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Journal articles on the topic 'History of personal names'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Chirikba, Viacheslav A. "Abaza Personal Names." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, no. 4 (2013): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130405.

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The paper presents a thorough study of the Abaza personal names. Traditionally, Abazas, a small autochthonous people living in the Karačaj-Čerkes Republic of the Russian Federation, used a two-name system, consisting, as a rule, of the surname plus the postposed first name. The Abaza personal names are analysed with regard to their origin, structure, semantics, and social status. The onomastic system in general, as well as the tradition of naming among the Abazas are outlined as well.

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2

Tuplin, Christopher. "MORE GREEK PERSONAL NAMES." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.475.

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3

Waterson, Roxana. "Personal names in Asia: history, culture and identity." Asian Ethnicity 14, no. 2 (March 2013): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2012.745742.

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4

Luján, Eugenio R. "Gaulish personal names : An update." Etudes Celtiques 35, no. 1 (2003): 181–247. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2003.2156.

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5

Stüber, Karin. "Remarks on the personal names." Etudes Celtiques 39, no. 1 (2013): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2013.2404.

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6

Kolonitskii, B. I. "‘Revolutionary Names’: Russian Personal Names and Political Consciousness in the 1920s and 1930s." Revolutionary Russia 6, no. 2 (December 1993): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546549308575605.

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7

Fleming, Daniel E. "Amarna Personal Names. Richard S. Hess." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 303 (August 1996): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357473.

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8

Cross, Frank Moore. "Personal Names in the Samaria Papyri." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 344 (November 2006): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/basor25066978.

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9

Hoel, Helga. "Personal Names and Heritage: Alice Walker's "Everyday Use"." American Studies in Scandinavia 31, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v31i1.1479.

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10

Moore, Donald. "The indexing of Welsh personal names." Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing: Volume 17, Issue 1 17, no. 1 (April 1, 1990): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.1990.17.1.6.

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Welsh personal names sometimes present the indexer with problems not encountered when dealing with English names. The Welsh patronymic system of identity is the most obvious; this was normal in the Middle Ages, and traces of its usage survived into the mid-nineteenth century. Patronymics have since been revived as alternative names in literary and bardic circles, while a few individuals, inspired by the precedents of history, are today attempting to use them regularly in daily life. Other sorts of alternative names, too, have been adopted by writers, poets, artists and musicians, to such effect that they are often better known to the Welsh public than the real names. A distinctive pseudonym has a special value in Wales, where a restricted selection of both first names and surnames has been the norm for the last few centuries. Apart from the names themselves, there is in Welsh a linguistic feature which can be disconcerting to those unfamiliar with the language: the ‘mutation’ or changing of the initial letter of a word in certain phonetic and syntactic contexts. This can also occur in place-names, which were discussed by the present writer in The Indexer 15 (1) April 1986. Some of the observations made there about the Welsh language will be relevant here also.

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11

Chipalo, Amani J. "Implicative Denotations of Cigogo Personal Names." Utafiti 14, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-14010003.

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Abstract This study takes an onoma-pragmatic approach to investigating Cigogo personal names, in order to identify the determinants of the choices and the implications involved in naming. Personal names are considered here to be utterances like any other, whose understanding depends heavily upon their situational interpretation, based on both general and specific information shared by speakers and surrounding the utterance. Therefore the data in this study were analysed with general background information to retrieve the relevant etymologies, and with specific information to identify their possible implicatures. The findings have shown that Gogo personal names derive etymologically from lineage, seasons, socio-economic activities, calamities, surroundings, birth circumstances and celebrities. All these collectively carry two implicatures: either recording and recalling, or wishes and prayers. The sources of personal names reveal not only how this community reckoned time before the introduction of literacy, but also how they have worshiped. Of further interest is the recording of birthdays, family history and clan legacy by Cigogo speakers through personal names. Some of the names – particularly the ancestral ones – were used as good will prayers and wishes bestowed upon the younger generation. These observations may inspire further study of personal naming, a subject area of pragmatics which so far has not received sufficient systematic attention. Further, the pragmatics of African personal names illuminates one dimension in the complex transmission of cultural and historical information in oral knowledge traditions.

