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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'History of public opinion and press'

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Published: 25 May 2024

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1

Harvard, Jonas. "En helig allmännelig opinion : Föreställningar om offentlighet och legitimitet i svensk riksdagsdebatt 1848-1919." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-686.

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This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press?

Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion.

The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion.

The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.

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2

Ospina, Posse May Xue 1982. "La república impresa : cultura de la imprenta, opinión pública y lenguajes políticos en la invención de la República de Colombia (1821-1827) = A república impressa: cultura da imprensa, opinião pública e linguagens políticas na invenção da República da Colômbia (1821-1827)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280614.

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Orientador: Iara Lis Franco Schiavinatto
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Nas trilhas da história intelectual e a história cultural do livro e o jornal, este trabalho se propõe entender o lugar histórico da cultura independente da imprensa e a opinião pública na configuração da ordem simbólica da República da Colômbia durante a década de 1820. Nesse horizonte, leva-se a cabo uma análise de três tipos diferenciados de materialidade impressa reveladores da linguagem política da época: o mapa, o livro e o impresso público, tentando compreender as articulações que guarda cada um desses objetos com relação tanto à busca de legitimidade do novo regímen político, quanto aos cenários das lutas políticas pela fixação do sentido, no contexto de quebra dos alicerces de verdade do Antigo Regime. Os mapas oficiais de 1822 e 1827, elaborados por Francisco Antonio Zea (1766-1822) y José Manuel Restrepo (1781-1863), e o compendio de historia publicado em onze tomos por este último em 1827, permitem uma aproximação aos sistemas históricos e geográficos de representação do projeto republicano centro-andino dos anos vente, a partir dos quais o Estado colombiano pretenderia fixar a imaginação política dos novos cidadãos. Por sua parte, no marco da emergência de uma cultura política que reconhece nas prensas o principal ressorte dos regímenes populares representativos, o impresso público providencia uma leitura enriquecida da natureza conflitiva do período
Abstract: The proposal of this paper is to understand the historical place of the independent culture of printing and public opinion, within the routes of intelectual history and the cultural history of book and newspaper, as part of the configuration of the symbolic order of the Republic of Colombia during the decade of 1820. Along that horizon, an analysis of three kinds of printed material is achieved, which reveal the political languages of the epoch: maps, books and the public printed papers, trying to understand the articulations that each one of these objects keeps, in relation, not only with the search of the legitimacy of the new political regime, but also with the political struggles scenes for the establishment of sense, within the context of the rupture of the foundations of the truth of the Ancient Regime. The official maps of 1822 and 1827, made by Francisco Antonio Zea (1766-1822) and José Manuel Restrepo (1781-1863), as well as the eleven volumes' history compendium published by himself in 1827, enable an approximation to the historical and geographical systems of representation of the central - andinian republican project of nation of the twenties, from which the Colombian State tried to fix the political imagination of the new citizens. For its part, within the frame of the emergence of a political culture that recognizes in printings the principal means of the representative popular regimes, the public printings provide an enriched reading of the unsettled nature of this period
Mestrado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Mestra em História

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3

Atkins, Michael. "Reflections of Revolution: Le Figaro, Le Monde, and Public Opinion in France during the Algerian Conflict (1954-1962)." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3360/.

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This thesis is an examination of the printed media in France (1955-1963), as represented by two mainstream newspapers: Le Monde (left-centrist) and Le Figaro (right-centrist). Using these newspapers, as well as Gallup polls recorded at the time, this study explores correlations of what was reported in newspapers and how French public opinion evolved during the course of the war. These two major sources of information are shown to have given contradictory information, thus accounting for some of the paradoxes found in public opinion polls. Specifically, the paradoxes analyzed in the study concern the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) and the Pieds-Noirs (the European population of North Africa).

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4

Reinitz, Kortney. "Trends in media coverage of the issues of the '80s and '90s." Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1191717.

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This thesis has replicated a content analysis study conducted by G. Ray Funkhouser in the 1960s. This study concurs with the Funkhouser assertion that some prominent issues in the news do not necessarily merit the attention from the media at the times they receive it. The findings in this study appear to also indicate a "sampling bias" in the media, whereby the amount of news coverage deviates in a systematic way from the actual flow of events. Additionally, this study indicates a strong relationship between the amount of media attention an issue receives and whether or not that issue was noted as the most important problem by respondents to the Gallup Poll.
Department of Journalism

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5

Dias, Vera de Oliveira. "A imprensa da Corte nos anos de 1860 e 1870:um estudo comparativo dos jornais Opinião Liberal e A Reforma." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2008. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=857.

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Esta dissertação objetiva analisar, de maneira comparativa, a interferência dos periódicos Opinião Liberal 1866 e 1870 e A Reforma nos anos de 1869 a 1870, na formação de uma esfera pública no Rio de Janeiro Capital Imperial. Contexto de profunda instabilidade política por que passava o Império do Brasil, considerado pela historiografia como de crise política, que desaguaria em curto prazo no movimento republicano. Nesta fase, a imprensa apresentava um importante papel na constituição do debate público, apesar da escassa, porém atuante opinião pública, além da importância da imprensa como meio de esclarecimento e formação do público leitor. Os temas preferenciais em voga na imprensa política faziam referência aos limites do Liberalismo no Império, a natureza do poder Moderador, a Guerra do Paraguai, a saída do Gabinete Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos e subida dos Conservadores.
The present dissertation seeks to analyze, in a comparative form, the interference of the periodicals Opinião Liberal - 1866 to 1870, and A Reforma - 1869 to 1870, in the forming of a public sphere in Rio de Janeiro - Imperial Capital. Context of the profound political instability through which it was passing the Brazilian Empire, considered by the historiography as political crisis, which would flow in a short period into the republican movement. In this phase, we detach the press as an important vehicle in the constitution of the public discussion, in spite the scarce, however active public opinion was also mean of enlightenment and formation of the public reader. T he main subjects in rowing in the political press used to make reference to the limits of the Liberalism at the Empire, the nature of the Moderating Power, the War of Paraguay, the leave of the Zacarias de Góes e Vasconcelos Cabinet, and the rise of the Conservatives.

