Dissertations / Theses: 'History europe ireland general'

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MacLeod, Alan Stuart. "The United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland, United States and the conflict in Northern Ireland, August 1971 - September 1974." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3359/.

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This thesis offers a new interpretation of the international history of the early period of Northern Ireland’s ‘Troubles’. Such a revision is necessary given the recently released material in the national archives of the United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland and the United States, and in the personal archives of those involved. Furthermore, by adopting a different methodology, made possible by the recent archive material, further new perspectives emerge of the international dimension. Rather than taking a single element of the international history of the Troubles – for example, the ‘Irish dimension’, ‘American dimension’, the Cold War, or European integration – this thesis takes a multidimensional approach analysing the impact of the interactions of each of the international actors. The starting point for this multidimensional analysis is the introduction of internment without trial on 9 August 1971. This was not just a significant event in Northern Ireland, but also had the effect of internationalising the Troubles. Over the months that followed the international dimension developed two distinct spheres of activity – a political sphere and a security sphere. Different combinations of actors interacted in each of these spheres. In addition to the moderate Northern Irish parties, the British and Irish governments participated in the political sphere. The US government eventually ruled itself out of this sphere following the US presidential election in November 1972, but only after it had flirted with intervention. However, interventions by the US Congress’s ‘Irish Caucus’ continued. Meanwhile, in the security sphere, comprehensive Anglo-Irish security cooperation proved impossible to achieve. Instead, Anglo-American and Hiberno-American security cooperation developed – with Dublin eventually exerting as much of an influence on US policy as the UK. However, the US government’s attempts to supress IRA support were seriously restricted by the administration’s unwillingness to pick a fight with the Irish Caucus. The international dimension was an integral component of the peace process that resulted in the establishing of a cross-community power-sharing executive and the Sunningdale Agreement of December 1973. Even when this process was brought to an end by a Protestant backlash in May 1974 the principles developed during this period were confirmed and were to be central to future peace initiatives in Northern Ireland, including the Good Friday Agreement.

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Galpin, Charlotte Amy. "Euro crisis - identity crisis? : the single currency and European identities in Germany, Ireland and Poland." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5634/.

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This thesis examines the effect of the Euro crisis on the construction of European identities in three case study countries- Germany, Ireland and Poland. Combining a social constructivist approach to European identities with the constructivist and discursive institutionalist literature on ideational change and crisis, it investigates the extent to which the crisis constituted a 'critical juncture' for European identity discourses. Through extensive qualitative frame analysis of political and media discourse at key moments of the crisis, it examines how European identities are constructed through the debates about the crisis. The central argument is that the Euro crisis has had little effect on European identities because actors construct the crisis in their respective national contexts. In doing this, they draw on existing identities and ideas which then 'endogenises' the crisis into the existing national discourses. Where identity change is possible, it is subtle rather than a dramatic shift. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the EU has remained completely unified. Because the crisis generally serves to reinforce, rather than challenge, existing identities, attachments to national sovereignty and old national stereotypes have created or reinforced divisions particularly between northern and southern Europe and core and periphery.

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Teece, Austin D. "Structural Reform in Europe: The Overlooked Value of The Austerity-era." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1360.

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The debate that rages around the concept of austerity, specifically in Europe, lacks context. This paper strives to show that successful reforms are 1) pragmatic in their nature, 2) piecemeal in ideology, 3) mandated by supranational institutions that disregard national sovereignty, 4) unattainable prior to the crisis and 5) long-term in their timeframe. Reforms have had beneficial implications above and beyond fiscal austerity. In the case studies of Ireland, Spain and Greece, the reforms instituted are laid out and evaluated. In each case, reforms achieved a different outcome but allow one to see the merits of well-regulated free market capitalism. When reform is appreciated, the legacy of the European and Troika response to the crisis becomes more appropriate.

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Taylor, Paul. "Heroes or traitors? : experiences of returning Irish soldiers from World War One to the part of Ireland that became the free state covering the period from the Armistice to 1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1a28ca53-e9c8-4176-b4a7-2d294988d789.

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A number of academic studies assert that ex-servicemen were subject to intimidation, some killed as a punishment for war service, and that they formed a marginalised group in Irish society. Evidence based on records of the victims and perpetrators demonstrates otherwise; intimidation was mostly for reasons other than war service, for instance, membership of a particular class such as landowners or the judiciary, or for specific actions, including informing, supplying to or joining the Crown Forces. The violence towards ex-servicemen was geographically focussed, varying in intensity in correlation to the level of violence experienced by other sectors of the population; support for republicanism varied significantly by location. The great majority of ex-servicemen were not intimidated; many served in the IRA. With the formation of the Free State there is little evidence that either the State or community marginalised ex-servicemen. They were treated equally before the legislature and the courts. Some half of the Free State army, formed to defeat extreme republicans, were ex-servicemen. Remembrance took place with considerable community support and acceptance from the State. According to credible contemporary reports they were not discriminated against and held high positions in the civil service, army and police. They were not a homogeneous group. Neither war service nor loyalism defined them; many were supporters of Fianna Fáil. Britain fulfilled its imperial obligation to the ex-servicemen with housing and pension benefits considerably more favourable than those for their counterparts in Britain. The view that ex-servicemen were persecuted became persuasive. They became perceived through the prism of commemoration, and with the establishment of a republican historiography assigned to a national amnesia. Loyalist lobbying groups highlighted perceived discrimination to a willing press. It was a convenient collusion but at odds with the evidence. In reality the group truly marginalised after the Civil War was the anti-Treaty republicans.

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Harland, R. W. "The history of the teaching of the speciality of general practice in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.398102.

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Wadden, Patrick James. "Theories of national identity in early medieval Ireland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:49c662b9-4e14-41b3-972e-ed8475f324c5.

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Despite the political disunity of early Irish society, theories and expressions of national identity abounded in the work of the learned classes of clerics, genealogists, poets and lawyers. This thesis examines texts from two crucial periods in the evolution of these theories. Focusing initially on the seventh and eighth centuries, the first part of the thesis argues that Irish national identity was created as part of a campaign to assert the joint authority of the Uí Néill kings of Tara and their ecclesiastical allies in Armagh. Drawing inspiration from biblical and patristic sources, and possibly also from contemporary developments elsewhere in Europe, these ecclesiastico-political allies asserted the national unity of the Irish in linguistic, genetic and territorial terms in pursuit of their own particular objectives. The influence of biblical and patristic beliefs on many of these early expressions of Irish identity highlights the outward-looking nature of the Irish scholarly tradition. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, this international dimension intensified as the histories and identities of foreign peoples became subjects of study in Ireland, and new source materials filtered into the country from overseas. With reference to two texts composed during this period, the Irish Sex Aetates Mundi and a poem on national characteristics beginning Cumtach na nIudaide n-ard – the second part of this thesis discusses the influence of newly acquired sources on contemporary Irish scholarship. It also examines how the information contained in these sources was adapted and rationalised to conform to the basic assumptions of Irish society.

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Nicholls, Robert. "The British political elite and the issue of Europe 1959 to 1984." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2014. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/24474/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the debate over Britain’s application for membership of the European Community. It explains the significant impact which short-term political calculations played in the stances adopted by individual members of the political elite. This political expediency was a major reason for the inadequacies of the debate on membership. Central to the research is a set of individual trajectories displaying the positions adopted by parliamentarians and political parties from 1959-1984 during which time Britain’s very membership of the European Community was at stake. The trajectories include a representative sample of Conservative and Labour MPs compiled using interviews, voting records, speeches and other evidence. While the aim of the thesis is to analyse whether members of the elite held views determined by concerns other than the substantive issue itself, the thesis also advances the argument that many failed to consider the long-term implications of Britain’s membership. The lack of a comprehensive debate of sufficient quality contributed substantially to later problems with Britain’s relationship with Europe. The chronological chapters analyse significant events at particular stages in the evolution of Britain’s relationship with Europe. The 1975 referendum on Common Market membership for example, is a spectacularly significant milestone – not only for Britain and Europe, but also in respect of the positions taken by Britain’s political elite, whose views were often shaped or changed as a consequence of the political machinations surrounding the issue. Analysis of this and other events including general elections and leadership changes, provide a greater understanding of why members of the political elite subordinated the issue of Britain’s future in Europe to short-term, pragmatic, party management or career considerations.

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Heidenhain, Brigitte. "Juden in Wriezen : ihr Leben in der Stadt von 1677 bis 1940 und ihr Friedhof." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1519/.

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Pri ha-Pardes (Früchte des Obstgartens) ist eine Reihe der Vereinigung für Jüdische Studien e.V., welche in Verbindung mit dem Zentrum für Jüdische Studien der Universität Potsdam publiziert wird. Pri ha-Pardes möchte kleineren wissenschaftlichen Studien, Forschungen am Rande der großen Disziplinen und exzellenten Masterarbeiten eine Publikationsplattform bieten. Im ersten Band dieser Reihe zeichnet Brigitte Heidenhain die Geschichte der Juden in Wriezen nach, welche 1677 einsetzte und 1940 mit ihrer Vertreibung und Ermordung endete. Zahlreiche, zumeist bislang unbeachtete Quellen des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts aus brandenburgischen und Berliner Archiven lassen die Auswirkungen der preußischen Judenpolitik im Leben des Einzelnen und der Gemeinde lebendig vor uns erstehen. Im 18. Jahrhundert war die Existenz der Wriezener Juden vom Kampf um die Aufenthaltserlaubnis und gegen drohende Verarmung geprägt. Die im 19. Jahrhundert neu gewonnene Niederlassungsfreiheit brachte eine Vergrößerung der jüdischen Gemeinde mit sich und gegen Ende des Jahrhunderts eine leichte Verbesserung der wirtschaftlichen Lage. Über das schnelle und vollständige Ende jüdischen Lebens in Wriezen nach 1938 gibt es kaum schriftliche Informationen. Die wichtigste Quelle ist die Datenbank der Gedächtnisstätte JadwaSchem in Jerusalem. In ihr wird die Erinnerung an 56 namentlich bekannte ermordete Wriezener Juden aufbewahrt. Der Band wird mit der Beschreibung des seit 1730 existierenden jüdischen Friedhofes und der Erfassung der hebräischen Grabinschriften abgeschlossen.
The history of jews in Wriezen begins in 1677, shortly after Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm allowed jews to settle in Brandenburg again through his edict of 1671. However, during the whole of the 18th century Prussian policy toward jews was extremely restrictive . The results of this policy are clearly visible in the life of the jews of Wriezen: they always remained a small congregation since this was the will of the king for small towns. Life was dominated by the struggle for the right of residence. Status as "Schutzjude" (i.e. "Protected Jew") was restricted to few individuals, leading to the separation of families as younger siblings were forced to leave. State regulated economic policy strongly restricted the freedom of trade, the main source of income for the jews, leading to the impoverishment of most jewish families in Wriezen. In the 18th century, there was no organized congregational activity. This only developed in the course of the 19th century. The jews of Wriezen built their first synagogue in 1820, replacing it with a new and larger one in 1886. The emancipation edict of 1812 improved the general situation of individuals and the new freedom of movement led to an influx of jews to Wriezen. But full legal equality with other citizens was not achieved until the German Empire was founded in 1871. In the first half of the 19th century, the economic situation of the jews of Wriezen was still quite modest, only improving toward the end of the century. There were numerous fluctuations in the membership of the jewish community in the last decades of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. But the number of jewish inhabitants of Wriezen remained relatively constant at 100 -120 individuals. There is hardly any written information on the sudden and complete end of jewish life in Wriezen after 1938. At least 59 jewish citizens of Wriezen were deported and murdered between 1940 and 1945. The victims are commemorated in the public database of the Yad-VaShem Memorial in Jerusalem. There has been a jewish cemetery in Wriezen since 1730, in which 131 gravestones still survive today. The oldest dates back to 1773, the last is from 1940.