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12

Rollston, Christopher A. "Inscribed Ossuaries: Personal Names, Statistics, and Laboratory Tests." Near Eastern Archaeology 69, no. 3-4 (September 2006): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/nea25067663.

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13

Sholia, I. St. "THE EFFECT OF EXTRALINGUAL FACTORS ON THE CHOICE OF PERSONAL NAMES IN UZHHOROD IN THE 20TH CENTURY." Rusin, no. 60 (2020): 227–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/60/14.

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The article studies the extralingual factors that influenced the choice of female and male names of Uzhhorod citizens during the 20th century. The research draws on the Uzhhorod civil registry books stored in the Transcarpathian State Regional Archive. It has been found out that dynamic historical events (the region’s becoming a part of various states with their language policy), economic, political, cultural and educational changes in Transcarpathia over the centuries influenced the cultural and linguistic situation and manifested in the changes of personal names. The choice of male and female personal names was also influenced by the changes in the population ethnic composition as well as people’s national and confessional identity. The coexistence of more than 70 nationalities and nations, including Ukrainians, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Russians, Belarussians, Bulgarians, Poles, Romanians, Moldovans, Roma, Swabians, Jews, Germans, Azerbaijanis, Gagauz, Armenians, Uzbeks, etc., certainly influenced the Uzhhorod name repertoire, since it was different cultures, ethnic naming traditions, and various names. Although the religion and ethnicity affected the anthroponymic repertoire and matter for choosing names for newborns, they were not so much significant as to affect the general system of personal names of Uzhhorod residents in the 20th century.

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14

Bauman, Richard A. "I. Personal Names, Adoptions and Families of the Roman Jurists." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 108, no. 1 (August 1, 1991): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1991.108.1.1.

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15

Martirosyan, Hrach. "Armenian Personal Names of Iranian Origin from Siwnik‘ and Arc‘ax." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 1 (2019): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190107.

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This paper aims to present seven Armenian personal names of Iranian origin from the Armenian historical provinces of Siwnik‘ and Arc‘ax: Dadi/Dadoy, Kohazat, Marhan, Mrhapet, Niw-dast, Niw-Xosrov, and *Oyz/Uz. These names are scantily attested in literature (almost all of them being hapaxes) and are, therefore, little known to scholarship.

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16

Vincent, N. "Shorter notice. Domesday Names. An Index of Latin Personal and Place Names. KSB Keats-Rohan, DE Thornton. [ed]." English Historical Review 114, no. 456 (April 1999): 405–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.456.405.

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Vincent, N. "Shorter notice. Domesday Names. An Index of Latin Personal and Place Names. KSB Keats-Rohan, DE Thornton. [ed]." English Historical Review 114, no. 456 (April 1, 1999): 405–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.456.405.

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18

Hough, Carole. "Personal Names and Naming Practices in Medieval Scotland, ed. Matthew Hammond." English Historical Review 136, no. 580 (April 23, 2021): 706–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab089.

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19

Lusekelo, Amani, and Victor Mtenga. "Historicity of personal names in Tanzania: the case of the names in the Rombo-Chagga community in Kilimanjaro." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 2, no. 13 (July 7, 2020): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v2i13.3.

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The history of African societies, which are mostly oral, could be deciphered through onomastics. This is possible because naming practices, which are elaborate, and personal names, which are meaningful, are cherished in African communities. In most cases, the circumstances at birth, which split into several strands, dictate the choice of the name by the name-givers. Naming practice is an elaborate phenomenon amongst the Rombo-Chagga people of Kilimanjaro in Tanzania on two grounds. On the one hand, clan names are associated with Chagga calendar and socio-economic activities, e.g. Mkenda „born during unlucky days‟. On the other hand, home-names reveal circumstances at birth and historical events within the family and beyond, e.g. Ndekir‟yo„I am cured‟. In addition, amongst the Bantu speaking communities in Sub-Saharan Africa, naming practices have been influenced by Christianization, Islamicization and colonization. The personal names of the Rombo-Chagga people reveal the strands of religious (formal) names and foreign (English or Kiswahili) names, e.g. Barakaeli „God-bless‟.Keywords: Ethnohistory, Personal names, Language-in-contact, Rombo-Chagga, Tanzania

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20

Brinkman, Inge. "Language, Names, and War: The Case of Angola." African Studies Review 47, no. 3 (December 2004): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600030481.