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6

Pandolfi, Fernanda Cláudia [UNESP]. "A abdicação de D. Pedro I: espaço público da política e opinião pública no final do Primeiro Reinado." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103162.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Esta tese postula que a Abdicação do rei d. Pedro I que governou o Brasil durante nove anos - de 1822 até 7 de abril de 1831, quando abdicou em favor de seu filho d. Pedro II - resultou, sobretudo, da ampliação do espaço público na sociedade brasileira. Tal ampliação decorreu fundamentalmente de uma liberdade de imprensa considerável nesse momento, propiciando o aparecimento de inúmeros periódicos na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, cujos redatores pertenciam às elites políticas e às camadas médias da sociedade carioca. Através da análise de periódicos, pasquins, memórias, atas e cartas, pode-se reconstituir de que forma a política mobilizou um público mais amplo. Foi possível identificar os significados e as apropriações do liberalismo na sociedade brasileira do século XIX, bem como sua contribuição para um acontecimento tão singular na história de um país: a saída de um rei de seu governo. Dessa forma, a imprensa estabelecia identidades políticas, ampliava a participação das pessoas no debate político, influenciava e era influenciada pela opinião pública. As acusações ao governo de d. Pedro I ser anti-nacional, de proteger os portugueses e de almejar a recolonização do Brasil, eram feitas por grupos que atuavam na imprensa e que se colocavam como brasileiros e patrióticos. O acirramento das disputas políticas entre segmentos populares que iam se agrupando como brasileiros versus portugueses, anulou qualquer possibilidade de uma recomposição de forças com as elites por parte de d. Pedro I. No que se refere a participação das camadas populares, pode-se identificar, mesmo que de forma episódica e circunstancial, como estas, por exemplo os militares de baixa patente, vivenciaram esse momento político e quais seus interesses específicos. Essa análise fornece elementos para...
This thesis postulates that the Abdication of the king d. Pedro I that governed Brazil for nine years - since 1822, year of the Independence of Brazil, to April 7, 1831, when he abdicated in favor of his 7 year-old son Pedro II - resulted mainly of the enlargement of the public space in the Brazilian society in that time. Such enlargement resulted fundamentally of a considerable press freedom, which allowed the emergence of countless newspapers in the city of Rio de Janeiro, whose editors belonged to the political elites and to the medium segments of the Rio de Janeiro's society. Through the analysis of newspapers, lampoons, memoirs, minutes and letters, it was possible to understand how a wider public could be mobilized in the process. It was also possible to identify the meanings and the appropriations of the liberal ideology in the 19th century Brazilian society, as well as its contribution for such a singular event in the history of a country: a king deposition. In that process, the press established political identities, enlarged the people's participation in the political debate, and influenced and was influenced by the public opinion. The accusations to the d. Pedro I to be anti-national, of protecting the Portuguese and of wanting the re-colonization of Brazil, were done by groups that acted in the press and that considered themselves as Brazilian and patriotic. The worsening of the political disputes among popular segments known as Brazilians versus Portugueses, prevented any possibility of a composition of forces among the elites and d. Pedro I. As far as the participation of the popular segments, we identified, even if in an episodic and incidental form, how they participated of the events and which were their specific interests. That analysis gave elements for, in futures works, further studies emphasizing the clientelistic character of the Brazilian society in the XIXth century.

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7

Berler, Anne K. "Unconquerable Defiance: Richmond Newspapers and Confederate Defeat, 1864-1865." VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/719.

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This thesis describes and analyses how the Richmond press operated as a propaganda machine during the final year of the Civil War. It argues that the newspapers of the Confederate capital regularly exploited the propaganda value of the news they reported, employing methods including distortion of facts and libelous personal attacks. They displayed a seemingly total disregard for veracity in their zeal to convince their readership that the cause was not lost, and created a false picture of the real situation to a population which was war-weary and desperate for reassurance that victory was still possible. Defeats were minimized and even the tiniest victory in the most insignificant skirmish was magnified. When the Northern army began its strategy of hard war, the Richmond press seized on that to help create a demonized portrait of the Yankee and the North.

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8

Queler, Jefferson Jose. "Entre o mito e apropaganda politica : Janio Quadros e sua imagem publica (1959-1961)." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281044.