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9

Kühn, Christoph. "Jüdische Delinquenten in der Frühen Neuzeit : Lebensumstände delinquenter Juden in Aschkenas und die Reaktionen der jüdischen Gemeinden sowie der christlichen Obrigkeit." Universität Potsdam, 2008. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1756/.

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Pri ha-Pardes (Früchte des Obstgartens) ist eine Reihe der Vereinigung für Jüdische Studien e.V., welche in Verbindung mit dem Institut für Jüdische Studien der Universität Potsdam publiziert wird. Pri ha-Pardes möchte kleineren wissenschaftlichen Studien, Forschungen am Rande der großen Disziplinen und exzellenten Masterarbeiten eine Publikationsplattform bieten. Im dritten Band der Reihe Pri ha-Pardes beleuchtet Christoph Kühn das Leben jüdischer Delinquenten im frühneuzeitlichen Deutschland. Jüdische Delinquenten lebten – in unterschiedlichem Maße – am Rande sowohl der christlichen als auch der jüdischen Gesellschaft. Diese doppelte Marginalisierung wird in dem vorliegenden Band untersucht. Die Frühe Neuzeit ist eine Epoche, in der sich das jüdische Leben meist außerhalb urbaner Zentren abspielte, die Epoche des Landjudentums. Ein Resultat ökonomischer und sozialer Restriktionen waren umherziehende Gruppen von Betteljuden, aus denen sich wiederum Teile der jüdischen Delinquenten rekrutierten. Jüdische Sozialeinrichtungen waren für die oft überregional agierenden delinquenten Juden eine lebensnotwenige Infrastruktur. Jedoch nicht alle Delinquenten gehörten zu den Nichtsesshaften. Die Verbundenheit zur jüdischen Gemeinschaft blieb meist bestehen, auch wenn das „Gaunerleben“ nicht immer von großer Frömmigkeit geprägt war. Für jüdische Gemeinden war es nicht einfach, zwischen ehrbaren und delinquenten Juden zu unterscheiden. Im Falle einer Missetat reichten die Reaktionen von öffentlicher Rüge bis zum großen Bann. Seitens der christlichen Obrigkeit wurden gegen Juden keine spezifischen Strafen verhängt, obgleich negative Vorstellungen von einer „typisch jüdischen“ Delinquenz virulent waren.

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Grözinger, Elvira. "Ein Dreiecksverhältnis in Geschichte und Gegenwart : Polen, Deutsche, Juden." Universität Potsdam, 1991. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1845/.

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Aus dem Inhalt: Ende der siebziger Jahre kam aus Krakau eine sensationelle Nachricht: Der lange verlorengeglaubte Nachlaß von August Varnhagen von Ense, in dem sich auch die Briefe seiner Frau Rahel, geborene Levin, befinden, wurde in der Jagiellonen-Bibliothek wiedergefunden. Dadurch ergab sich für alle Interessierten - Germanisten, Judaisten, Historiker - erneut die Möglichkeit, in authentische Zeugnisse der deutsch-jüdischen Kultur des 19. Jahrhunderts Einblick zu nehmen. Sowohl die Varnhagen-Forschung als auch das damit zusammenhängende Interesse an den jüdischen Frauen der deutschen Romantik hat dadurch neue Impulse erhalten. Dies ist ein erfreuliches Beispiel fruchtbarer kultureller Wechselbeziehungen im Dreieck zwischen Deutschen, Polen und Juden. Aber es gibt auch anderes: Wenn man heute durch Polen fährt, kann man auf den Mauern die in deutscher Sprache (!) gepinselten Parolen »Juden raus!« lesen. Damit wären wir in medias res, denn die Geschichte der drei so eng miteinander verbundenen Völker ist gekennzeichnet durch wechselvolle, meist konfliktreiche Koexistenz, die aber trotzdem für alle Beteiligten kulturell sehr bereichernd sein kann.

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Grözinger, Elvira. "Die Jüdischen Salons in Berlin." Universität Potsdam, 1995. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1847/.

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Aus dem Inhalt: Die Jahre 1780-1806 gelten als die Epoche der ersten, nunmehr weltbekannten jüdischen Salons von Berlin. Während die amerikanische Forscherin Deborah Hertz insgesamt neun jüdische Salons aufzählt, werden üblicherweise als die drei wichtigsten die folgenden genannt: die der Henriette Herz, Rahel Varnhagen und Dorothea Schlegel. Diese drei Frauen haben - als Frauen und Jüdinnen - die doppelte Leistung des Ausbruchs aus ihrer gesellschaftlichen Stellung vollbracht, der später Emanzipation genannt wurde, zugleich haben sie durch Taufe die Emanzipation überschritten und dadurch die - zumindest äußere - Assimilation vollzogen. Unter Historikern gab es über sie geteilte Meinungen: Den jüdischen waren sie zu wenig, den nicht-jüdischen zu sehr jüdisch gewesen. Wer sich aber mit der deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte der Aufklärung und der Romantik befaßt, kann an ihren kurzen Schöpfungen, den kulturprägenden Salons, kaum vorbei.

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Berndorff, Lothar. "Die Prediger der Grafschaft Mansfeld : eine Untersuchung zum geistlichen Sonderbewusstsein in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/3389/.

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Am 22. Oktober 1565 beauftragte der Herzog Julius von Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel seinen Prediger Martin Chemnitz, das literarische Oeuvre des Magisters Cyriacus Spangenberg auf dem Buchmarkt ausfindig zu machen, prunkvoll binden zu lassen und in den herzöglichen Bibliotheksbestand aufzunehmen. 64 Werke mit gut 6000 Seiten hatte der Mansfelder Generaldekan Spangenberg zu diesem Zeitpunkt bereits verfasst, seine Amtskollegen in der sächsischen Grafschaft hatten ihrerseits 64 Bücher veröffentlicht. Bis zum Abgang Spangenbergs aus Mansfeld 1574 verdoppelte sich die Anzahl geistlicher Veröffentlichungen Mansfelder Provenienz. Obwohl zu Lebzeiten breit rezipiert, hat die Publizistik der geistlichen "Druckmetropole" Mansfeld in der Geschichte und Kirchengeschichte wenig Beachtung gefunden. Die vorliegende Dissertation will diese Forschungslücke schließen. Die Mansfelder Prediger verfassten Lehrpredigten, Festpredigten, Trostpredigten, Katechismen, theologische Disputationen, historische Abhandlungen und geistliche Spiele in hoher Zahl und publizierten diese unter geschickter Ausnutzung der Mechanismen der frühneuzeitlichen Buchmarktes reichsweit. Ihre Veröffentlichungen richteten sich an Theologen, "Weltkinder" und "Einfältige". Sie generierten Verbindungen zu den Kirchen und Potentaten Nord- und Süddeutschlands, Frankreichs und der Niederlande und führten zu Kontroversen mit den großen Bildungszentren Mitteldeutschlands Wittenberg, Leipzig und Jena und deren Landesherren. Die Frage nach der Motivation für das Engagement der Mansfelder Prediger auf dem Buchmarkt steht im Zentrum der Untersuchung, die in einem synoptischen Verfahren den Wunsch nach Teilhaberschaft an der Ausbildung der kirchlichen, herrschaftlichen, sozialen und kommunikativen Strukturen als zentrales Motiv der schreibenden Theologen herausarbeitet, aber auch die Absicht der Autoren beweist, der Grafschaft Mansfeld über das Medium Buch als lutherischem Bildungszentrum in Europa Geltung zu verschaffen.
On October 22nd, 1565 Count Julius von Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel ordered the preacher Martin Chemnitz to locate the literary works of Magister Cyracus Spangenberg on the market, to have them bound luxuriously and to integrate them into the Countship's library. At this point in time, Spangenberg, superior Decan of Mansfield, had produced 64 books spanning approx. 6000 pages. His colleagues in the County of Saxony had also published 64 books. By the time Spangenberg left Mansfield in 1574, the number of publications with clerical contents stemming from Mansfeld had doubled. Although this opus was widely read during Spangenberg's lifetime, the products of the clerical „print metropolis“ Mansfeld have been later all but ignored in the contexts of both general history and church history. My dissertation aims to close this gap. The preachers of Mansfeld produced large amounts of sermons used for instructional purposes, for celebrations and for condolence as well as catechisms, theological disputations, historical essays and spiritual plays. They published their products in the entire “Reich” (the “Holy German Empire”), using the mechanisms of the book market of their times to their advantage. Their clients were theologians, “Weltkinder” (“children of the world”) and “Einfältige” (“simple persons”), and they established links to the churches and the powers of both northern and southern Germany, of France and of the Netherlands. This led to conflicts with the important centers of education in Central Germany – Wittenberg, Leipzig and Jena – and the potentates of the respective regions. The focal point of this dissertation is the question why the preachers of Mansfeld were so keen on participating in the book market of their time. Using synoptic methods, this dissertation ascertains that the wish to partake in the formulation of the clerical, feudal, social and medial structures of their time was a key motif for the work of those writing theologians, along with to the desire of establishing the County of Mansfeld as a European center of Lutheran education using the book.

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Heidenhain, Brigitte. "Juden in Schwedt : ihr Leben in der Stadt von 1672 bis 1942 und ihr Friedhof." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4158/.