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Abstract:This article shows the links between naming practices and war. The focus is on MPLA war names used during the Angolan struggle for independence. These names are framed in the wider context of the relations between language and war. In many African contexts, names are not singular and fixed, but may change with every personal transformation. Entering the life of a soldier constitutes just such a drastic change. The article shows that through war names, a kaleidoscope of issues may be addressed, including the relations between language, rank, and power, personal history and popular culture, spirit possession and resurrection, self-description and labeling, writing and legitimacy, and secrecy and identity.

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21

Lestremau, Arnaud. "Collectif, Personal Names and Naming Practices in Medieval Scotland." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, no. 254 (June 1, 2021): 183–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ccm.7548.

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22

Jayaraman, Raja. "Personal Identity in a Globalized World: Cultural Roots of Hindu Personal Names and Surnames." Journal of Popular Culture 38, no. 3 (February 2005): 476–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.2005.00124.x.

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23

Fajobi, Eunice, and Bolatito Akomolafe. "Investigating the Phonological Processes Involved When Yoruba Personal Names Are Anglicized." English Language and Literature Studies 9, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v9n1p24.

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Personal names, in African context, are not arbitrary. They are like signposts that convey a wide range of invaluable information about the bearers. Also, they are like a ‘social DNA’ that discloses the identity, family background, family history, family vocation and family deity of the bearer (Onadipe, 2012). Sadly however, studies, which are mostly sociolinguistic in perspective, abound to show that some of these given personal names are being anglicized among the younger generation of bearers (Soneye, 2008; Faleye & Adegoju, 2012; Raheem, 2013; Filani & Melefa, 2014). From the standpoint of socio-phonology and using Knobelauch’s (2008) Phonological Awareness as our theoretical framework, this paper investigates the phonological changes that Yoruba personal names undergo when they are anglicized; and their implication for the endangerment of Yoruba language. Perceptual and acoustic analyses of the data sourced from the written and verbalized (as well as recorded) anglicized names of 50 informants from a Nigerian University show “stress-shift” as the major prosodic strategy used by speakers to anglicize Yoruba personal names. Other phonological processes identified include re-syllabification, contraction, elision and substitution; but bearers are not overtly aware of these processes. Findings reveal further that though the “new names” are structurally more English than Yoruba, they are nevertheless pronounced with Yoruba tone by some bearers.

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24

KANAVOU, N. "PERSONAL NAMES IN THE VITA AESOPI (VITA G OR PERRIANA)." Classical Quarterly 56, no. 1 (May 2006): 208–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838806000164.

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25

Birley, A. R. "Names at Lepcis Magna." Libyan Studies 19 (1988): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900001059.

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AbstractThis article analyses the occurrence of apparently Roman names at Lepcis Magna and seeks to identify the processes of cultural assimilation taking place between the Libyphoenician population and Rome. Three main categories of change in naming practice (proposed by Herzog in the 1890s) may be recognised and suggest a number of possible explanations, other than Italian settlers, for the appearance of particular names at Lepcis. First, Roman names may have been adopted from the ruling emperor, or a senatorial patron or other suitably eminent Italian family, most commonly on the acquisition of Roman citizenship. This practice will often totally have eradicated the individual's original Libyphoenician nomenclature. The Lepcitani notably favoured aristocratic cognomina. Second, Punic or Libyan names at Lepcis may have been replaced by similar sounding Latin ones, e.g. the adaptation of Himilis to Aemilius and Amilcar to Amicus. Third, the Latin name may sometimes be a literal translation of the Punic or Libyan one. While noting a number of interesting examples of the latter two cases, the analysis here concentrates on the first category. It is concluded that there is little clearcut evidence for Italian settler families at Lepcis. Most of the names can be explained in terms of the assimilation of the indigenous population into the Roman pattern of personal nomenclature and illustrates the interesting choices available to them. The evidence at a number of points adds further weight to the strong probability that the paternal ancestry of the Emperor Septimius Severus was African.

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26

Healey, John F., and A. Negev. "Personal Names in the Nabataean Realm, Qedem 32 (1991)." Vetus Testamentum 44, no. 4 (October 1994): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1535124.