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Orientador: Vavy Pacheco Borges
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Pretendo, neste texto, analisar a construção da imagem pública de Jânio Quadros entre 1959 e 1961. Durante este período, ele disputou as eleições presidenciais brasileiras e governou o país até sua renúncia à Presidência. De acordo com a historiografia ¿ numa posição similar quando comparada a posições comumente veiculadas pela memória coletiva -, o personalismo dele poderia ser apontado como o principal fator para explicar sua força política, e a propaganda política ajudaria a construir seu prestígio de forma enganosa. Tal ponto de vista pressupõe que o eleitorado brasileiro era passivo e ingênuo, sendo facilmente manipulado por demagogos, o que é uma interpretação clássica para a política na América Latina como um todo, sob a capa do conceito de populismo. Tentando evitar essa perspectiva, sugiro como o espetáculo envolvendo a política naquelas circunstâncias também era formado por partes relevantes da população, isto é, membros de diferentes grupos sociais faziam propaganda por eles próprios, escrevendo e debatendo poesias, textos e músicas com temáticas políticas. Estes aspectos da campanha presidencial são estudados através de cartas então recebidas por Jânio Quadros de várias partes do Brasil e de diferentes grupos sociais, da mesma forma que através de discursos políticos, da imprensa e da propaganda oficial organizada pelo Movimento Popular Jânio Quadros. A análise destas fontes indica o quanto o mencionado líder estava atrelado a projetos políticos e como isso foi decisivo para atrair o apoio do eleitorado em geral, especialmente com a tradição da Democracia Cristã. Em outras palavras, seu personalismo parece apenas tê-lo promovido na medida em que ele era associado a propostas e práticas políticas, as quais foram objeto de discussão entre a população. E, uma vez que estas considerações põem algumas luzes na forma como Jânio Quadros era levado a sério pelo seu eleitorado, também tento mostrar o quão problemática é a perspectiva que defende ter ele renunciado à Presidência em razão de falta de equilíbrio psicológico, procurando sugerir que os projetos políticos implementados por ele talvez possam oferecer pistas para o esclarecimento das motivações de tal ato
Abstract: In this text I intend to analyse the construction of the public image of Jânio Quadros between 1959 and 1961. During this period he disputed the Brazilian presidential elections and ruled the country until his resignation to the presidency. According to the historiography - in a similar position when compared with positions commonly conveyed by the collective memory -, his personalism could be pointed out as the main factor to explain his political force, and political propaganda would help to build his prestige in a misleading way. Such point of view assumes that the Brazilian electorate was passive and naive, being easily manipulated by demagogues, which is a classical interpretation for politics in Latin America as a whole under the cover of the concept of populism. By trying to avoid this outlook, I suggest that the spectacle involving politics in those circunstances was also formed by relevant parts of the population, that is to say that members of different social groups made propaganda by themselves, writing and debating poetry, texts and songs with political themes. These aspects of the presidential campaign are studied through letters then received by Jânio Quadros from varied parts of Brazil and different social groups, as well as through political speechs, the press and the official propaganda organised by the Jânio Quadros Popular Movement. The analysis of these sources indicates how the mentioned leader was attached to political projects and how that was decisive to attract the support of the electorate in general, especially with the tradition of the Christian Democracy. In other words, his personalim just seems to have promoted him as he was associated with political proposals and practices, which were objects of discussion among the population. And since these considerations put some lights in the way Jânio Quadros was taken seriously by his electorate, I also try to show how problematic is the perspective that defends he resigned from presidency because lack of psychological equilibrium, searching to suggest that the political projects implemented by him may offer some clues about the motivations of such act
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutor em História

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9

Pac, Bertrand. "L'historique du quartier de la Défense et ses représentations dans la presse : l'évolution de la perception d'un grand quartier d'affaires." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BOR30017/document.

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C’est entre 1960 et la fin des années 1980 que se situe en France la grande période du bouleversement architectural qui donne naissance au quartier d’affaires de La Défense. L’histoire de cette monumentale opération d’aménagement de « l’Ouest Parisien » vue par les journalistes révèle trois étapes dans l’évolution de ce projet qui vise à doter la capitale d’un « Manhattan français », ou mieux trois états forts constitutifs d’opinion successifs : celui de l’enthousiasme qui a présidé à la présentation par l’EPAD en 1964 du premier plan de masse de l’opération et à ses premières réalisations sur le terrain, celui du doute et de la contestation liés à l’histoire agitée qu’a connu durant les années 1970 ce chantier gigantesque alors en proie aux turbulences d’une crise économique qui en hypothèque l’avenir et en trouble le dessein final, celui de l’indéniable adhésion à la réussite d’un projet qu’a illustré l’érection en 1989 de la « Grande Arche de La Défense ». Savoir ce que les journalistes ont pensé pour comprendre l’évolution de « La Défense » est ainsi la première raison de l’investigation historique menée à propos de ce quartier à l’urbanisme révolutionnaire. Mais il en est une seconde, car l’histoire n’est pas seulement une pourvoyeuse du présent ; elle est aussi génératrice de représentations dont le retentissement joue de concert avec l’évènement objectivement établi. Et, à ce titre, l’étude de « La Défense » comme phénomène historique de cristallisation de l’opinion de la presse offre un exemple particulièrement net de l’apport qu’un pôle d’attraction aussi efficace que le quartier de « La Défense » fournit à l’histoire contemporaine de l’urbanisme. Ainsi, après avoir décrit le processus historique révélé par le regard de la presse, l’interprétation des représentations de la ville nouvelle sera l’occasion de démontrer que la réalisation du quartier de La Défense a été davantage concernée par la conscience de l’évènement que par l’évènement lui-même dès lors que cette opération constituait, par sa nature propre, un phénomène médiatique de première grandeur
It is between 1960 and the end of the 1980s that lies in France the great period of the architectural shift that gives birth to the La Défense business district. The history of this monumental “Ouest Parisien” planning operation seen by journalists reveals three stages in the evolution of this project which aims to establish the capital of a “French Manhattan”, or better three strong constituent states of opinion successive : one of enthusiasm which presided over the presentation by EPAD in 1964 of the first mass of the operation plan and its first achievements on the ground, that of doubt and contestation related to the turbulent history that has experienced during the 1970s this construction giant while embroiled in the turbulence of an economic crisis that threatens the future and disorder the final design, one of the undeniable accession to the success of a project that illustrated the erection in 1989 of the “Grande Arche of La Défense”. Know what journalists thought to understand the evolution of “La Défense” is the first reason for the historical investigation about this revolutionary urban district. But it is one second, because the story is not just a purveyor of the present ; it is also generator of representations which the impact play in conjunction with the objectively established event. And, as such, the study of “La Défense” as a historical phenomenon of crystallization of the opinion Press provides an example particularly net of the contribution as a pole of attraction as effective “La Défense” district provides to the contemporary history of urbanism. Thus, after describing the historical process revealed by the gaze of the press, the interpretation of the representations of the city new will be an opportunity to demonstrate that the achievement of “La Défense” headquarters was more concerned by the awareness of the event by the event itself as this operation was, by its very nature, a media phenomenon of the first magnitude