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270 Jahre lang gab es jüdisches Leben in der brandenburgischen Stadt Schwedt an der Oder. Der Leser dieses Bandes nimmt teil an der wechselvollen Geschichte der jüdischen Menschen und ihrer Gemeinde. Der erste Jude, der sich im 17. Jahrhundert in Schwedt niederließ, war Bendix Levi. Nachdem sein Haus in Oderberg abgebrannt war, erhielt er von Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm die Genehmigung zum Aufenthalt in Schwedt. Die preußischen Könige wünschten jedoch, daß in den kleinen brandenburgischen Städten nur wenige Juden leben sollten. Deshalb bestand während des 18. Jahrhunderts die jüdische Gemeinschaft in Schwedt nur aus Angehörigen von drei Familien, nämlich von Bendix Levi, Simon Salomon und Wulff Salomon. Ihr Leben war geprägt vom Kampf um Aufenthaltsrecht und Handelserlaubnis. Solidarität untereinander war dabei nicht immer selbstverständlich, da oft das Aufenthaltsrecht des einen, wirklich oder vermeintlich, dem Recht des anderen entgegenstand. Das umfangreiche Quellenmaterial aus Berliner, brandenburgischen und Jerusalemer Archiven führt uns die Auswirkungen der restriktiven preußischen Judenpolitik auf das Leben der Schwedter Juden lebendig vor Augen und gibt uns außerdem Einblicke in jüdische Traditionen und Gebräuche. So werden wir Zeugen einer jüdischen Eidesleistung im Schwedter Rathaus und nehmen teil an der feierlichen Unterzeichnung eines Heiratsvertrages. Das Emanzipationsedikt von 1812 machte Juden endlich zu preußischen Staatsbürgern und erleichterte das Leben durch Niederlassungs- und Gewerbefreiheit. Dies führte bald zu einer beträchtlichen Vergrößerung der Schwedter jüdischen Gemeinde, der sich auch die jüdischen Einwohner des nahe gelegenen Städtchens Vierraden anschlossen. Als erster ließ sich Israel David Loewenheim aus Tütz / Westpreußen in Schwedt nieder. Ihm folgten aus seiner Heimatstadt nicht weniger als sieben weitere Familien. Zuzüge gab es auch aus anderen Städten, sodass bis zum späten 19. Jahrhundert die Zahl der jüdischen Einwohner Schwedts bis auf ca. 200 Personen zunahm. Ab ca. 1880 führten dann jedoch zahlreiche Wegzüge – besonders nach Berlin – wieder zu einer Verkleinerung der Gemeinde. Seit 1840 war Schwedt Amtssitz eines Rabbiners. Nathan Hirsch Kuttner blieb bis zu seiner Pensionierung im Jahr 1895 in Schwedt. Dieses lange Zusammenleben lässt ein harmonisches Verhältnis zwischen ihm und der Gemeinde vermuten. Dies war aber in den ersten Jahren durchaus nicht der Fall. Kuttner musste einige Jahre um Anerkennung in der Gemeinde kämpfen und sogar die Zahlung seines Gehalts gerichtlich durchsetzen. Der Bau einer neuen Synagoge im Jahr 1862 gab der Gemeinde neues Zusammengehörigkeitsgefühl und brachte Ruhe in die Auseinandersetzungen mit dem Rabbiner. Unter dem Eindruck des zunehmenden Antisemitismus im ausgehenden 19. und im 20. Jahrhundert schloss sich die Gemeinde Vereinen und Organisationen an, die sich den antisemitischen Angriffen entgegenzustellen versuchten, so 1894 dem „Deutsch-Israelitischen Gemeindebund“ und 1901 dem „Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus“. Im Jahr 1922 gründete man die „Reuchlin Loge“ im Verband „Unabhängiger Orden Bne-Beriss“. Bald folgte das schnelle und vollständige Ende der jüdischen Gemeinde in Schwedt durch den nationalsozialistischen Massenmord. In der Datenbank der Gedenkstätte Yad Vashem in Jerusalem wird die Erinnerung an 60 namentlich bekannte ermordete Schwedter Juden aufbewahrt. Nachfahren von Überlebenden hat es in alle Erdteile verschlagen. Intensive genealogische Forschungen in Zusammenarbeit mit Peter Lowe aus Hertford (UK), einem Nachkommen der Familie Loewenheim, und Yehuda Meinhardt (Israel) machten es möglich eine Reihe von Familienstammbäumen zu rekonstruieren. Der Band wird mit der Beschreibung des jüdischen Friedhofs und der Erfassung der Grabinschriften abgeschlossen. Eine ausführliche Dokumentation mit Fotografien findet sich im Internet (www.uni-potsdam.de/juedische-friedhoefe).
For 270 years there was Jewish life in the Brandenburg town of Schwedt on the Oder. The reader of this volume participates in the changing history of the Jewish people and their community. The first Jew to settle in Schwedt in the 17th century was Bendix Levi. After his house in Oderberg burned down, Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm granted him permission to take up residence in Schwedt. The Prussian Kings wanted only few Jews to live in small Brandenburg towns, so during the 18th century the Jewish community in Schwedt consisted of only three families whose heads were Bendix Levi, Simon Salomon and Wulff Salomon. Their life was dominated by the fight for residency and trade permits. Solidarity amongst each other was not always self evident, since the residency permit of one was often in real or imagined conflict with a permit for others. The extensive sources in archives in Berlin, Brandenburg and Jerusalem show intensely the consequences of the restrictive Prussian “Judenpolitik” on the life of Jews in Schwedt and they also give us insight into Jewish traditions and customs. We bear witness to a Jewish oath in the townhouse of Schwedt and take part in the ceremonial signing of a marriage treaty. The “Emanzipationsedikt” of 1812 finally made Jews into Prussian citizens and simplified their life by giving them freedom of settlement and trade. This resulted in considerable growth of the Jewish community in Schwedt which was also joined by the Jewish residents of the nearby town of Vierraden. The first of these new settlers in Schwedt was David Loewenheim from Tütz / Westprussia. No less than seven families from his hometown followed. There was also immigration from other towns, increasing the number of Jewish residents in Schwedt to 200 by the late 19th century. After about 1880 the community shrank again because many moved away, particularly to Berlin. Since 1840 Schwedt was the seat of a Rabbi. Nathan Hirsch Kuttner stayed in Schwedt until his retirement in 1895. Although this long sojourn might indicate an agreeable relationship between him and his community, this was certainly not the case in his first years. Kuttner had to fight for recognition by his community and even had to obtain a court order to collect his salary. The building of a new Synagogue in 1862 gave a new sense of cooperation to the community and calmed the struggles with the Rabbi. Under the impression of increasing anti-Semitism from the late 19th into the 20th century, the community joined organizations which attempted to resist anti-Semitic attacks. For example, in 1894 it joined the “Deutsch- Israelitische Gemeindebund” and in 1901 the “Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus”. In 1922 the “Reuchlin Loge”, was formed within the “Independent Order of Bnai Brith”. Soon followed the fast and complete anihilation of the Jewish community in Schwedt by the national socialist mass murder. The Central Database of Shoah Victims' Names at Yad Vashem / Jerusalem preserves the memory of 71 murdered Jews of Schwedt who are known by name. Descendants of survivors are scattered to all parts of the world. Intensive genealogical research in cooperation with Peter Lowe from Hertford (UK), descendant of the Loewenheim family, and Yehuda Meinhardt (Israel), made it possible to reconstruct a number of family trees. The volume ends with a description of the Jewish cemetery and a record of the grave inscriptions. An entire documentation with photographs can be found in the Internet (www.uni-potsdam.de/juedische-friedhoefe).

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Smith, Janet. "The feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor in Victorian Britain and Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2014. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/692/.

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This thesis offers an examination of the feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor. Despite the growth of interest in the political and social campaigns of nineteenth century women, Helen Taylor has remained a marginal figure of historical enquiry, referenced mainly in terms of her relationships with her contemporary English feminists and step-father, John Stuart Mill. Divisions in the women’s suffrage movement have been blamed on her difficult personality with no examination that it was her socialist anti-imperial feminism which was at the heart of the antagonism. Her important contribution to Victorian social and political life has been largely ignored. The study will examine the significance of her work across a wide range of political and social organisations from 1876 onwards; namely the London School Board, the Irish question, land reform, the Social Democratic Federation, her attempt to become the first woman MP and her membership of the Moral Reform Union. This work will illustrate how the political ideology of her feminist mother Harriet Taylor and her step-father John Stuart Mill remained at the heart of Helen’s political throughout her public life. It will further consider how the organisations she joined were gendered and how she attempted to negotiate and contest this. It will ask why she was able to successfully resist the middle class ideal of separate spheres for men and women. Finally it offers further evidence to challenge the claim made by some historians that all British Victorian feminists were imperialist in nature.

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Sircar, Indraneel. "Transnational consociation in Northern Ireland and in Bosnia-Hercegovina : the role of reference states in post-settlement power-sharing." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/331/.

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The thesis considers ethno-territorial conflicts in which there are two conflict groups with corresponding ‘reference states’. ‘Reference states’ are internationally recognised states with co-nationals in the aforementioned disputed territory. The literature on ethno-national conflict regulation largely neglects the potential constructive role of ‘reference states’. In particular, Arend Lijphart’s work on consociational democracy focuses on elite accommodation within the conflict zone, but views other agents as ‘external’ to the dispute. Unlike most of the current ethnic conflict literature, the thesis will use a theoretical approach to derive the features of a settlement, not distil traits from purely empirical research. An informal model is employed assuming that that a military option is not open to reference states and that disengagement from the co-nationals is costly. The actions of the reference state are simplified to four options: remaining at the same level of conflict, escalating the dispute, attempting cooperation, or disengaging from the dispute. The features derived for the resulting transnational consociation settlement are: durable reference state/conational links, bipartisanship within reference states, intergovernmentalism between reference states, and consociational democracy internal to the disputed territory. The thesis then focuses on the post-conflict power-sharing settlements in Bosnia- Hercegovina and in Northern Ireland to investigate the features of transnational consociation in these two cases. The settlement after the Belfast Agreement exhibits the traits of transnational consociation, with a strong intergovernmental Dublin- London axis acting as reliable long-term guarantors of the settlement. By contrast, there is little intergovernmentalism between Zagreb and Belgrade regarding the settlement in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The post-conflict institutions are held together by international agencies that do not have as durable a link to the conflict zone as the ‘reference states’. Therefore, a durable transnational consociation with the ‘reference states’ as guarantors is more likely in Northern Ireland than in Bosnia-Hercegovina.

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Dunn, Jeffrey Stephen. "Sir Eyre Crowe and Foreign Office perceptions of Germany, 1918-1925." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2006. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/5844/.

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Nikolovska, Kristina. "'Let it be known' : interrogating historical writing in Church Slavonic paratexts of Southeastern Europe (1371-1711)." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/53887/.

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The period of Ottoman rule, pejoratively termed the ‘Turkish yoke’, is often regarded in the Balkans – a region divided by quests for self-definition – as a period of darkness and suffering. Given the paucity of South Slavic historical records, scholars have sought to corroborate evidence of the ‘yoke’ in ‘historical paratexts’, fragmentary records of historical events to be found in the margins of Church Slavonic manuscripts and early printed books. With the Ottoman Empire on the verge of collapse in the first decades of the twentieth century, scholars and folklorists from the several splintered nations that form the Balkans became very interested in archiving and compiling these paratextual materials into published compendia, a trend which continues up to the present day. They believed that conserving these presumed eyewitness testimonials would preserve the core of the nation, an idea that has been transmitted largely unchallenged. These paratexts are seen as ‘writing from below’ which records facts about the suffering brought about by Ottoman rule. Present scholarship in the Balkans has interpreted ‘znatise’ (‘let it be known’), the formulaic expression that announces some of these annotations, as indicative of a self-conscious tendency to create historically truthful records of the South Slavs under Ottoman rule. However, one only needs to sift through these various records to be struck by the repetitions and the limited scope of the patterns that pervade a majority of these inscriptions as opposed to the range of observations that could be expected to result from an autobiographical impulse. This thesis accounts for these patterns and challenges the dominant interpretation of these paratexts by locating them within the larger writing traditions to which they belonged. By interrogating the relationship between paratextual writing and Church Slavonic historiography, this study provides an alternative framework which explains and brings together sources that have otherwise been left disparate and scattered. The formula ‘let it be known’ is to be understood not as testimony but rather as apocalyptic prophecy. The thesis demonstrates that historical paratexts mainly recorded those events -- such as natural disaster, famine, the outbreak of disease and celestial phenomena -- that were understood as portents and figured in apocalyptic literature. In this light, the clergy’s tone towards the military successes and the Ottoman reign is shown to be determined by an apocalyptic understanding of history. We also see how South Slavic attitudes towards the Ottomans were diverse with references to the Sultan ranging from ‘son of perdition’ (Antichrist) to ‘Tsar’ depending on the political relations between a diocese and the Ottoman administration. The thesis also provides new readings of three important paratextual accounts: (i) Monk Isaija’s colophon of 1371 (ii) Deacon Dimitar’s colophon of 1466 and (iii) the self-narratives of Mihail of Kratovo written between 1649 and 1660. The labels of ‘truthfulness’, ‘factuality’, and ‘sincerity’ that have been attributed to these first person accounts are questioned by demonstrating the socially strategic and ambiguous nature of these paratexts.

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Thorpe, Benjamin J. "The time and space of Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi's Pan-Europe, 1923-1939." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/51778/.