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27

Emerton, J. A., and Jeaneane D. Fowler. "Theophoric Personal Names in Ancient Hebrew: A Comparative Study." Vetus Testamentum 39, no. 2 (April 1989): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519589.

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28

Gonis, Nikolaos. "Notes on personal names and abbreviations in late Arsinoite and Heracleopolite documents." Chronique d'Egypte 94, no. 187 (January 2019): 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.cde.5.119069.

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29

Macdonald, M. "Personal names in the Nabataean realm. A review article." Journal of Semitic Studies 44, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 251–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/44.2.251.

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30

Robinne, François. "Personal Names. History, Culture and Identity, Zheng Yangwen & Charles J-H Macdonald (éds)." Moussons, no. 18 (December 1, 2011): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/moussons.784.

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31

Glatt-Gilad, David A. "The Personal Names in Jeremiah as a Source for the History of the Period." Hebrew Studies 41, no. 1 (2000): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.2000.0033.

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32

Benson, Etienne S. "Naming the Ethological Subject." Science in Context 29, no. 1 (February 23, 2016): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988971500040x.

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ArgumentIn recent decades, through the work of Jane Goodall and other ethologists, the practice of giving personal names to nonhuman animals who are the subjects of scientific research has become associated with claims about animal personhood and scientific objectivity. While critics argue that such naming practices predispose the researcher toward anthropomorphism, supporters suggest that it sensitizes the researcher to individual differences and social relations. Both critics and supporters agree that naming tends to be associated with the recognition of individual animal rights. The history of the naming of research animals since the late nineteenth century shows, however, that the practice has served a variety of purposes, most of which have raised few ethical or epistemological concerns. Names have been used to identify research animals who play dual roles as pets, workers, or patients, to enhance their market value, and to facilitate their identification in the field. The multifaceted history of naming suggests both that the use of personal names by Goodall and others is less of a radical break with previous practices than it might first appear to be and that the use of personal names to recognize the individuality, sentience, or rights of nonhuman animals faces inherent limits and contradictions.

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33

Smart, Veronica J. "Moneyers of the late Anglo-Saxon coinage: the Danish dynasty 1017–42." Anglo-Saxon England 16 (December 1987): 233–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003926.

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Some years ago I published a study of the moneyers' names from Edgar's reform of the coinage in the last years of his reign up to the death of Æthelred in 1016. Since then Dr Fran Colman has made a study of the moneyers of Edward the Confessor. The object of this paper is to complete the record of moneyers' names on the late Anglo-Saxon coinage by surveying the period when the Danish dynasty of Cnut and his sons ruled England. Although at this period personal names may no longer be directly indicative of nationality, and the relationship between the named moneyer and his stated mint may be in some cases fluid, nevertheless such a record can still provide a measure of cultural influence and the intensity of settlement.

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34

Biddulph, Edward. "What's in a Name? Graffiti on Funerary Pottery." Britannia 37 (November 2006): 355–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x00001847.

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ABSTRACTFascicules 7 and 8 of Roman Inscription of Britain II, dealing with samian and coarse pottery respectively, contain some 60 examples of graffiti associated with funerary contexts. Most graffiti are personal names and traditionally these were thought to record the names of the deceased. Analysis has revealed, however, that the names are more likely to be those of mourners or gift-givers. This is suggested by case-endings (graffiti that indicate possession are relatively few), the presence of multiple names in single graves, and the observation that many names were inscribed on ancillary vessels, rather than cinerary urns.

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35

Conti, Andrea A. "Calling the Heart by Name: Distinguished Eponyms in the History of Cardiac Anatomy." Heart Surgery Forum 14, no. 3 (June 15, 2011): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.1532/hsf98.20101047.

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Many outstanding scientists have given their names to anatomic structures through time. Recently the use of eponyms has been at the center of a very interesting debate in the columns of prestigious medical journals. Even if some authors have questioned their adoption, not only do the names of great figures in the history of medicine appear inextricably linked to human body structures but they also have been widely adopted. Eponyms enliven medical study and practice by representing major mnemonic aids for students and learners and opening intriguing scenarios on the history of health. Given that physicians frequently are unaware of exactly "who stands behind" a name, this article presents a reconstruction of how eponyms for cardiac structures have developed through time and provides scientific profiles of the personages after whom heart districts have been named. The article is offered in the awareness that scientists of different countries and different ages have contributed to the elaboration of the knowledge of cardiac anatomy, according to their personal skills and to the health technology available in their particular times and places.