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10

Nielson, Adam H. "Latter-Day Saints in Popular National Periodicals 1970-1981." CLICK HERE for online access, 2003. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTNZ,2362.

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11

Pandolfi, Fernanda Cláudia. "A abdicação de D. Pedro I : espaço público da política e opinião pública no final do Primeiro Reinado /." Assis : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103162.

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Orientador: José Carlos Barreiro
Banca: Jurandir Malerba
Banca: Fátima Maria Neves
Banca: Tania Regina de Luca
Banca: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes
Resumo: Esta tese postula que a Abdicação do rei d. Pedro I que governou o Brasil durante nove anos - de 1822 até 7 de abril de 1831, quando abdicou em favor de seu filho d. Pedro II - resultou, sobretudo, da ampliação do espaço público na sociedade brasileira. Tal ampliação decorreu fundamentalmente de uma liberdade de imprensa considerável nesse momento, propiciando o aparecimento de inúmeros periódicos na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, cujos redatores pertenciam às elites políticas e às camadas médias da sociedade carioca. Através da análise de periódicos, pasquins, memórias, atas e cartas, pode-se reconstituir de que forma a política mobilizou um público mais amplo. Foi possível identificar os significados e as apropriações do liberalismo na sociedade brasileira do século XIX, bem como sua contribuição para um acontecimento tão singular na história de um país: a saída de um rei de seu governo. Dessa forma, a imprensa estabelecia identidades políticas, ampliava a participação das pessoas no debate político, influenciava e era influenciada pela opinião pública. As acusações ao governo de d. Pedro I ser anti-nacional, de proteger os portugueses e de almejar a recolonização do Brasil, eram feitas por grupos que atuavam na imprensa e que se colocavam como "brasileiros" e "patrióticos". O acirramento das disputas políticas entre segmentos populares que iam se agrupando como "brasileiros" versus "portugueses", anulou qualquer possibilidade de uma recomposição de forças com as elites por parte de d. Pedro I. No que se refere a participação das camadas populares, pode-se identificar, mesmo que de forma episódica e circunstancial, como estas, por exemplo os militares de baixa patente, vivenciaram esse momento político e quais seus interesses específicos. Essa análise fornece elementos para... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This thesis postulates that the Abdication of the king d. Pedro I that governed Brazil for nine years - since 1822, year of the Independence of Brazil, to April 7, 1831, when he abdicated in favor of his 7 year-old son Pedro II - resulted mainly of the enlargement of the public space in the Brazilian society in that time. Such enlargement resulted fundamentally of a considerable press freedom, which allowed the emergence of countless newspapers in the city of Rio de Janeiro, whose editors belonged to the political elites and to the medium segments of the Rio de Janeiro's society. Through the analysis of newspapers, lampoons, memoirs, minutes and letters, it was possible to understand how a wider public could be mobilized in the process. It was also possible to identify the meanings and the appropriations of the liberal ideology in the 19th century Brazilian society, as well as its contribution for such a singular event in the history of a country: a king deposition. In that process, the press established political identities, enlarged the people's participation in the political debate, and influenced and was influenced by the public opinion. The accusations to the d. Pedro I to be anti-national, of protecting the Portuguese and of wanting the re-colonization of Brazil, were done by groups that acted in the press and that considered themselves as "Brazilian" and "patriotic". The worsening of the political disputes among popular segments known as "Brazilians" versus "Portugueses", prevented any possibility of a composition of forces among the elites and d. Pedro I. As far as the participation of the popular segments, we identified, even if in an episodic and incidental form, how they participated of the events and which were their specific interests. That analysis gave elements for, in futures works, further studies emphasizing the clientelistic character of the Brazilian society in the XIXth century.
Doutor

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12

Lovelace, Alexander G. "Total Coverage: How the Media Shaped Command Decisions During World War II." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou158818861294131.

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13

Bargagliotti, Vicki Marie. "Content analysis of visual manipulation" and metaphors used in national news magazines during the 1996 presidential elections." Scholarly Commons, 1998. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2342.