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This thesis investigates the historical geographies of the Pan-European Union, and its founder and leader Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, focusing in the main on the period from 1923 to 1939. A mixed-race Austrian aristocrat, philosopher and writer who made it his life’s mission to see Europe politically united, Coudenhove-Kalergi’s was a singular life, which he used to his advantage by weaving his life story into his political campaigning. The thesis opens by investigating the relationship between a life lived and a life told, and about the consequences for researchers attempting to recover his biography. The bulk of the thesis looks at the ways in which Pan-Europeanism both responded and itself contributed to shaping three broad sets of spatial and temporal ideas, each revolving around the notion of a supranational European polity. First, it confronts the way history was invoked both to bring into being a ‘literature’ that would add prestige to its arguments, and to craft a narrative arc that would add the force of apparent inevitability to its arguments. Second, it looks at the way in which Pan-Europeanism employed a form of spatial reasoning that shared many points of reference with the German school of geopolitik, despite a fundamentally incompatible view of international politics. And third, it analyses the Pan-European invention of ‘Eurafrica’ as a neo-colonial system that would offer a ‘third path’ internationalism that fell between the imperialism of the British Empire, and the Mandate-based theory of international governance advocated by the League. Each of these sets of ideas, I argue, persisted both outside the bounds of the Pan-European Union, and after its eventual marginalisation.

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Gillingham, Anne Elaine. "The taming of La Bourgeoise : bourgeois French women as gendered creators and consumers of art, décor, fashion and feminism during the Third French Republic, 1870-1914." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6660/.

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This thesis analyses the gendered choices made by bourgeois French women as creators and consumers of art, décor, fashion and feminism during the Third French Republic 1870-1914. Specifically, it examines the extent of female agency and individuality in fashioning a self-image, and how this issue relates to the limitations on women’s exercise of professional and political choice. The first of three core chapters (Chapter 2) establishes that women were able to construct a self-image as a creator and/or consumer of art, décor and fashion but this ability was limited by both the gendered discourses inherent in the French art world and, more widely, by the ideals of womanhood prescribed by bourgeois social mores. Subsequently, the complex and potentially confusing nature of the conflicting textual and visual images that bourgeois French women were exposed to as creators and consumers is discussed in Chapter 3, and exposes the many tensions and contradictions in their aesthetic roles. Finally, the correlation between female agency, aesthetics, and participation in the feminist movement is examined in Chapter 4 leading to the eventual conclusion that an increasing emphasis on physical appearance and aestheticism meant that few French women chose to fully discard domesticity and traditional notions of femininity in favour of a career and/or feminism. Instead, many gravitated towards less radical and publicly visible forms of feminist action whilst others renounced feminism entirely. By illustrating the importance of aesthetics in the personal, professional and political lives of bourgeois French women, this thesis brings to the discipline an ability to interconnect the study of cultural representations with more detailed evidence from women’s everyday lives. Furthermore, it will contribute to the history of female agency, individuality and political power by providing a richer, more informed picture of just how women in the Third Republic were shaped by aesthetics.

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Tortopidou-Derieux, Kyriaki. "The politics of religious experience in Fifteenth-Century Europe through an East-West encounter : a re-interpretation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3366/.

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My thesis works as an experiment, or rather a series of experiments, in methods of thinking about historical material. These methods come from anthropology and engage with myths and ritual, with the concept of “complementary others”, and the concept of “schismogenesis" as it has been developed by Gregory Bateson and advanced further by Marshall Sahlins. My overall goal is not to re-describe a well-researched historical event, but to explore how different ways of analysis, using different analytical frameworks, could lead to valuable explanations of the same political-cum-cultural event. The phenomenon I engage with is the last Oecumenical Council, a major religious event in the history of Councils within already schismatic societies. For this reason, I treat this Council in particular, as a ritual, unprecedented in scale and ambiguous in its inception. I am examining the structure and the return of this Event in History, and the controversies and tensions in the diachrony of East and West. I do this not only through the notion of schismo-genesis and ritual, but specifically the notion of sacrifice as developed by Maurice Bloch, in which the journey from Constantinople to Italy becomes a historical metaphor of mythical realities, regarding the Emperor John VIII Palaiologos. And finally, I explore the significance of Bessarion and complementary others within the notion of transformation and alterity. What I establish through discussions of the historical material, which span eleven centuries of history, is first of all, that there is no event without a system; that means the journey can acquire the form of the ritual. I argue that the relation between the myth and the idea of unity is dialectical in nature; the Event of a Union, which could bring peace in the one Church of Christ, from this moment of realisation becomes a fabrication, a mystery to the witnesses, and all the other myths that will be developed on the way become even more imperative and melancholic, because they seek to express a negative and unavoidable truth. The Event doesn’t portray reality any more, it exists despite it and becomes an extreme position, almost like a dream, and it justifies the vision one wished to be possible, only to show that it is untenable: the “what if it could be”; the possibility of all parts being aspirations to the whole, oecumenicity as a goal rather than unity. Overall, this thesis is about the presence of the past in the present, in relevance to the future.

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Russell, Alexander. "England and the general councils, 1409 - 1563." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:677e32c2-821f-453d-9375-978f42f4980b.

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My doctoral thesis examines the intellectual and political relationship between England and the general councils of the Church from the Council of Pisa until the Council of Trent. It illuminates the hitherto unexplored features of the revolution that was the end of universal papal authority. With the transfer of spiritual authority to Henry VIII, the heads of England’s Protestant regimes inherited the papacy’s distrust of the general council, which had the potential to interfere with the course of the reformation in England. At the same time, the thesis examines the changing nature of public commitment to universal decision-making in the Church in the face of resistance by hierarchs (papal or royal). It finds a widespread support for the general council over the period, but also a plurality of views about how conciliar government could be reconciled with monarchical rule in the Church. In the fifteenth century, conciliarism had to contend with the suspicions of those who wished to shore up the Church hierarchy against Wycliffite attacks. In the sixteenth century, there was still competition between the establishment’s defence of an hierarchical Church, directed by the monarchy, and theories which stressed the importance of conciliar government. These arguments took different shapes when used by popular rebels in favour of traditional religion grounded on conciliar consent, or by Protestants in favour of synodal government by the godly. But they were both outcomes of enduring instabilities in the ideology of Church government, which had their roots in the fifteenth century.

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Erskine, Sarah Christine. "The relic cult of St Patrick between the seventh and the late twelfth centuries in its European contexts : a focus on the lives." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3398/.

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The cult of St Patrick in the medieval period has been largely neglected in modern scholarship, which has predominantly tended to favour analysis of the saint’s own fifth-century writings; the troublesome area of fixing exact dates for his fifth-century career and context; the seventh-century Patrician vitae in the context of political rivalries between Armagh, Kildare and Iona; and Patrick’s status as an icon of modern Irish identity. My thesis represents the first full-length study of Patrick’s relic cult between the seventh and the late twelfth centuries by primarily concentrating on the evidence from his various Latin and Irish Lives belonging to this period. Each of the Lives of Patrick provide us a lens through which we can observe a vibrant and diverse array of Patrician relics during our period, many of which survive only in these texts; however, these Lives also act like mirrors of the historical realities in which they were conceived. By studying the Lives over a broad chronological period we gain invaluable information on several key aspects: why authors have chosen or not to retain or omit certain stories featuring relics; whether the numerous and various miracles and functions that these relics perform in the narratives indicate the type of role they had in and their value to wider society; if there is a growth in the number of Patrician relics in the texts at any given point in our period. By placing these aspects in their historical contexts, this thesis musters a better understanding of the broader ecclesiastical and secular political fortunes in Ireland and elsewhere that helped shape the development of Patrick’s cult as we know of it today.

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De, Rycker Katharine. "Recycling Pietro Aretino : the posthumous reputation of Europe's first professional writer." Thesis, University of Kent, 2014. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/50559/.

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Pietro Aretino (1492-1556) was an Italian writer who was one of the first to make a living from the printing press. As the 'scourge of princes' he was notorious across Europe for his acerbic wit. However after his death his fame sank when his entire works were placed on the Papal Index of Prohibited Books in 1559. In the century that followed Aretino was a controversial figure, associated with pornography and atheism in the popular imagination and, like Machiavelli, became synonymous with Italian vice in the minds of foreign readers. Despite the complex history of his posthumous reputation abroad, surprisingly little research has been done on the topic. Instead we are left with a few disconnected articles which tend to focus on specific instances of Aretino's works being used as sources for later writers. This thesis therefore provides the first unified approach to examining Aretino's posthumous reputation in the early modern period. It does so by treating his afterlife not as a finished product to be referred to by later readers, but uncovers the processes by which Aretino's reputation mutated through the mediation of editors, translators, writers, readers, engravers and purveyors of erotic art. This thesis is divided into three main phases of Aretino's afterlife, which were previously compressed into a simple 'cause and effect' narrative of Aretino's work being censored in 1559 and his reputation immediately suffering because of it. In the first phase, Aretino's writing is still positively received by editors in England and the Low Countries attempting to restore his work back to their pre-censored state, and by English writers who see Aretino as an extemporal wit and a model for their growing professional aspirations. In the second phase, Aretino's reputation for bawdry and atheism is beginning to impact the way in which he is presented to later readers in Spain, the Low Countries, England, Germany and France, as translators and commentators begin to reframe his writing along newly enforced moral lines. In the third phase, two pornographic works with which Aretino initially had only a tangential relationship are misattributed to him and multiple images and texts from Italy, the Low Countries, England, and France are reproduced as 'Aretine' products. While the majority of the literary references to Aretino in this thesis are to English writers, as this overview makes clear this is not a traditional bilateral comparative study of cultural exchange between Italy and England. Instead it places the English reception of Aretino within an European context, with the Low Countries proving to be unexpectedly prominent in the circulation of his work, even though up till now this connection has never been studied by critics outside of the Netherlands.

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Cheng, Rachel K. "'Something radically wrong somewhere' : the Kindred of the Kibbo Kift, 1920-1932." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7693/.

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This thesis examines the Kindred of the Kibbo Kift, a co-educational outdoors organisation that claimed to be a youth organisation and a cultural movement active from August 1920 to January 1932. Originally part of the Boy Scouts and Girl Guides, the Kibbo Kift offers rich insight into the interwar period in Britain specifically because it carried forward late Victorian and Edwardian ideology in how it envisioned Britain. Members constructed their own historical narrative, which endeavoured to place the organisation at the heart of British life. The organisation’s internal life revolved around the unique mythology members developed, and the movement aspired to regenerate Britain after the First World War physically and spiritually. This thesis argues Kibbo Kift was a distinctive movement that drew upon its members’ intellectual preoccupations and ideals and inspired its members to create unique cultural artefacts. While the Kibbo Kift was ultimately too politically ambiguous to have lasting political impact on a national scale, examining the organisation offers important insight into intellectual thought and cultural production during the British interwar period. This thesis charts the changes the organisation underwent through its membership and the different trends of intellectual thought brought in by individual members, such as its leader, John Hargrave, brought to the group. It examines the cultural production of the organisation’s unique mythology, which created a distinctive historical narrative. It surveys gender issues within the organisation through the “roof tree”, an experimental family unit, and the group’s increasing anti-feminism. Finally, it considers how Clifford H. Douglas’ economic theory of social credit caused the Kibbo Kift to transform into the Green Shirts Movement for Social Credit and later into the Social Credit Party of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

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McCrum, Elizabeth M. "Teaching history in postmodern times : history teachers' thinking about the nature and purposes of their subject." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6266/.