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36

Tucker, Joanna. "Personal Names and Naming Practices in Medieval Scotland, ed. by Matthew Hammond." Innes Review 72, no. 1 (May 2021): 56–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2021.0283.

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37

Emerton, J. A., and S. C. Layton. "Archaic Features of Canaanite Personal Names in the Hebrew Bible." Vetus Testamentum 44, no. 1 (January 1994): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519435.

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38

Dorje, Gawai, and Tsering D. Gonkatsang. "An Investigation Into the Advisability of Translating Names of Tibetan Medicine Into Other Languages." Asian Medicine 5, no. 2 (2009): 394–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342109x568883.

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This research article primarily focuses on the author’s personal views on the history of translating names of Tibetan medicine into Chinese; the merits of translating (such terms) into other languages like Chinese; issues of improper translation in certain cases; considerations on the advisability of translating names of Tibetan medicine into Chinese and other languages; and the ways and means to resolve this issue.

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39

Fisher, C. M. "Difficulty Recalling People's Names." Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 24, no. 1 (February 1997): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0317167100021107.

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ABSTRACT:Background:Difficulty recalling people's names is common in the adult population, especially in the elderly. The subject is scarcely mentioned in the literature. An 82-year-old patient gave the history that for 33 years he had made prospective observations on his own difficulty with people's names.Methods:Documentation and analysis of the patient's personal observations in which his ability to recall the names of friends, acquaintances, colleagues, public figures, movie stars and athletes is compared with that of his spouse. A suitable test-battery for the names of famous North American persons was not available.Results:The patient's capability in recalling people's names was clearly inferior to that of his spouse. The patient's intellect was otherwise intact and the impairment seemed to be isolated to the category of proper-naming. Doubts were raised about the patient's own conclusion that the deficit was progressive.Conclusions:A parallel may be drawn between benign difficulty recalling people's names and the acquired categorical deficit for proper naming reported in the literature in recent years. Based on Damasio's concept of anatomically compartmentalized sensory subsystems, it is hypothesized that our patient's symptom represents an innate limited capacity for proper naming.

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40

TAIT, CLODAGH. "Namesakes and nicknames: naming practices in early modern Ireland, 1540–1700." Continuity and Change 21, no. 2 (August 2006): 313–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416006005935.

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This article argues that naming can reveal personal ideologies, family connections, social interactions and changes in the concerns of the inhabitants of Ireland in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Ethnic and religious differences are indicated by the differing naming practices used by the Gaelic Irish, Old English and New English, Scots and Welsh inhabitants of Ireland. Much can be divined about the symbolism underlying naming practice when the names given to children are compared with those of their parents, godparents, family members and other significant individuals. The associated importance of nicknames and by-names, wordplay about names, and the circumstances under which people might change their names are also considered.

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41

Парастаева, Э. С. "Personal name as a universal tool of globalization." Kavkaz-forum, no. 5(12) (March 23, 2021): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2021.12.5.008.

