirect, divided in space and time interaction of communicators; unidirectional influence from the communicator to the recipient, the impossibility of changing their roles
The study of the language of the media in recent years has also become particularly relevant. This is due to at least two factors: the situation of the functioning of literary language at the turn of the century and the priority for modern linguistics tendency to consider language material from a communicative standpoint, given the representation of language knowledge in human consciousness and patterns of language communication.
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Krull, Catherine, and B. J. C. McKercher. "The Press, Public Opinion, Arms Limitation, and Government Policy in Britain, 1932-34: Some Preliminary Observations." Diplomacy & Statecraft 13, no. 3 (September 2002): 103–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000335.
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Cawood, Ian. "Corruption and the Public Service Ethos in Mid-Victorian Administration: The Case of Leonard Horner and the Factory Office*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (August 2020): 860–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa249.
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Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.
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BRYNEN, REX. "BARRY RUBIN, The Transformation of Palestinian Politics: From Revolution to State-Building (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999). Pp. 288. $29.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801432065.
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I must admit that when I first read this book, I didn't like it. As the footnotes quickly indicate, the bulk of the research derives from secondary sources, either from the Israeli and Western press or from FBIS/WNC translations from the Arabic press. Virtually no interview material is used—strange, indeed, when one considers that the author lives within an hour of almost all the major political actors discussed in the study. And although some reference is made to public-opinion polls, it is disappointing that greater use has not been made of the voluminous survey data collected by the Center for Palestine Research and Studies and the Jerusalem Media and Communications Center—the richest such troves in the Arab world.
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SOWIŃSKA, Danuta. "Siedlecka Temida i jej „klienci” w relacjach międzywojennej prasy." Historia i Świat 2 (September 8, 2013): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2013.02.06.
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Among the many publications on the judiciary and the law may indicate little, in which it was subject matter of the social dimension of law. It leaves out the question of the role of sociological and psychological factors that affect the atmosphere of the courtroom, and the perception of the court – sovereign power by coming to him for justice. Pay attention to the topic of creating these factors by the media, whose voice grew in the interwar period louder and louder. Press releases from the courtroom appear quite often in the pages of the local press in Siedlce, aroused particular interest to readers. They were in fact a direct message from the “theater of life”, showed the true story of a man whose guilt had settled usually triple the jury. The accused was against the prosecutor, and sometimes also in the audience, who entered the trial as a real theater, with a ticket in hand. In the lobby we could hear comments on the matter, judge, prosecutor, defender, and above all, the accused and his family. A deep interest in Siedlce court case list is the fact that people often gathered here waiting for the outcome of late. Press information function in addition to meet the educational role. Journalists quickly noticed widely read topics on the right. For this reason, they uploaded more and more articles that explain the essence of the laws and regulations, knowledge of which they considered necessary in everyday life. Press releases related to the crimes committed. Vivid description of the event were acting on the imagination, which had warned the victim and deter potential criminals by showing them the consequences of breaking the law. Please ensure you fully appreciate the role of the press in shaping public opinion on the law, the drafting and enforcement.
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Fette, Julie. "Acting the Dreyfus Affair: History and Theater in the French Classroom." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 737–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.737.
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As a professor of French Studies, I had often wished to develop a course in which students could mount a play in French. Its pedagogical value seemed obvious: performing in a foreign language and managing a theatrical production could help students increase their knowledge of French society while improving pronunciation and vocabulary. However, my lack of expertise in the theory and practice of theater stymied me. I had also often longed to teach a course about the Dreyfus affair. The story of a French officer falsely convicted of selling military secrets to the Germans, which tore apart French society for a decade, it contains plenteous teachable issues about France: nationalism, anti-Semitism, the birth of intellectuals, treason and raison d'état, the rise of the modern press and public opinion, the separation of church and state, Third Republic politics, military justice, Franco-German rivalries, and even handwriting analysis. But I doubted that a French department would welcome a whole course just on the Dreyfus affair.
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Money, John. "Newspapers, Politics and Public Opinion in Late Eighteenth-Century England, by Hannah BarkerNewspapers, Politics and Public Opinion in Late Eighteenth-Century England, by Hannah Barker. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1998. xi, 202 pp. $65.00 U.S. (cloth), $30.00 U.S. (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 36, no. 1 (April 2001): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.36.1.162.
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Hansen, Randall. "Turning Public Opinion on Immigration: the British Conservative Party and the Expulsion of Ugandan Asians in 1972." Journal of Migration History 9, no. 3 (October 24, 2023): 356–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-09030005.
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Abstract This article examines the Ugandan Asians’ crisis of 1972, during which President Idi Amin expelled tens of thousands of Asian nationals from the country. It explains why Ugandan Asians held, against expectations and the UK government’s intention, British citizenship. Drawing on primary sources and the social science literature on ‘framing’, the article then explores how Britain’s Conservative government secured the support of an initially hostile public for its decision to allow the Asians entry to the United Kingdom. It argues that the Conservatives succeeded by framing the Ugandan Asians as middle-class, hard-working, skilled refugees, rather than as immigrants or British citizens, and Idi Amin as a murderous monster. The press played a vital role in the government’s success. The article ends by reflecting on the case’s implications for contemporary British immigration policy and the capacity of the state to generate support for open immigration.