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This thesis investigates how secondary school history teachers at the start of their teaching careers view the nature and purposes of their subject and how they think these views impact on their practice. Data were collected through in depth individual qualitative interviews with eleven teachers completing their initial training. These focused on: how these beginning teachers conceived of the nature of their discipline; the rationale they presented for the purposes of their subject in the school curriculum; the origins of their views on the nature and purposes of history; and how they are manifest in what and how they teach. In order to maintain coherence and to represent the richness and complexity of each teacher's own story these were written, analysed and presented as narrative accounts. A summary is given of each the accounts with three presented in full. The accounts show these beginning history teachers' views on the nature of history as reflecting the dominant discourse that characterises history as an academic subject, being largely Constructionist and emphasising the objective analysis of historical evidence. The teachers' rationales for the purpose of history emphasised broader educational, social and moral purposes. More postmodern perspectives are apparent in the emphasis given to the importance of historical interpretations. Family background, lived experiences, literature and the media are significant influences on the teachers' beliefs about the nature and purposes of history. These beliefs seem to impact on classroom practice and pupil learning in the subject. They influence teaching style, choice of learning activities and the areas of historical understanding emphasised, with, for example, views of the past as an uncontested body of knowledge leading to a pedagogy dominated by the transmission of substantive knowledge; and views which emphasise the more constructed nature of history leading to more pupil centred skills based approaches. Teachers' views on the nature and purpose of the subject are a significant influence on their mediation of the National Curriculum. The National Curriculum for History has increasingly provided opportunities for interpretations more sympathetic to the postmodern orientation but research and inspection evidence suggest that these opportunities are often poorly realised in schools. One reason for this is proposed as history teachers' lack of engagement with postmodern perspectives on history. It is important for teachers to engage with such approaches as without further consideration of their implications history teachers are unable to teach aspects of secondary History. Teachers also need to recognise and make explicit different orientations towards history in order to facilitate pupil learning, to engage pupils and to provide them with the skills necessary to be critical consumers of the range of histories presented to them in society. The research has implications for history teaching, pupil learning and the initial training and professional development of teachers. The case is made for further consideration being given to postmodern perspectives on the nature of history in initial and continuing teacher education in order to improve teaching and learning. The initial teacher education of history teachers needs to ensure that those on programmes have the syntactical knowledge necessary to develop effective teaching strategies and approaches, to enable pupil learning, and to develop their own subject knowledge and ability to reflect on their own practice and development. This research also emphasises the need for all those involved in training to critically engage with subject orientations as where beginning teachers' beliefs conflict with the dominant discourse of history teaching this can lead to problematic experiences of teaching and of teacher training.

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St, John Sarah K. "The struggle for power in education : the nation-state versus the supranational in the evolution of European Union education policy, 1945-1976." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30580/.

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European integration is a curious concept. There is stark disparity between some areas of policy that seemingly glide through the integration process, while others lag behind and despite decades of attempts, never reach the status of a fully-fledged area of European Union competence. Once such area is education. Through integration theories, political scientists have sought to explain how policies develop and are implemented at European level. This interdisciplinary study borrows the opposing theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism with the aim of identifying the influence of the supranational and the strength of the state in the evolution of a European Union education policy. It seeks to pinpoint how education can be placed within the construction of Europe and the process of early European integration to determine the feasibility of these integration theories in explaining the journey of education policy in the European context. Historical methodology is adopted, based on archival research at the Historical Archives of the European Union, using documentary analysis to trace the history of activities and initiatives relating to education between 1945-1976. Collective biography methodology is adopted to give space to the role of states in driving the scope, direction and extent of integration based on domestic interests, while a case study implements methodological triangulation to stress-test the case of education. The study proposes that education is a complex case that does not slot neatly into a theory of integration. Education is multifaceted, a cultural – while at the same time – economic component: it is woven into the fabric of nation-states, it contributes to increasing global competitiveness, it diversifies across borders, and its development is attached to temporality and context. Despite suggestions that the state is diminishing in power, education serves as an example to demonstrate that the state is very much alive and at the centre of certain areas of policy development at European level.

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Good, Peter. "The East India Company in the Persian Gulf : the view from Bandar Abbas." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22381/.

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The Persian Gulf represents a vital, yet unexplored region of the East India Company’s sphere of influence. By considering the Gulf as an important space of interaction between the Company and successive Persian regimes, a new relationship can be revealed. From the Company’s foundational action in assisting Shah Abbas I in the capture of Hormuz in 1622, to the creation of a fleet by Nader Shah in the 1730’s, the Company’s experience with Persia represents a different angle on wider trends in Company history. The Company’s factory at Bandar Abbas was a nexus for Indian Ocean trade, as well as the living quarters for a small community of Europeans, whose lives and livelihoods depended on the recognition of rights granted by successive Persian Shahs in the Farman; a legal document of great influence and longevity, originally granted by Abbas I, which lasted for more than a century.

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Golden, James Joseph. "Protestantism and public life : the Church of Ireland, disestablishment, and Home Rule, 1864-1874." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41d2b2dd-4dc0-48db-8b10-4d7828b4f515.

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This thesis explores the hitherto undocumented disestablishment and reconstruction of the Anglican Church of Ireland, c.1868-1870, and argues that this experience was formative in the emergence of Home Rule. Structurally, the Church’s General Synod served as a model for an autonomous Irish parliament. Moreover, disestablishment and reconstruction conditioned the political trajectories of the Protestants initially involved in the first group to campaign for a federal Irish parliament, the Home Government Association (HGA). More broadly, both the HGA and the governance of the independent Church—the General Synod—grew from the bedrock of the same associational culture. The HGA was more aligned with the public associations of Protestant-dominated Dublin intellectual life and the lay associational culture of the Church. Although the political vision advocated was different from the normal conservatism of many of its Protestant members, culturally it was entirely grounded in the recent Anglican experience.

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29

Crawford, Ross Mackenzie. "Warfare in the West Highlands and Isles of Scotland, c. 1544-1615." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7310/.

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Warfare has long been associated with Scottish Highlanders and Islanders, especially in the period known in Gaelic tradition as ‘Linn nan Creach’ (the ‘Age of Forays’), which followed the forfeiture of the Lordship of the Isles in 1493. The sixteenth century in general is remembered as a particularly tumultuous time within the West Highlands and Isles, characterised by armed conflict on a seemingly unprecedented scale. Relatively little research has been conducted into the nature of warfare however, a gap filled by this thesis through its focus on a series of interconnected themes and in-depth case studies spanning the period c. 1544-1615. It challenges the idea that the sixteenth century and early seventeenth century was a time of endless bloodshed, and explores the rationale behind the distinctive mode of warfare practised in the West Highlands and Isles. The first part of the thesis traces the overall ‘Process of War’. Chapter 1 focuses on the mentality of the social elite in the West Highlands and Isles and demonstrates that warfare was not their raison d'être, but was tied inextricably to chiefs’ prime responsibility of protecting their lands and tenants. Chapter 2 assesses the causation of warfare and reveals that a recurrent catalyst for armed conflict was the assertion of rights to land and inheritance. There were other important causes however, including clan expectation, honour culture, punitive government policies, and the use of proxy warfare by prominent magnates. Chapter 3 takes a fresh approach to the military capacity of the region through analysis of armies and soldiers, and the final thematic chapter tackles the conduct of warfare in the West Highlands and Isles, with analysis of the tactics and strategy of militarised personnel. The second part of this thesis comprises five case studies: the Clanranald, 1544-77; the Colquhouns of Luss and the Lennox, 1592-1603; the MacLeods of Harris and MacDonalds of Sleat, 1594-1601; the Camerons, 1569-1614; and the ‘Islay Rising’, 1614-15. This thesis adopts a unique approach by contextualising the political background of warfare in order to instil a deeper understanding of why early modern Gaelic Scots resorted to bloodshed. Overall, this period was defined by a sharp rise in military activity, followed by an even sharper decline, a trajectory that will be evidenced vividly in the final case study on the ‘Islay Rising’. Although warfare was widespread, it was not unrestrained or continuous, and the traditional image of a region riven by perpetual bloodshed has been greatly exaggerated.

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Batt, Judy. "Economic reform and political change in eastern Europe : a comparison of the Czechoslovak and Hungarian experiences." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1283/.

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Economic reform - the introduction of elements of the market into a planned economy - has been the central political problem for socialist states for at least three decades. This thesis seeks to elucidate the nature of the problem through a reconsideration of the general theoretical issues, and through a comparative analysis of the practice of economic reform in two countries - Czechoslovakia and Hungary. In Part One, the arguments in favour of the use of the market in socialism are recapitulated, and the implications of various socialist economic models for political freedom, democracy, and the realisation of some concept of the 'social interest 1 are discussed. The case studies presented in Part Two address the practical political problem of introducing market-type reform into communist systems. In Czechoslovakia, the issue of economic reform contributed to a profound political crisis culminating in 1968. But it is argued, economic reform was not the only, or even the most important source of the crisis. In the different political conditions in Hungary, economic reform was embraced by the regime as a means of securing political stability and popular legitimacy. Political crisis was avoided, but at the costof compromise in the economic reform. The conclusion is that while full-scale democratisation of the political system may not be an inevitable concomitant of economic reform, profound changes in the style and instruments of communist rule are required.

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Mittelstädt, Gerlind. "Die Rolle des Reichsbundes jüdischer Frontsoldaten während des Scheunenviertelpogroms 1923." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2013. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6734/.