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Вопрос изучения имени личного представляет очень большой интерес как для науки, так и для общества в целом. Вся совокупность имен личных (и шире – собственных) относится, как известно, к той части лексической системы языка, исследования которой представляют огромную ценность. В научном языкознании для изучения имени определена отдельная отрасль – ономастика. Деэтимологизация ономастических единиц является важнымне только для языкознания, но и для различных отраслей знания, в частности, для исторической науки в деле изучения древнейшей истории народов (реконструкции архаичных социальных систем, верований, религий, быта), мест их расселения в различные периоды. В настоящей статье нами рассмотрены имена людей – антропонимы в социально-историческом аспекте нового и новейшего времени, времени тотальной глобализации и демократизации. Исторически сложившаяся система наименования людей уходит в глубокую древность, но она не была консервативна и с течением времени, со сменой эпох, постепенно менялась. Когда-то закрытые национальные именные системы (именники), под влиянием все более усиливающихся социальных и культурных взаимодействий народов мира, медленно, но верно «сдавали свои позиции». Началось активное взаимозаимствование личных имен среди различных по этнической принадлежности групп. В современных национальных именных системах вполне мирно уживаются исконные и заимствованные (чужестранные) имена. В то же время между ними наблюдается некий антагонизм, вызванный к жизни понятием исконности/неисконности, который, в свою очередь, основан на значении слова (апеллятива), из которого произошло имя. Есть имена пришлые (заимствованные), которые на чужой почве принимающего языка получают облик, соответствующий нормам последнего. Транснациональными именами, по нашему мнению, следует считать ономастические единицы, не знающие этнических и государственных преград, легко преодолевающие географические барьеры. Именно они служат одним из действенных инструментов глобализации. The question of studying the personal name is of very great interest both for the researchers and for the society as a whole. The entire set of personal (and more broadly - proper) names refers to that part of the lexical system of any language, the research of which is of great value. In linguistics a separate branch is defined for the study of a name - onomastics. De-etymologization of onomastic units is important not only for linguistics, but also for various branches of knowledge, in particular, for historical science in the study of the ancient history of peoples (reconstruction of archaic social systems, beliefs, religions, everyday life), places of their settlement in different periods. In this article, we examined the names of persons - anthroponyms in the socio-historical aspect of the new and modern times, the time of total globalization and democratization. The historically established system of naming people goes back to antiquity, but it was not conservative and gradually changed over time, with the change of eras. Once closed national nominal systems (names), under the influence of ever-increasing social and cultural interactions of the peoples of the world, slowly but surely "gave up their positions." An active inter-borrowing of personal names began among groups of different ethnicity. In modern national naming systems, primordial and borrowed (foreign) names coexist quite peacefully. At the same time, there is a certain antagonism between them, brought to life by the concept of originality / non-originality, which, in turn, is based on the meaning of the word (appellative) from which the name originated. There are new names (borrowed), which, on the basis of the foreign soil of the receiving language, acquire an appearance that corresponds to the norms of the latter. In our opinion, transnational names should be considered onomastic units that do not know ethnic and state barriers, easily overcome geographic barriers. They serve as one of the most effective tools for globalization.

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Dana, Dan. "Onomasticon Thracicum (Onom Thrac). Répertoire des noms indigènes de Thrace, Macédoine Orientale, Mésies, Dacie et Bithynie." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 17, no. 1 (2011): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092907711x575313.

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Abstract The purpose of the Onomasticon Thracicum project is to realize a repertory of all the Thracian personal names, supplanting the outdated book of D. Detschew (1957). The gathering and the critical examination of these native names in literary sources, inscriptions (epitaphs, dedications, lists, graffiti, military diplomas), papyri and coins will provide a new research tool, rich of about 1400 different names. A large number of Thracian names is documented elsewhere in the Greek (especial Hellenistic) and Roman world, principally because the utilization of the Thracians as soldiers by the Hellenistic kings, thereafter in all the units of the Roman army. This aspect is extremely important for the constitution of their onomastic repertory, completing the more or less plentiful data from the Thracian space. Recently, more new data about Thracian onomastics are available, improving our knowledge, especially for some regions or, very important, for the feminine names. OnomThrac will pay more attention to the study of this peculiar onomastics in its geographical and chronological context. At least four distinct onomastic territories are now obvious for the Thracian complex: Thracian names; Daco-Moesian names; western Thracian names; Bithynian names. More indexes (as a reverse index; or the Genitive forms), as well as a general bibliography, will accompany the repertory.

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Varnikova, Evgenia N. "Semantic and Word-Formation Features of Horse Names in the History of the Russian Language (Based on the Inventory Books of Vologda Monasteries in the 16th — Early 18th Centuries)." Вопросы Ономастики 17, no. 1 (2020): 47–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2020.17.1.003.