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This investigation is based upon the old, but popular Chinese Proverb- "one picture is worth more than a thousand words" (Bartlett, 1980, p. 132). This researcher examined presidential campaign photographs in hopes of finding a possible media bias toward political candidates. This study confirmed two previous studies (Moriarty and Popovich, 1991 and Moriarty and Garramone, 1986), which reported that the media does, in fact, attempt to balance the visual coverage of political candidates during a presidential election. All visuals, including photographs and illustrations from Time, Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report of candidates Bill Clinton and Bob Dole were used for this study. Data from these national news magazines were collected from September 2 (the kick-off after the Labor Day) to November 4 (the weekly edition just prior to the election on November 5). Moriarty and Garramone ( 1986) developed coding definitions to identify 15 visual attributes of presidential campaign photographs. These attributes include: activity, posture, arms, bands, eyes, expression, interaction, camera angle, portrayal, position, size, props, setting, dress and family association. All visuals were coded as more favorable, less favorable or neutral. A total of 282 visuals were used in this study. The results concluded that Bill Clinton was in 183 visuals, while Dole was in 99 visuals. If one looks at the sheer number or quantity of the visuals, they would assume that Clinton did out photograph Dole. This assumption would lead one to believe that the media was biased, but in fact, most of the visuals that were coded were "more favorable" to both of the candidates.

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Soria, Charlotte. "Le Premier Mai, lieu et temps de la fabrique sociale de la "Communauté du peuple" nationale socialiste (1933-1939)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL086.

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Le 1er mai, fête éminemment politique du mouvement ouvrier socialiste et devenue avec la célébration du 1er mai 1933 une fête officielle du régime national-socialiste, une incarnation de son projet social communautaire, la "Volksgemeinschaft". Mais ces rituels politiques ont-ils réellement contribué à fabriquer un ordre social ou n’étaient-ils que le reflet trompeur de la communication du régime ? De fait, la journée du 1er mai - jour férié et journée festive depuis 1933/34 - était un dispositif de pouvoir(s), d’inclusion et d’exclusion, qui visait à cette fabrique sociale par des fêtes politiques et officielles mais aussi par le développement d’activités de loisirs au sein des entreprises. Elle contribua alors à l’émergence d’un nouvel ordre social, inégalitaire et raciste par des mécanismes classiques d’inclusion et d’exclusion voire d’ascension sociale au profit des >Volksgenossen< et >Volksgenossinnen< ainsi définis, non seulement par la contrainte mais aussi dans un processus constant de négociations. Le dispositif festif et médiatique eut en effet des résultats décevants, les organisateurs (Joseph Goebbels) ne réussissant pas réussi à implanter au cœur de la société allemande le modèle de mobilisation partisan hérité du NSDAP. Aussi, s’ajouta à ce modèle mis en valeur tout particulièrement dans les médias, la création de droits sociaux nouveaux, le droit aux congés - assuré par ce jour férié entre autres - le droit aux loisirs et au tourisme, ainsi qu'un accès à la consommation de « services communautaires » dont les soirées festives organisées partout au profit du DAF de Robert Ley. Dans un même mouvement, de ces droits « communautaires » furent exclus, difficilement les Allemands juifs. Par cette exclusion, la « Communauté du Peuple » fut alors clairement délimitée, tandis que son sens resta sujet à débat entre "Communauté de l’action » par la participation, « Communauté de l’effort » par des processus de distinction, mais aussi "Communauté des loisirs"
May Day, an eminently political holiday of the socialist workers' movement, became with the celebration of May Day 1933 an official holiday of the National Socialist regime, an embodiment of its social community project, the "Volksgemeinschaft". But did these political rituals really contribute to the creation of a social order or were they merely a deceptive reflection of the regime's communication? In fact, May Day - a public holiday and festive day since 1933/34 - was a device of power(s), of inclusion and exclusion, which aimed at this social fabrication through political and official celebrations but also through the development of leisure activities within enterprises. It contributed to the emergence of a new, unequal and racist social order through classical mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion or even social ascension for the benefit of the >Volksgenossen< and >Volksgenossinnen< thus defined, not only through coercion but also in a constant process of negotiation. The festive and media arrangements had disappointing results, as the organisers (Joseph Goebbels) did not succeed in implanting the partisan mobilisation model inherited from the NSDAP in the heart of German society. In addition to this model, which was particularly highlighted in the media, new social rights were created: the right to holidays - guaranteed by this public holiday, among others - the right to leisure and tourism, as well as access to the consumption of "community services", including the festive evenings organised everywhere for the benefit of Robert Ley's DAF. At the same time, Jewish Germans were excluded from these "community" rights with difficulty. This exclusion clearly defined the "People's Community", while its meaning remained open to debate between "Community of action" through participation, "Community of effort" through processes of distinction, and "Community of leisure"

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Abughazzi, Aysha. "Translation and public opinion: The press in Jordan." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29277.

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My thesis explores the reflexive and constructive roles of translation in the press, epitomized through studying translation in the press in Jordan since 1989, a year marked for democratization in Jordan. The body of translated texts, mainly 'meta-news' as exhibited in the Jordanian newspapers constitutes defined political 'discourse' that is designed to form particular collective identities and institutional effects perpetuated through regulated discursive strategies. As an ideological apparatus, the media system responds to and reflects its environment. In Jordan's quasi-democratic political environment and under the weak economic infrastructure of the press, articles imported from foreign media constitute a pivotal medium for regulating access to information and harnessing the process of opinion-formation. Most specifically, translation contributes to moulding and maintaining a more balanced 'glocalized' viewpoint of world events, a liaison and compromise to the tension between the dominant Western media discourse and the domestic value systems. This mediated 'in-between' alterity enables the press to accelerate social development through negotiating public agendas and setting platforms for dialogue and debate in the public sphere. Strategies of text selection and exclusion are determined by journalistic news values as well as by domestic ideological frameworks. Examination of the dynamics of translation behaviour in the press raises fundamental questions concerning the dialectical relationship involving the media institution, the translator, and the audience. Within a marketing perspective in modern press institutions, the implicit notions that translators form of the audience as a collective entity, are emphasized as key factors that affect the logistics of text production and translation decisions. The translator in the media setting sees her/himself as a prototypical representative of the community s/he belongs to. Studying the complex impact of geopolitical, macro-economic, demographic and socio-cultural forces on translation strategies can help anchor a more profound understanding of the nature of both the media outcome and readership. Finally, the corpus of the press emerges as a rich ground for multi-layered scholarly research that incorporates journalistic values and ethics---that are exclusively pertinent to the print media---into Translation Studies.