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Am Beginn dieser Magisterarbeit steht das Scheunenviertelpogrom, das am 05. und 06. November 1923 im Berliner Scheunenviertel stattfand. Ausgehend von einer Charakterisierung der verschiedenen Gruppen, die während des Scheunenviertelpogroms am 05. und 06. November 1923 entweder als Täter oder Opfer, als Ordnungshüter oder Beschützer der Opfer in die Ereignisse involviert waren, soll diese Arbeit dazu dienen, die Rolle des Reichsbundes jüdischer Frontsoldaten dabei näher zu beleuchten. Der Reichsbund jüdischer Frontsoldaten war 1919 zum Zweck der Abwehr des Antisemitismus gegründet worden. Eine Intention für die Gründung war der „antisemitische Stachel im Fleisch“ der jüdischen Veteranen, die bereits während des Ersten Weltkrieges als „Drückeberger“ verunglimpft worden waren. Während der gesamten Zeit seines Bestehens war der Reichsbund bemüht, Beweise dafür zu erbringen, dass diese Anschuldigungen ungerechtfertigt waren. In seinem Selbstverständnis sah sich der RjF als Abwehrverein, der mit verbalen und publizistischen Mitteln versuchte, gegen eine Bedrohung vorzugehen. Da diese Mittel in einigen Fällen, wie dem Scheunenviertelpogrom nicht ausreichten, wurde auch ein gewaltsames Vorgehen in Betracht gezogen. Ehemalige, oft hochdekorierte Soldaten, versuchten den bedrohten Glaubensgenossen zu helfen und einzugreifen, als diese von einem antisemitischen Mob angegriffen wurden. Dieses Eingreifen brachte dem Reichsbund einen Zugewinn an Selbstbewusstsein in seinem Abwehrkampf. Der Scheunenviertelpogrom war für den Bund eine Zäsur und leitete eine zweite Phase der Entwicklung ein. Als kleiner Verein mit einem geringen Bekanntheitsgrad hatte er nur gediente Frontsoldaten in seinen Reihen. Nach dem Pogrom stiegen die Mitgliederzahlen sprunghaft an. Vor allem junge Menschen wollten im Abwehrkampf gegen den Antisemitismus mitkämpfen. Diese Tatsache bewog die Leitung des Reichsbundes zur Erweiterung des Aufgabengebietes. Die sportliche Ertüchtigung wurde als erster Schritt in eine neue Richtung gewertet, die Jugend als Hoffnungsträger für die Fortsetzung des eigenen Kampfes zu gewinnen. Die Aufnahme eines Sportprogrammes in den Aufgabenbereich war einerseits dem starken Antisemitismus geschuldet, andererseits diente er zur Bekräftigung eines positiven jüdischen Selbstbildes, indem das Stigma des „krummen, schwächlichen Juden“ bekämpft werden sollte. Im gleichen Kontext ist auch die neu ins Programm aufgenommene Siedlungspolitik des Reichsbundes zu sehen. Diese wendet sich gegen das Stigma einer ungesunden Berufsstruktur unter der jüdischen Bevölkerung. Der Reichbund wollte beweisen, dass auch ein Jude in der Lage war, Landbau zu betreiben. In der Folge des Pogroms und den damit in Verbindung stehenden Erfolgen intensivierte der Reichsbund seine Gegenwehr gegen antisemitische Propaganda. Dabei wurde er bestärkt durch die Zusammenarbeit mit anderen jüdischen Organisationen, wie dem Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens oder der Zionistischen Vereinigung für Deutschland. Auch die Unterstützung durch Vertreter linker, liberaler Parteien, durch örtliche Honoratioren oder durch das Justizsystem trug zu einem erstarkten Selbstbewusstsein bei. Diese gesteigerte Selbstbewusstsein, genährt durch die vermeintlichen Erfolge im Kampf gegen den Antisemitismus, war es auch, dass den Reichsbund ab 1933 nach einer Vormachtstellung unter den deutschen Juden streben lies. In dieser dritten Phase der Geschichte des RjF wurde die über die Jahre streng „gehütete“ Neutralität in innerjüdischen und politischen Belangen beseitigt und der Bund so umgebaut, dass er einer politischen Partei ähnelte. Die Beseitigung der demokratischen Prinzipien innerhalb des RjF durch die einseitige Ausrichtung auf seinen Vorsitzenden Leo Löwenstein rundete dieses Bild ab. Bei seiner Tätigkeit versuchten die Mitglieder des Reichsbundes sich zu entscheiden zwischen einer Identität als Deutscher und Jude. Den Weg der Assimilation zu verlassen und an einer Perspektive in einem anderen Land zu arbeiten, war erst nach der Machtübertragung an die Nationalsozialisten eine denkbare, wenn auch zunächst nicht wünschenswerte Option für den RjF. So rückte schließlich die Identitätsbestimmung als Jude vor die als Deutscher, obwohl der RjF sich in erster Linie als nationaler Verband, der sich aus Soldaten jüdischer „Abstammung“ rekrutierte, und weniger als jüdische Interessenvertretung betrachtet hatte.

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32

Powell-Jones, Lindsay. "Deleuze and Tarkovsky : the time image and post-war Soviet cinema history." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/93276/.

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Andrei Tarkovsky (1932-1986) is remembered as one of Russia's most influential and celebrated filmmakers. Over the course of his career he released seven feature films: Ivan’s Childhood (1962); Andrei Rublev (1966, USSR release 1971); Solaris (1972); Mirror (1975); Stalker (1979); Nostalghia (1983); and The Sacrifice (1986). Drawing on a history of post-war Soviet cinema, this thesis brings his films into contact with the concepts outlined in Gilles Deleuze’s two radical books on film: Cinema 1: The Movement-Image and Cinema 2: The Time-Image. Deleuze's Cinema books provide a system of classifications – what he calls a taxonomy or geology – of cinematic images. While their primary focus is on Western-European and American cinema, this thesis re-conceives Deleuze’s approach to film outside of that narrow context. My approach is informed by the specific historical, cultural, and industrial contexts of Tarkovsky's films, establishing the first sustained encounter between Deleuze and post-war Soviet cinema. In doing so, I offer a fresh perspective on Deleuze’s cinema concepts by re-conceiving the division between his 'movement-image' and 'time-image' in the context of the post-war Thaw, the development of the Soviet space programme, Stagnation, and the escalation of nuclear threat following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

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33

Russell, David William. "Reciprocal management of religious virgin mothers." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2011. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/337557/.

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This study concerns two women who were religiously active either side of the Great Schism (1378–1417), a period of intensification of the excesses of personal pride and political ambition that divided the western Church and caused distress to devoted, thoughtful laity and clerics alike. Devout laity sought new expressions of piety in these stressful times and through examining the written legacies of two non-enclosed religious women, Caterina Benincasa and Margery Kempe, I explore not only the contemplative/devotional practices that characterise them, but also the clerics upon whom they relied for protection, support and guidance in male-dominated, strife-ridden medieval Europe. The two women, a northern Italian lifelong virgin for Christ and an East Anglian mother of fourteen children, prima facie, appear to have little in common except claimed illiteracy, a diversity of influences and acknowledging Bridget of Sweden as a fundamental inspirational source. However, both of their personal and literary management teams included members of several religious orders and their written productions were mostly dictated to and edited by men. They both negotiated their ecclesiastical acceptance from the position of institutionally inferior women through the exclusively female rôles of mother/sister/daughter in exerting influence over their father/brother/son managers through confronting them with their male self-images. Although the management practices applied in each case were very different in terms of structure and hierarchical level, the women‘s negotiations with the men followed similar lines, albeit through different written media. Caterina‘s negotiating techniques are found in the immediate medium of her letters and they involve persuasion and instruction as she tries to create situations that she can control in furtherance of her objectives. The study includes a selection of twelve letters that I have translated in full and analysed from the perspective of the register of the dialogues, the style and the imagery contained therein. Evidence of Margery Kempe‘s influence over her managers, including her husband, comes solely from the medium of the retrospective narrative of her Book in which she chooses the events that illustrate how she reacts to and manipulates people and situations to her advantage. The clerical managers were responsible for keeping their head-strong charges compliant with ever-changing contemporary views of orthodoxy within parameters negotiated between the women and the institutional church. Although there are clear, identifiable parallels between the managers in their styles and techniques, there are also differences rooted in the managers‘ perceptions of the two women‘s respective contributions to the furtherance of institutional aims. Caterina‘s situation was that of a woman whose institutional support was considered necessary at the highest levels of the Church‘s management structure. In Margery Kempe‘s case the management seemed to use her to develop aspects of their local inter-institutional competition for status and alms in Lynn. Despite this difference in influential level there is the strong probability of personal contact and shared theological academic backgrounds among the clerics that draws the teams together. This study concentrates primarily on comparing and contrasting the subtleties of the negotiations between each woman and her managers, negotiations which are often influenced by the women‘s introduction of the transcendental force of God‘s will as revealed only to them, and secondarily on the possible connections between the managers that link England to Italy, Lynn to Siena and Margery to Caterina. The management techniques revealed are independent of any connections between the managers and there is little by way of common techniques apart from the complexities of reciprocal management and the women‘s exploitation of male conceptions of what is appropriate to themselves (the managers) and to women in the Church.

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34

Clark, Gemma M. "Fire, boycott, threat and harm : social and political violence within the local community : a study of three Munster counties during the Irish Civil War, 1922-23." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:489ecec0-af92-442c-a837-68e6e157e1c1.

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In its investigation of social and political violence during the Irish Civil War, this thesis tackles the diverse range of deliberate, frightening and harmful actions—largely neglected by military and political histories of the conflict—that surfaced in local communities in Ireland during 1922–23. Through a three-county study of Limerick, Tipperary and Waterford, in the province of Munster, this thesis examines and explains violence perpetrated alongside and away from armed encounters between the anti-Treaty republican army and Free State forces. It identifies three main categories of violence: arson (the burning of houses, crops and infrastructure), intimidation (including boycott, damage to property, verbal and written threats, animal maiming, cattle driving and land seizure) and violence against the person (bodily damage or death through physical contact or the use of weapons). The thesis charts, where possible, the frequency of the violent act and, in exploring the symbolism and strategies involved in arson, intimidation and violence against the person, identifies two key functions of social and political violence. For one, targeted violence was used, during the Irish Civil War, to regulate community relations: state-sanctioned ethnic cleansing did not take place, but the religious and political minority (Protestants, ex-Servicemen and other British Loyalists) were deliberately persecuted, resulting in their flight from Munster. Land is another powerful motif in the thesis; the second key function of violence was to challenge attitudes towards rural issues and force redistribution outside the official channels. The thesis also places the Irish Civil War in perspective: the prolific bloodshed, sexual violence and gruesome torture witnessed in Central Europe, after World War I, did not become the norm in Ireland. Animals and private property bore the brunt of the severest actions in the three Munster counties. By bringing to light victims’ experiences of violence recorded in largely unexplored compensation claims, this thesis captures the complex questions of loyalty and identity—facing armed actors and officials, as well as civilians—that beset the violent and chaotic establishment of independent Ireland.

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Blake, Stacey A. "Competition or admiration? : Byzantine visual culture in Western Imperial Courts, 497-1002." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5958/.

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The following dissertation reassess previous explanations for the transmission of Byzantine iconography to western material culture that have been classified by the classical canon as being manifestations of a ‘barbarian’ ruler attempting to legitimize their fledgling culture. The tumultuous relationship between the east and the west during the Late Antique period to the middle Byzantine period and the subsequent visual culture that demonstrates cross-cultural exchange comprises the majority of my analysis. I approach the topic in a case study fashion focusing on five rulers: Theodoric, Charlemagne, and the three Ottos. The source material chosen for this dissertation varies as it has been selected based on claims by previous scholarship of demonstrating some level of Byzantine influence. My re-examination of these works includes the application of an interdisciplinary theoretical framework first postulated by Robert Hayden: Competitive Sharing. This theory suggests that material culture displaying syncretism was not a reflection of admiration, but of competition. An implication of this study is that art was an active participant in the relationship between the east and the west, serving as a communicative device, rather than as the more frequently cited passive role of a conduit for iconographical transmission or cultural legitimization.

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Schreiner, Ann Marie. "The British Labour Party and the break-up of Yugoslavia 1991-1995 : a historical analysis of Parliamentary debates." Thesis, University of Chichester, 2009. http://eprints.chi.ac.uk/821/.

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The break-up of Yugoslavia, and the ensuing wars, dominated the British foreign policy agenda for the first half of the 1990s. The way in which the British Government reacted to the series of crises was a matter of ongoing scrutiny by those within and outside of Parliament. The complex nature of the conflicts, in the early years of the post Cold War world, meant that responses by British politicians were in no way based on traditional ideological divisions, that is, M.P.s did not form neat, homogenous groups reflecting the three political currents. The Labour Party was no exception to this rule. The thesis is a study of the way in which politicians of the Labour Party responded to the break-up of Yugoslavia, and the way its M.P.s reacted to events in the region, and to the actions of the British Government. With close reference to Parliamentary debates as recorded in Hansard, the thesis shows the many and complex ways in which politicians from one British political party responded to a foreign policy episode. What is demonstrated is that a number of factors influenced the opinions of the politicians. One would expect to find some level of front and back bench division. However, what is apparent is much more complex. Whilst, in general, the Shadow Cabinet mirrored the responses of their Parliamentary opponents, of more interest is the way in which the back bench politicians contributed to debates. Some M.P.s followed the example of their senior colleagues, whereas others took totally different positions. However, the motivations for these opinions varied. It is not possible to offer a simple, generalised reading of the responses that were taken by members of the Parliamentary Labour Party. Contributions to debates were influenced by a variety of features: namely, the way in which an individual viewed an international institution such as the United Nations, NATO and the European Union; the attitude that they took towards military intervention; and finally, the way in which the events of the Second World War informed their position on a contemporary conflict. The thesis adds to the research undertaken by scholars such as Brendan Simms and Mark Phythian. Through close reference to debates in Hansard, this work offers the opportunity to gain a much more detailed understanding of the responses of one British political party to one episode in international relations.