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The paper considers a historical aspect of zoonymic studies which has not been sufficiently developed. The history of Russian horse names (hipponyms) is explored using zoonymic data from the inventories of the Vologda monasteries in the 16th — early 18th centuries, the materials from Listings of horses (Moscow, 1665), and archival documents of the Soviet farms of Sevmaslotrest from 1930s. The author identifies the lexical structure of Early Modern Russian hipponymy, delves into the meaning of names and appellatives they derive from, analyses the structure of horses’ names, and describes the name formation techniques. The studied sources bring the picture of the general development of lexical patterns in the Russian hipponymy. As it turns out, the vocabulary of Early Modern Russian hyponymy is almost identical with the Old Russian anthroponomy, which attests to their genetic unity. At the same time, the use of Christian names is noted, with these becoming more popular in the given period. The article also deals with structural types of Early Modern Russian hipponyms: zoonyms having a substantive form (nicknames formed from onomastic, agential, zoological, and object nouns; zoonymic compounds; suffixal compounds); adjective-based zoonyms; mixed names. In monastic scripts of the 16th — early 18th centuries, the vast majority of units used as hipponyms are “prefabricated” traditional names, the cases of creating original animal names are rare. In the latter case, zoonyms are usually formed using suffixal patterns peculiar for agentive and anthroponomic vocabulary. The word-building patterns include the onymisation of appellatives (sometimes by metaphoric transfer), substantivisation (nominalization) of adjectives, transonymisation of personal and place names. Due to the semantic, structural, and word-formation proximities between Early Modern Russian zoonymy and Old Russian anthroponomy, zoonymic vocabulary of the 16th–18th centuries provides a reliable source on Old Russian onomasticon, as well as explains the “anthroponymic” nature of modern Russian zoonymy and the active use of personal names for animals at present. This practice turns out to have deep historical roots.

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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000303.

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This is the first review of books in Greek history after a year, as the Coronavirus crisis last spring made it impossible to submit a review for the G&R volume of autumn 2020. I apologize to readers and editors for the resulting delay in reviewing two books published in 2018. The multi-volume Lexicon of Greek Personal Names has been a tremendous tool of research that one day could hopefully revolutionize the study of Greek history. The volume under review is the eighth in the series; edited by Jean-Sébastien Balzat, Richard Catling, Édouard Chiricat, and Thomas Corsten, it is devoted to inland Asia Minor, covering Pisidia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, Galatia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Pontus, and Armenia. The onomastics of these areas are complex owing to the various historical processes in which they were enmeshed: centuries of migration, conquest, and cultural change meant that, in addition to the ‘native’ cultural traditions of inland Asia Minor, the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman empires, as well as migratory movements like that of the Celts, left a deep onomastic impact. The issue is further complicated because the majority of the evidence comes from the Roman Imperial period, making diachronic comparison more difficult. This excellent volume offers a new documentary basis for studying social, cultural, and economic processes of change in these important areas of the ancient world: the full collection of the evidence makes it easier to classify names into different linguistic groups, an issue that has bedevilled the study of onomastics in Asia Minor for a very long time; it will also be possible to study regional divergences in the onomastics of different areas.

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Golub, Mitka R. "The Element שלם in Hebrew Personal Names in the Land of Israel during the Iron Age ii Period." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 4 (October 28, 2015): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12301214.

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In this study, I investigated all personal names with the element שלם in the Land of Israel during the Iron Age ii period. I collected the names from archaeological and biblical sources, analyzed and compared their distribution according to geography, chronology, and political affiliation. The results show that while שלם is a popular element in Judah from the eighth to the early sixth centuries, it is absent from Israel. The element שלם in unvocalized names from archaeological sources is interpreted mostly as ‘replacement, substitute’ (for the deceased child). However, the popularity of the element שלם solely in Judah may indicate that שלם was used more often than we assume as a divine name referring to YHWH, as do all other Judean popular names. In addition, the comparison between the names from archaeological and biblical sources may be interpreted to indicate that the Bible reflects Judean and not Israelite onomastic traditions.

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Rübekeil, Ludwig. "Tufa und Armilausini." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 142, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 185–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl-2020-0013.

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AbstractThis article investigates the origin and history of two names dating from late Antiquity or the migration period. The first is the personal name Tufa, the second is the tribal name Armilausini. The two names can be traced back to a corresponding Germanic loan word in the Latin military language, tufa and armilausia, respectively, both of which are continued in the military language of the Eastern Roman and Byzantine Empire. The names are based on the appellative nouns. Both the appellatives and, even more so, the names turn out to be characteristic products of the multilingual background of the Roman military, as they show several signs of linguistic interference such as lexical reanalysis / folk etymology, morphological remodelling and semantic specialization.