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Listerman, Thomas. "Biotechnology in press and public an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion." Dresden TUDpress, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Listerman, Thomas. "Biotechnology in press and public : an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion /." Dresden : TUDpress, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Sakkas, John. "British public opinion and Greece, 1944-1949." Thesis, University of Hull, 1992. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11246.

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Birke, Chris. "Attitudes of public school superintendents toward student press freedom in states with and states without student press freedom laws." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137669.

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This study gauged how superintendents of six states view student press freedom. This study focused on two sets of superintendents. In one set, the superintendents were in states that had passed student freedom laws. The second set of superintendents were in states that had no freedom laws, meaning school administrators had the right to censor school publications. The data strongly suggests that superintendents in states with freedom laws were less likely to favor censorship. However, both sets of superintendents appeared to favor administrative control.
Department of Journalism

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Bullock, Cathy Ferrand. "How the public thinks about "freedom" and "press freedom" : a cognigraphic analysis /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6149.

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FRIAS, ANA CRISTINA FIGUEIREDO DE. "INTELLIGENT BAYONETS: THE PRESS AND PUBLIC OPINION IN THE WRITINGS OF DOMINGO FAUSTINO SARMIENTO." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19337@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
Esta dissertação analisa de que forma a imprensa e a opinião pública foram abordadas nos escritos de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. A proposta do trabalho é mostrar qual foi o papel das publicações periódicas dentro de um cenário de fortes disputas políticas e longos confrontos civis que marcaram o território argentino na primeira metade do século XIX. O argumento principal é destacar de que forma a imprensa interferiu nos acontecimentos da Região do Prata durante o governo Juan Manoel Rosas e no momento posterior a sua queda, após a Batalha de Caseros. Dentro desse cenário, a pesquisa enfatizou como os jornais se constituíram numa ferramenta para o progresso e a civilização, ideais tão proclamados por Sarmiento. Para a realização da pesquisa, foram analisados diversos artigos do autor sobre o tema e os textos Cartas Quillotanas e Las Ciento y Una, que compõem uma das polêmicas mais famosas do período travada por Sarmiento e Juan Bautista Alberdi, outro grande intelectual da Geração Romântica Argentina de 1837.
This dissertation examines how the press and the public opinion were highlighted in the writings of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. The purpose of this study is to show what was the role of journal in a scene of long civil confronts that marked the territory of Argentina in the first half of the nineteenth century. The main argument is to mark how the media interfered in the affairs of La Plata Region during the administration of Juan Manoel Rosas and the time after his fall, subsequent of the Battle of Caseros. In this scenario, the research also highlights how newspaper became an instrument for progress and civilization, ideals proclaimed by Sarmiento. To perform this study, we analyzed several articles of the author and other texts like Cartas Quillotanas and Las Ciento y Una, that represented one of the most famous controversies of the period fought by Sarmiento and Juan Bautista Alberdi, another great intellectual of generation romantic argentine of 1837.

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Lee, Sonja. "Press Reflections From 1976 to 1983: Public Opinion of the American Press as Reflected in Motion Pictures of the Period." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292232.

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Chen, Yi-ning. "The effects of political attack discourse in presidential news reports : the interactions of attack news discourse, public attitude toward the president and toward the press, 1972-1996 /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Coffey, Rosalind. "The British press, British public opinion, and the end of Empire in Africa, 1957-60." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3271/.

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This thesis examines the role of British newspaper coverage of Africa in the process of decolonisation between 1957 and 1960. It considers events in the Gold Coast/Ghana, Kenya, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, South Africa, and the Belgian Congo/Congo. It offers an extensive analysis of British newspaper coverage of Africa during this period. Concurrently, it explores British journalists’ interactions with one another as well as with the British Government, British MPs, African nationalists, white settler communities, their presses, and African and European settler governments, whose responses to coverage are gauged and evaluated throughout. The project aims, firstly, to provide the first broad study of the role of the British press in, and in relation to, Africa during the period of ‘rapid decolonisation’. Secondly, it offers a reassessment of the assumption that the British metropolitan political and cultural context to the end of empire in Africa was extraneous to the process. Thirdly, it aims to contribute to a growing literature on non-governmental metropolitan perspectives on the end of empire.

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Al-Anzi, Jomah H. "Advocates and press agents : a Q-study of the perceived roles of public relations practioners in Indiana institutions of higher education." Virtual Press, 1993. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/864899.