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Eckler, Susanne. "Didaktisch-methodische Zugänge zum Themenfeld 'Nationalsozialismus' aus konstruktivistischer Perspektive." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/5768/.

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Die Arbeit gibt einen kurzen Abriss über die Grundlagen systemisch-konstruktivistischer Lerntheorie mit der anschließenden Fragestellung, was die aktuellen Forschungsergebnisse aus Neurobiologie, Philosophie, Psychologie und Erziehungswissenschaften zur didaktischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nationalsozialismus beitragen können. In der bisherigen Forschung zur didaktischen „Aufbereitung“ des Themas 'Nationalsozialismus' gibt es eine Fülle von Unterrichtskonzepten, Sequenzplanungen und Unterrichtsmaterialien. Mein Anspruch war es nicht, universal gültige Unterrichtspläne vorzulegen, sondern Unterricht bewusst offen, selbstorganisiert und systemisch zu gestalten. Dafür werden die Rahmenbedingungen von Unterricht zum Thema Nationalsozialismus näher beleuchtet, um anschließend didaktische Prinzipien und methodische Ansätze für die Beschäftigung mit dem Nationalsozialismus vorzustellen. Grundlage für diese Überlegungen waren vor allem Theodor W. Adornos Vortrag „Erziehung nach Auschwitz“, die konstruktivistischen Lernansätze von Rolf Arnold, Kersten Reich und Horst Siebert und aktuelle Projekte und Schriften aus der gedenkstättenpädagogischen Forschung von Matthias Heyl, Imke Scheurich, Verena Haug u.a. Eine explizit konstruktivistische Betrachtung von Geschichtsdidaktik und Gedenkstättenpädagogik steht noch aus, diese Arbeit versucht, einen Ansatz zur Schließung dieser Forschungslücke zu entwickeln.
This paper gives a short view into the basics of systemic-constructivist theory of learning with the question, what current research findings from neurobiology, philosophy, psychology and education can account for teaching confrontation with National Socialism. In the previous research on educational examination on this subject, there is a wealth of teaching concepts, sequence plannings and teaching materials. The claim is not to give universally valid lesson plans, but to develope deliberately open, self-organized and systemic arranged education. For this I analysed the basic conditions of teaching about National Socialism to present didactic principles and methodological approaches to the study of Nazism. Foundations of these considerations were Theodor W. Adorno's "Erziehung nach Auschwitz", constructivist theories of learning from Kersten Reich, Rolf Arnold and Horst Siebert and current projects and writings from memorial pedagogy by Matthias Heyl, Imke Scheurich, Verena Haug et al. An explicicitly constructivist view on history didactics and memorial pedagogy is still missing, so this work is an attempt to develop an approach to close that gap.

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Fricke, Caroline. "Politisch bedingte Konflikte von Jugendlichen im Bezirk Schwerin 1971 – 1989." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/7109/.

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„Alle Kinder müssen zu wertvollen Menschen erzogen werden“, forderte Margot Honecker, Erziehungsminister der DDR von 1963 bis 1989. Während liberale Jugendsoziologen die Jugendphase als Moratorium begreifen und damit Heranwachsenden Freiräume zubilligen, geltende soziale Normen infrage zu stellen und selbstbestimmte Lebensentwürfe zu erproben, ohne ihr Handeln in gleicher Weise verantworten zu müssen wie Erwachsene, wurden Jugendliche in der DDR danach beurteilt, inwieweit sie dem Ideal der „allseitig gebildeten sozialistischen Persönlichkeit“ entsprachen. Nach Honeckers Ansicht wäre die freie Entfaltung des Individuums erst im Kommunismus möglich. Individuelle Entfaltung besaß für sie keinen eigenen Wert. Der politische Erziehungsanspruch erstreckte sich grundsätzlich auf alle Lebenswelten von Jugendlichen. Freiräume zur Selbstentfaltung waren in der DDR sowohl materiell als auch ideell eng umgrenzt, ein Umstand den der bundesdeutsche Bildungssoziologe Jürgen Zinnecker als „Jugendmoratorium in kasernierter Form“ bezeichnete. Dem politischen Anpassungsdruck waren Kinder und Jugendliche in besonders starkem Maße ausgesetzt. Zwar richtete sich der Erziehungsanspruch der SED grundsätzlich auf alle Bürger, doch anders als Erwachsene hatten Kinder und Jugendliche noch keine eigenständige Stellung innerhalb des sozialen und gesellschaftlichen Gefüges gefunden und deshalb weniger Möglichkeiten, sich der politischen Einwirkung zu entziehen. Mit dem Jugendgesetz von 1974 wurde die sozialistische Persönlichkeit als Erziehungsziel festgelegt, dem auch die Eltern zu folgen hatten. Bildungschancen wurden schon frühzeitig von der Anpassung an vorgegebene Normen abhängig gemacht, abweichendes Verhalten konnte rigide bestraft werden und gravierende Folgen für den weiteren Lebensweg haben. Auch wenn die meisten Jugendlichen die Forderungen des Staates zu erfüllen schienen und ihre Verbundenheit mit der Politik der SED wann immer gefordert bezeugten, standen sie dieser Politik tatsächlich mindestens gleichgültig gegenüber. Der „Widerspruch zwischen Wort und Tat“ war eines der gravierenden Probleme der Herrschenden im Umgang mit Heranwachsenden. Es gab aber auch Jugendliche, die bewusst Einschränkungen in Kauf nahmen, um ihre Vorstellungen eines selbstbestimmten Lebens verwirklichen zu können. Schon bei geringfügiger Abweichung von ausdrücklichen oder unausgesprochenen Vorgaben mussten sie mit erheblichen staatlichen Eingriffen in ihr persönliches Dasein rechnen. Die äußerste Form der Abweichung waren Ausreiseersuchen und Fluchtversuche. Jugendliche waren unter Antragstellern und „Republikflüchtigen“ überproportional vertreten. Die Dissertation beleuchtet das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen staatlich vorgegebenen Lebenswegen und eigen-sinniger Gestaltung verschiedener Lebensbereiche von Kindern und Jugendlichen für die Jahre der Honecker-Herrschaft zwischen 1971 bis 1989 im Bezirk Schwerin.
“All children must be educated to become worthwhile people“, GDR Minister of Education from 1963 to 1989 Margot Honecker claimed. Liberal youth sociologists interpret adolescence as moratorium, indicating that youth need latitude to challenge current social, political, and moral norms, and to test autonomous life choices, without being responsible for their actions in the same way as adults. In the GDR adolescents were judged based on how closely they matched the ideal of the “generally cultured socialist personality”. According to Honecker, the proper development of the individual would only be possible in communism. Maturation of the individual was not a value for her. Political compliance was demanded in all adolescent life worlds and latitudes for self-development were delineated materially as well as ideally. With respect to this, West German educational sociologist Jürgen Zinnecker spoke of a “barracked moratorium”. Children and adolescents were particularly exposed to the political pressure to adapt. Admittedly, the educational aspirations of the SED targeted all citizens, but unlike adults, adolescents had not yet found their position in society and had thus less chances to evade political education. The law on youth, enacted in 1974, stipulated the “socialist personality” as a general educational goal to which parents had to aspire. Yet early age educational opportunities were conditional to the compliance to given norms, and deviant behavior could be punished rigidly and have grave consequences for the future. Although the majority ostensibly seemed to fulfill the claims by the state, and testified their loyalty with the politics of the SED whenever demanded, they regarded her policy at least indifferently. “Contradiction between word and deed” was one of the major obstacles of the ruling dealing with teenagers. But there were adolescents willing to endure restrictions, to realize self-determined actions. Minor deviance from implicit and explicit standards could cause grave consequences for one’s existence. Attempts at flight and applications for exit permit were the utmost form of non-compliance. The number of adolescents among fugitives and petitioners was disproportional. The dissertation focuses on conflicts emerging from the tension between given life designs and autonomous organization of different spheres by adolescents for the years of Erich Honecker’s reign from 1971 to 1989 in the district of Schwerin.

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Germane, Marina. "The history of the idea of Latvians as a civic nation, 1850-1940." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4382/.

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This thesis challenges the customary approach of studying the latent ethnic conflict in Latvia exclusively through the prism of post-Soviet studies, looking for the causes of societal disaccord in Latvia’s recent past as a Soviet Socialist Republic, when numerous traumas were induced on the eponymous nation, from the deportations of 1940 which robbed the nation of its intelligentsia, to Russification policies that threatened the very existence of the Latvian language and culture, and to mass labour immigration that radically changed the country’s demography and ethnic composition. While recognising that this approach has its own merits, this thesis focuses on another important factor contributing to the present ethnic discord, namely the historical development of the idea of the Latvian nation, especially vis-à-vis ethnic minorities, who have always been present in significant numbers on Latvian territory through the course of modern history. More often than not, the interwar period of Latvian independence and nation-building is discarded by political scientists as bearing purely symbolic meaning and having no real impact on the present. This thesis challenges this widespread assumption and argues that, on the contrary, both the genesis of the idea of the Latvian nation and its interwar experience of statehood are vital to understanding the present-day dynamics. My thesis encompasses the period of Latvian history from the mid-19th century, when Latvians’ national awakening began, to 1940, when the country lost its independence as a result of Soviet annexation. The aim of this thesis is three-fold: first, to challenge the widespread (and historically inaccurate) assumption prevalent in modern Latvia that the idea of the civic nation is something intrinsically alien and unsuitable, imposed on Latvia from above; secondly, to examine the long-forgotten original contributions made to the concept of civic nationalism, and to the whole universalist-particularist dilemma, by Latvian thinkers at the beginning of the 20th century, and to place them in the wider framework of European interwar history and nationalism studies; thirdly, to identify the key issues in majority-minority relations that contributed to the eventual deterioration of minority rights in Latvia prior to World War Two, and, to a certain extent, to the demise of parliamentarian democracy in 1934. These issues (divided into three principal clusters: citizenship, language, and education) are then compared to the remarkably similar challenges faced by Latvian society since 1991.

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Angelow, Jürgen. "Kontexte ungleicher Deutung : zur Rezeption Friedrichs II. im geteilten Deutschland." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/741/.

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Kamp, Silke. "Arbeit und Magie in Brandenburg in der Frühen Neuzeit." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2001. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3299/.