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F. Bátori, Gyopárka. "A személynevek Anonymus Gesta Hungarorumának angol és román fordításaiban." Névtani Értesítő 42 (2020): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29178/nevtert.2020.3.

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The Gesta Hungarorum is a valuable source of the early history of Europe and Hungary. As a result, several translations in addition to the Hungarian have been published: Romanian, German, Slovak, Polish, Catalan, English, Russian, etc. While some questions regarding the translation of the personal names used by Anonymous are predictable, a comprehensive understanding can only be reached through a complete comparison of all data. Thus, data collection is the first step of research. The current study examines the use of personal names in the English and Romanian translations. Aspects connected to translation are systematised based on the various levels of their context. A detailed analysis of the data brings new aspects to the fore that highlight questions connected not only to the text of the Gesta itself but translation in general. Thus this study is useful not only to a small group of scholars but any who face challenges in the translation of names.

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Striano, Araceli. "Eros dans l’anthroponymie grecque." Mnemosyne 71, no. 4 (June 20, 2018): 640–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342356.

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AbstractThe history of Greek personal names (PN) related to the theonym Eros is striking.1 Despite being one of the most important gods, Eros, along with Aphrodite, is largely absent from Greek proper names in the archaic and classical periods. Later, however, and especially under Rome, there is a remarkable increase in PN at Rome and Pompeii, as well as in Hispania. The reason for the absence of Eros in early Greek names is most likely the sense of the Greek term ἔρως as ‘passionate love’, whereas its increased popularity in Hellenistic and Roman times reflects the more genial representation of the god of love in statues and reliefs.

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van Gulik, Léon A. "Coining a Name, Casting the Self." Nova Religio 20, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2016.20.2.97.

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In this article, I explore how a contemporary religion affects the self-understanding of its adherents and may contribute to the construction of their personal identity, by examining the Wiccan practice of adopting a “Craft name.” All people tell stories to maintain a coherent personal history, and stories about their names help create a sense of identity. I offer psychological interpretations of such narratives within the context of Flemish and Dutch Wicca, illustrated with quotes from lightly structured in-depth interviews. I found that names and their referents may be either passively accepted or intuitively recognized as one’s own, and that such impressions contrast with expressive and active understandings in which a name implies one’s potency and helps to frame one’s aspirations.

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Bloch, Yigal. "Judeans in Sippar and Susa during the First Century of the Babylonian Exile: Assimilation and Perseverance under Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid Rule." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 119–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2014-0005.

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AbstractThe present study discusses the attestations of persons of Judean origin in Neo-Babylonian cuneiform tablets (of the period between 550 and 490 bce) as possible evidence of some aspects of the social history of the community of Judeans exiled to Babylonia by Nebuchadnezzar II. Although the number of such attestations is very small, it is nonetheless possible to single out two groups which display different patterns of personal name giving across generations. In one instance, a group of merchants in the city of Sippar (belonging mostly to a single family) uses, in part, distinctly Judean personal names in the first generation of the exile, but abandons them completely in favor of Babylonian theophoric names in the next generation. In another instance, a group of individuals active mostly in Susa and probably belonging to the families of royal officials (as suggested by names and patronymics of the type of Beamtennamen – names expressing a pious wish for the well-being of the king) displays the use of Yahwistic personal names even though the fathers of those individuals bore Babylonian theophoric names. It is suggested that the persistence of Yahwistic – hence distinctly Judean – names among royal officials or their direct offspring, even after the previous generation bore Babylonian names, reflects a considerable measure of tolerance toward ethnically foreign elements in the royal administration (the relevant examples date from the period after the establishment of the Achaemenid empire). In contrast, the progressing adoption of Babylonian names among the Judean merchants in Sippar in the first half of the sixth century bce seems likely to reflect assimilation into the native Babylonian society, fostered by the necessity to pursue commercial dealings with the Ebabbar temple of Šamaš and the social circles centered around the temple, which consisted of conservatively minded upper strata of the native Babylonian society. Editions of the cuneiform tablets discussed in the present study are provided in the Appendix.

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