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This study examined how the public relations function was perceived by top administrators as viewed by public relations directors (Phase 1), and how that perception compares with the "ideal" or preferred function as indicated by public relations within Indiana colleges and universities (Phase 2). Out of 46 possible subjects, 32 participated in a survey which represented a 70% response rate.After Q-Sorts have been tabulated, the researcher concluded that respondents from phase 1 were divided in their responses into two equal groups with no clear majority of response being represented consistently. On the other hand, phase 2 respondents showed strong conviction with a dominant majority of respondents showing consistency in their selection.
Department of Journalism

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Amar, Natalie. "The Supreme Court of Canada, institutional legitimacy, and the media : newspaper coverage of Morgentaler, Symes and Thibaudeau." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37183.pdf.

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Fuse, Koji. "Ideological constraints of public opinion polls : history, legitimation, and effects on democracy /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Lefebvre, Virginie. "La justice illustrée. : La justice dans les journaux illustrés de la troisième République (1890-1914)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL20006/document.

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Fondée sur l’idée que l’image constitue un enjeu fondamental pour la justice, comme en témoigne l’ensemble des représentations iconographiques, des symboles et des rituels dont l’institution judiciaire s’entoure, cette étude en histoire du droit s’intéresse au discours véhiculé par les gravures des journaux d’informations illustrés de la Troisième République sur le droit et la justice. Dans une approche interdisciplinaire, empruntant à l’histoire des représentations collectives, à la sociologie et à l’histoire du droit, elle interroge le rapport entre les gravures des journaux illustrés et les réalités judiciaires de la fin du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle. Elle pose également la question de la réception de ces images dans l’opinion publique et de son influence sur le processus judiciaire et législatif. Ce travail de recherche s’appuie sur l’analyse sémiologique et contextuelle des illustrations et sur leur confrontation avec des sources judiciaires, doctrinales et législatives. Il met en évidence la dimension argumentative et idéologique des images de presse ainsi que leur pouvoir sur l’opinion publique, les tribunaux et le législateur. De manière plus générale, cette thèse entend montrer que l’étude des représentations iconographiques, même officieuses, de la justice enrichit la connaissance de l’histoire du droit et de la justice
Based on the idea that images play a fundamental role for justice, as shown by all the iconographic representations, the symbols and the rituals used by the judiciary institution, this study in history of law focuses on the discourse conveyed by the prints of the illustrated newspapers of the Third Republic about law and justice. In an interdisciplinary approach, borrowing from the history of collective representations, from sociology and from the history of law, it questions the connection between the prints of the illustrated newspapers and the judiciary realities of the end of the 19th century and of the beginning of the 20th century.It also raises the question of the reception of these images among the general public and its influence on the judiciary and legislative process. It brings into light the argumentative and ideological dimension of press images as well as their power on the public opinion, on courts and on the legislator. More generally, this thesis aims to demonstrate that the study of iconographic representations of justice, even unofficial, enriches the knowledge of the history of law and justice

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Şiviloğlu, Murat Remzi. "The emergence of public opinion in the Ottoman Empire (1826-1876)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708664.

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Suo, Desirée M. Stephens John D. "The formation of immigration law in Italy between policy, parties, press and public opinion in 2007 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1334.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Apr. 25, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

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James, Richard 1949. "Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.

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This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.

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Scott, Alan Michael. "Winds of change, scent of betrayal : press, political development and public opinion in Northern Ireland, 1963-7." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325992.

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Odams, Helen Jean Rachel. "British perceptions of the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1908." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e71bd343-edf5-419f-b769-65460065d044.

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The title of this thesis is 'British Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire (1876-1908). The thesis explores the 'cultural dimension1 of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Britain in this period, involving an examination of ideas about and representations of Ottoman society and its peoples. The overall aim is to stress the importance of these representations in in influencing and affecting relations between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Nineteenth-century writings about the Ottoman Empire produce strong images of Ottoman society and steroetypes of the Turkish and Christian populations. These images are reconstructed and their significance examined. The approach is contextual and perceptions are analysed in the historical, material and cultural framework of late Victorian Britain. Descriptions of Ottoman society are treated as representations of that complex reality, with varying degrees of accuracy and inaccuracy, reflecting or distorting conditions in the Empire. In addition the relationship between older ideas and ideas developing at a new historical conjuncture of late nineteenth-century imperialism are considered important factors in determining the overall image of the Ottoman Empire in the late Victorian mind. In these ways the conclusion stresses the importance of, and the relationship between ideas about the Ottoman Empire, and the concrete factors of inter-state relations of which they are part. As such the subject contributes to an understanding of the multi-dimensional nature of nineteenth-century relations between a weak and strong state in the International system, and the degree to which culture and ideas are informed by these relationships of power. The study contributes to a greater understanding of the Eastern question and sheds light on many of the ideas that have come to influence modern historiography about the Ottoman past and the appreciation of Ottoman and European diplomatic history.

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Johnson, Ann K. "Urban ghetto riots, 1965-1968 a comparison of Soviet and American press coverage /." Boulder : New York : East European Monographs ; Distributed by Columbia University Press, 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34499684.html.

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Rhodes, David T. "The Postwar Conversion to German Rearmament: A Look at the Truman Administration, Congress, and American Public Opinion." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625404.

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McNairn, Jeffrey L. "The capacity to judge public opinion and deliberative democracy in Upper Canada, 1791-1854 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27696.pdf.

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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.

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Kachipande, Sitingawawo Diana. "Public Opinion, Press Coverage and the Pempho Banda Case: Contesting Sex Work Criminalization in Malawi's Developing Tourism Sector." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/101682.