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Garusova, Olga. "Assistance to Russian Refugees Reflected in the Pages of the Bessarabian Press of the Early 1920s." JOURNAL OF ETHNOLOGY AND CULTUROLOGY 33 (August 2023): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/rec.2023.33.10.
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In the first half of the last century Bessarabia repeatedly faced mass migration born by political and military cataclysms. In the second decade of our century the refugee problem sharply announced itself in Moldova, making actual the historical experience of helping people who fled from military actions. That’s why the author’s attention is paid to the less studied stage in the history of charity in Bessarabia connected with the refugees from the South regions of Russia and Ukraine during the Civil War of 1918–1921. The article examines the journalists’ comprehension of the social and political phenomenon as the problem of refugees reflected in the Russian language newspapers of Kishinev. There is also studied the activity of some public organizations in the Kingdom of Romania that worked with Russian refugees. The daily press, being the main means of communication, played a leading part in the formation of public opinion to support people who had lost their homeland. Kishinev press reflected the refugee theme both in its chronological development and in the context of the social problems of Bessarabia during those years. The newspaper materials serve as a representative historical source, being evidence of traditions of Christian and public charity in the conditions of the new statehood.
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Fantauzzo, Justin. "The Finest Feats of the War? The Captures of Baghdad and Jerusalem during the First World War and Public Opinion throughout the British Empire." War in History 24, no. 1 (January 2017): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515592911.
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In March and December 1917 the British Empire won two much-needed victories in Mesopotamia and Palestine: Baghdad and Jerusalem. Both cities were steeped in biblical and oriental lore and both victories happened in a year that had been otherwise disastrous. Throughout the British Empire the press, public, and politicians debated the importance of the two successes, focusing on the effect they would have on the empire’s prestige, the Allies’ war strategy, and the post-war Middle East. Far from being overwhelmed by the ‘romance’ of the fighting in the Middle East, the press’s and public’s response reveals a remarkably well-informed, sophisticated, and occasionally combative debate about the empire’s Middle Eastern war effort.
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Meserve, Margaret. "News from Negroponte: Politics, Popular Opinion, and Information Exchange in the First Decade of the Italian Press?*." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 2 (2006): 440–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0312.
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The fall of Negroponte to the Turks in 1470 was one of the first events in European history to be recorded in print. This article examines a little-known cluster of more than a dozen texts published in the months after the colony’s fall by some of the earliest printers to work in Italy. These editions did not “break” the news to the Italian public but rather offered analysis and commentary to an already well-informed readership. Some catered to contemporary demands for vernacular political poetry, while others now reveal the extent to which Italian humanists attached themselves to the printing industry in its earliest years, often with ambiguous results”
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Popescu, Daniela. "Perceptions and Misperceptions on Roma People during the First Half of the 20TH Century. A Glimpse into the Romanian Press." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 388–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2022-0114.
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Abstract History has shown a 20th century marked by political, geopolitical, social, and economic metamorphosis, especially for the European continent. Romanian’s physical borders were reshaped during the first half of this century and caught between a political, social, and ethnic whirlwind. For Roma people, the 1920s and 1930s came with substantial turmoil as their efforts to establish various forms of representation and organization were not supported by the Romanian authorities, nor by public opinion. The public discourse was dominated by prejudice, stereotypes, and amplified marginalization. The far-right’s extreme tendencies, compounded by public discourse, spread Roma stereotypes such as “the thief”, “the other”, “the diseases carrier”, “the pariah”, “the unwanted” etc., and generated the idea of “us against them” which heavily impacted the deportation process.
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Blackthorne-O'Barr, Erik. "Journals of the Plague Year: The Ottoman Press and the Istanbul Cholera Outbreak of 1871." Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association 9, no. 1 (March 2022): 203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/tur.2022.a876787.
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ABSTRACT: The outbreak of cholera in Istanbul in the autumn of 1871 has long been considered something of a historical non-event. Although responsible for several thousand deaths, in the historiography of the city it remains almost entirely obscured. Yet the 1871 outbreak briefly highlighted the social tensions in the burgeoning Istanbulite public sphere, and threatened to fracture the formerly "unified" Istanbulite medical establishment along spatial, colonial, and racialized lines. This article examines the reportage of four newspapers which circulated in Istanbul during the outbreak, each of which claimed to speak for a generalized public, albeit through very different methods. Three of these newspapers—the English-language The Levant Herald , the French-language La Turquie , and the Ottoman Turkish Basiret —were dailies with circulations in the thousands. The fourth paper, the French-language Gazette Médicale d'Orient , was instead the press organ of the city's emergent sanitary establishment. The responses of these papers to this sudden crisis revealed the underlying assumptions which animated Istanbulite social and medical discourse in the late Ottoman Empire, and the tensions inherent in claims to speak for public opinion or to act on behalf of global public health.