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When police arrested nineteen women in Dedza, Malawi hospitality locations in 2016, it was under the guise of the living on the earnings of prostitution laws. The women appealed and won their case, with the ruling judge noting that Malawian women are free to patronize any hospitality facilities or bars without fear of being arrested. The case, The Republic v. Pempho Banda and 18 Others, sparked a national debate over the social and legal status of sex workers in the southern African country. It also brought to light that efforts to stimulate tourism had inadvertently boosted the country's sex work industry. To move away from a reliance on agriculture and bolster socio-economic growth and its foreign exchange earnings, the country is positioning itself to gain a greater market share of visitors. However, as in many tourist destinations, the promise of sex attracts tourists, and sex is increasingly becoming a central offering of Malawi's tourism industry. Yet, Malawian sex workers continue to occupy a social status in which they are marginalized or mistreated by the general public and criminal justice system. This provides apt conditions for continued and increased human rights abuse against sex workers. This research explores the events, legal environment, media coverage, and public opinion surrounding this case and its relation to the tourism industry. The data is from interviews with actors in the criminal justice system, documents and an analysis of online media about the Pempho Banda et al. case. My dissertation highlights the complexities and contradictions surrounding sex work in Malawi. In doing so, I hope to intervene in the national debate surrounding sex workers so as to facilitate public opinions and policies that are more sex worker friendly and protective of their human rights.
Doctor of Philosophy

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Greear, Wesley P. "American immigration policies and public opinion on European Jews from 1933 to 1945." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2002. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0322102-113418/unrestricted/Greear040102.pdf.

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Huso, Deborah Rae. ""I Claim Not to have Controlled Events": Abraham Lincoln and the Manipulation of Public Opinion in the Secession Crisis." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626087.

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Wei, Yang. "Popular Opinion and Public Reasoning: Intellectual Changes and Institutional Innovations in Late Ming China (1580s-1640s)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11321.

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This study examines the rise of popularist discourse in the realms of intellectual transformation, political reforms, institutional innovations, social activism, and cultural construction from the 1580s to the 1680s. Centered on notions such as "popular opinion (gonglun)" and "public reasoning (gongyi)", the popularist discourse presupposed individual perspectives as inherently isolated, incomplete, parochial, and flawed. Broader inclusion of diverse opinions was thus justified as an indispensible check of individual view for optimal outcome. Chapter 1 explores the intellectual transformation from the Neo-Confucian premises to elitist-popularism, in which the daoxue assumptions of individual access to absolute truth, and of the linear transmission of orthodox learning through an enlightened minority (daotong) were questioned. In contrast, the popularist notions emphasized the fallibility of any individuals, justified spontaneous consensus, and advocated horizontal inclusion of ideas in collective reasoning. Chapter 2 examines the political disputes concerning the "collective recommendation (huitui)" in the late Ming administration, arguing that proponents of huitui, through re-inventing this tradition, sought to moderate the imperial power in important bureaucratic appointments and to promote broader political participation and greater transparency in policy-making. Chapter 3 explores the institutional innovations relating to the fangdan questionnaires, which served as a quantitative means for substantiating the conceived popular opinion in late-Ming officialdom. Beneath these institutional reforms was the popularist orientation that saw commonly shared opinion as innately outweighing individual views. Chapter 4 stresses the centrality of the popularist discourse in the late-Ming Jiangnan literati's activism, arguing that the collective strategies facilitated the local literati's agendas of defending common status and shared interests out of the fear of downward social mobility in a society of increasing identity fluidity. Chapter 5 discusses the cultural impact of the popularist discourse by demonstrating how the collective approach posed challenges to the prevailing Neo-Confucian moral absolutism, brought about a new definition of learning as cumulative, inclusive, open-ended process of public reasoning, and spurred the florescence of encyclopedias, compendia, and anthologies as "the market of knowledge/ideas" for the audience to choose. Taken together, these case studies show a profound change in late-Ming China's political, intellectual and cultural landscape reshaped by a collective orientation.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations

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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.

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Anderson, Kathie Ann Ryckman. "From the population bomb to the birth dearth : the stages of acceptance of public opinion about changes in population." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077403.

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Frost, Meera Alice Christine. "Changing representations of pagan Indians in Italian culture c.1300 to c.1600." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610820.

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Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.

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Arredondo, Christina Marlene. "The affects [sic] of behavior on celebrity image." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2627.

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47

McCullough, Kristen. "The News Media and Public Opinion: The Press Coverage of U.S. International Conflicts and Its Effect on Presidental Approval." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3809.

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Abstract:

A standing phenomenon exists in the fields of both political science and communication studies regarding the impact that the news media have on public opinion. This study recognizes the average American citizens' reliance on the press to gain information about international conflicts. Hence, it is theorized that news reports on a political occurrence could very well influence the mass-level opinion of an event such that positive news stories generate positive public opinion, and vice versa. Since foreign crises define a presidency in the public's minds, presidential approval ratings determine the degree to which the news media manipulate public opinion. Specifically, news media coverage of two international conflicts, the Vietnam and Persian Gulf Wars, are analyzed in light of their effect on American citizens' public opinion of Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and George H. W. Bush, respectively.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA

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48

McCullough, Kristen Anne. "The news media and public opinion the press coverage of U.S. international conflicts and its effect on presidential approval /." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002701.

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49

LeMaitre, Alfred. "British apologists for Franco, 1936-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63832.

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50

Booth, Geoffrey J. "From wretched employment to honourable profession, the changing image of teachers in nineteenth-century Ontario." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0005/MQ46183.pdf.

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