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Arbeit und Magie werden in der ländlichen Gesellschaft der Frühen Neuzeit neu bewertet. Während die Reformation die Arbeit aufwertet, verteufelt sie den Müßiggang. Als zentrale Lebensäußerung bei der man häufig mit dem Lebensbereich des Anderen in Berührung kommt, birgt Arbeit ein hohes Konfliktpotential in sich. Als Glaubensform basiert Magie auf kollektiven Übereinkünften und strebt einen praktikablen Umgang mit feindseligen Mächten an, so dass sie mit Formen alltäglicher Konfliktaustragung (Gegenzauber, Bezichtigung als Zauberer/Zauberin) bekämpft werden können. Auf Magie als Deutung oder Handlung haben ihre beginnende Kriminalisierung (Carolina) und das Vordringen der Schriftlichkeit nachhaltigen Einfluss. Aus diesen Veränderungen heraus empfängt das Themenpaar Arbeit und Magie seine Bedeutung, das hier in seinem Zusammenwirken erstmals untersucht wird und zwar am Beispiel der Mittelmark. Wie die Auswertung von Gesuchen mittelmärkischer Gerichte um Rechtsbelehrung an den Schöppenstuhl in Brandenburg zum neuen Delikt der Zauberei im Zeitraum von 1551 bis 1620 beweist, handelt es sich bei der Mittelmark um ein verfolgungsarmes Territorium, das sich daher bestens für die Untersuchung des selbstverständlichen Umgangs mit Magie eignet. In 98 von 136 Prozessen sind insgesamt 107 Frauen und 9 Männer angeklagt – darunter eine „weise Frau“ und zwei Männer als volksmagische Spezialisten. Der Höhepunkt der Spruchtätigkeit liegt zwischen 1571 und 1580. In dieser Phase tauchen erstmals dämonischer Vorstellungen auf und werden weibliche Magiedelikte auch auf Männer übertragen (Schadenszauber, Teufelspakt). Der Vorwurf des Teufelspaktes ist überwiegend im Nordwesten der Mittelmark anzutreffen und wird hier auch zuerst erhoben. Dennoch kann sich der dämonische Hexenglauben als städtisches Phänomen in der ländlich geprägten Mittelmark kaum durchsetzen, denn in keinem der untersuchten Fälle taucht der Terminus „Hexe“ auf. Die Rezeption der Hexenlehre in all ihren wesentlichen Elementen (Buhlschaft, Zusammenkunft auf dem Blocksberg und die Fahrt dorthin) ist erst 1613 abgeschlossen. Damit kommt sie für die Mittelmark zu spät, um ihre zerstörerische Wirkung zu entfalten: Die Auswirkungen des Dreißigjährigen Krieges überlagern alsbald die Vorstellungen von „bösen Zauberinnen“. Mit Hilfe der Studien von RAINER WALZ zur magischen Kommunikation und EVA LABOUVIE (Offizialisierungsstrategien) wurden drei Fälle näher untersucht, in denen die Arbeit entweder Konfliktanlass ist, mit magischen Mitteln beeinflusst wird oder es um die professionelle Ausübung von Magie im Bezug auf ländliche Arbeit geht. In Nassenheide wird 1573 dem Bauern Peter Calys das Abzaubern von Feldfrüchten unterstellt. Seine Nachbarschaft beobachtet ein ihr unbekanntes Ritual (vermutlich eine Schädlingsbekämpfung), was sie in kein geduldetes magisches Handeln einordnen kann. In Liebenwalde geht es 1614 um „fliegende Worte“, die im Streit um erschlagene Gänse ausgesprochen und später, nach einer Reihe von Unglücksfällen, vom Gescholtenen als Flüche umgedeutet werden. In Rathenow steht 1608 der Volksmagier Hermann Mencke vor Gericht. Sein Repertoire an magischen Hilfsleistungen umfasst Bann-, Heil- und Hilfszauber. Diese drei Fallstudien ergaben für das Thema Arbeit und Magie, dass Magie in der sich schwerfällig entwickelnden Landwirtschaft ein innovatives Potential zukommt. Das Experimentieren mit Magieformen bleibt jedoch Spezialisten der Volksmagie vorbehalten. Insbesondere in den Dörfern, wo die Grenzen zwischen männlicher und weiblicher Magie durchlässig sind, erweist sich die Geschlechtsspezifik der volkstümlichen Magie als Produkt der Lebens- und Arbeitsbeziehungen in der ländlichen Gesellschaft. Männer wie Frauen verfügen über die zu ihren Arbeitsbereichen passenden Hilfszauber. Dass Zauber zu Frauenarbeiten wie Milchverarbeitung und Bierbrauen überwiegen, liegt neben der Häufigkeit, mit der diese Verrichtungen anfallen, ihrer Anfälligkeit für Fehler und ihrer Bedeutung für die Ernährung daran, dass sie sich im Verborgenen abspielen und daher verdächtig sind. Außerdem handelt es sich um mühselige und monotone Tätigkeiten, die daher der Motivation durch Magie bedürfen. Die Schlichtheit der weiblichen Magie korrespondiert mit der geringeren Spezialisierung weiblicher Arbeit in der Landwirtschaft, die sich in der Verwendung einfacher Werkzeuge bekundet. Wörter können wegen der spezifischen Organisation der Hirnareale zur Sprachverarbeitung in einer auf Mündlichkeit beruhenden Kultur heilen oder eine lebensbedrohliche Waffe sein. Indem Magie das Profane dramatisiert, kommt ihr die Funktion einer Erinnerungskunst zu, die später durch die Schrift ausgefüllt wird. Die Schrift macht Magie als Mnemotechnik überflüssig und immunisiert gegen die Macht des Wortes. Damit reift auch die Skepsis an der Wirksamkeit von Magie. Schließlich werden Schadenszaubervorwürfe nur noch als Injurienklagen verhandelt. Sie bestimmen die Prozesse um Zauberei nach dem Großen Krieg.
Work and magic have been redefined by the rural society of the early modern period. The reformation revalorized labor and condemned idleness. As basic means of existence, which was highly interwoven with the living spheres of other people, labor contained a high potential of conflict. Magic was a set of beliefs based on collective agreements and aspired to deal with evil powers by fighting them with every day strategies of solving conflicts like counter spells or accusations of sorcery. As an interpretation or action, magic was greatly influenced by its definition as an act of crime and an increase in literacy. These changes inspired the subject of this paper, which will analyze for the first time the interplay of work and magic in the electorate of Brandenburg, more precisely the Mittelmark. The examination of legal proceedings between 1551 an 1620 proves that the Mittelmark has been less infected by witch craze, which makes it an appropriate area to investigate the everyday use of magic. In 98 of 136 proceedings 107 women and 9 men have been accused of sorcery, among them one midwife and two specialists of popular magic. The climax of the proceedings happened in the 1570s. Now, demonic imaginations occurred and former female acts of magic were attributed to men as well. The assumption of a pact between witches and devil was typical for the northwestern part of the Mittelmark and has also been brought up as a charge there for the first time. Witch craze, however, was a phenomenon of the cities and hardly infiltrated the rural Mittelmark. In none of the investigated proceedings the word “witch” has been used. The reception of witchcraft in all its details like the pact with the devil or the gathering and the flight to the Witches’ Sabbath was only completed in 1613, too late to develop its destructiveness: The effects of the Thirty Years’ War overshadowed the conceptions of evil witches. By using the studies of Rainer Walz and Eva Labouvie, I closely examined three legal proceedings, in which the cause of conflict was either work, influences of magic on work, or in which someone worked as a popular sorcerer within rural work life. In 1573, the peasant Peter Calys, living in Nassenheide, has been accused to spirit away the crops. His neighborhood observed an unknown ritual which did not appear to be any form of harmless magic. 1614 “flying words” have been spoken in Liebenwalde during a quarrel about slain geese and were reinterpreted later as curses. In Rathenow the popular sorcerer Hermann Mencke had to defend himself in a trial in 1608. His magic enabled him to banish, to cure diseases, or to repair misfortune. As one healing attempt failed, his whole practice was viewed in a different light by his clients. The investigation of these three cases showed that magic possessed an innovative potential in the otherwise only slowly developing agriculture. But only specialists of popular magic were allowed to experiment with magic. The gender specificity of magic proved rather to be a result of relations and working conditions in rural society than of abstract ideas. Both men and women were well grounded in suitable spells for their working sphere. The greater quantity of spells belonging to typical female tasks like dairy or brewery work can be explained not only by importance and frequency of such duties in peasant housekeeping. These error-prone procedures could also fail easily and were additionally executed in the seclusion of a chamber and therefore suspicious. Above all, the tasks were monotonous and exhausting and therefore needed a magical motivation. The more artless female magic, relying mostly on power of words, corresponded with the less specialized female labor in agriculture. Due to the different organization of the cerebral areas for speech processing in an oral society, words could be lethal or healing. By dramatizing the profane, magic fulfilled functions of a mnemotechnique which were substituted later by writing. Writing protected against the power of words and accelerated skepticism of magic. In the end, accusations of sorcery were taken as defamations, which dominated legal proceedings after the Thirty Years’ War.

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Schneider, Ulrich Johannes. "Encyclopedias." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-157681.

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Since the inception of printing in Europe in the fifteenth century, encyclopedias have become popular and widespread all over the continent. During the eighteenth century, dictionaries and other knowledge-communicating books constituted a major part of the book market, thereby defining everyday knowledge, including information about the entire world that was cultivated by periodicals and travel logs. Encyclopedias, from the very beginning, have been a varied genre owing to the assorted knowledge produced for different books, which depends on the subject, the target audience, the scope, and the price. General encyclopedias could amount to several volumes, sometimes more than ten, while more specific dictionaries usually comprised only one or two volumes. During the eighteenth century, many encyclopedic works were adapted for different audiences, resulting in many books being translated. This distribution of encyclopedias helped to build the European culture of knowledge we witness today, in which encyclopedias are still a major source of information.

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Riemann, Andreas. "Die Kirchenpolitik der SED gegenüber der Evangelischen Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg im Bezirk Potsdam 1961-1966." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6029/.

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Die Magisterarbeit untersucht die Kirchenpolitik der SED in der ersten Hälfte der sechziger Jahre auf regionaler Ebene. Sie fragt, wie die Staats- und Parteiorgane des Bezirkes Potsdam gegenüber der Evangelischen Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg agierten, wie die zentralen Beschlüsse vor Ort umgesetzt wurden und welche Probleme dabei auftraten. Bei der Durchsetzung des Sozialismus in der DDR und der Sicherung der eigenen Herrschaft, stand der Staatspartei SED die evangelische Kirche als gesellschaftlicher Großverband im Weg. Nach einem harten Repressionskurs in den fünfziger Jahren, änderte die SED um 1960/61 ihre Strategie, um den Einfluss der Kirche auf die Gesellschaft auszuschalten. Die Christen sollten in die Gesellschaft integriert und vom Sozialismus überzeugt werden. Nach der Darstellung der Grundlagen der Kirchenpolitik der SED sowie der Evangelischen Kirche, analysiert die Arbeit die Umsetzung der Überzeugungsstrategie des SED-Staates im Bezirk Potsdam. Kirchenpolitische Strukturen, Akteure sowie Methoden werden anhand von Unterlagen des Rates des Bezirkes Potsdam sowie der SED-Bezirksleitung untersucht. Die Kirchenpolitik in den Bezirken sollte zu Beginn der sechziger Jahre systematischer und kontinuierlicher durchgeführt werden als zuvor. In einem Betreuungssystem wurden alle Pfarrer, kirchliche Mitarbeiter und engagierte Laien erfasst, um sie in regelmäßigen Gesprächen vom Sozialismus zu überzeugen, notfalls mit finanziellen Anreizen. Bei der Umsetzung klafften Anspruch und Realität weit auseinander. Personalmangel, Qualifizierung und mangelnde Bereitschaft der Mitarbeiter, aber auch die Resistenz der Pfarrerschaft ließen den Bezirksorganen meist nur die Beobachtung und Verwaltung kirchlicher Angelegenheiten. Als die Kirche in Berlin-Brandenburg Anfang 1966 den EKD-Ratsvorsitzenden Kurt Scharf zu ihrem Bischof wählte, war offensichtlich, dass die Überzeugungsstrategie erhebliche Mängel aufwies.
The M.A. thesis analyses the church policy of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany on a regional level in the first half of the 1960s. The paper investigates how the administrative body of the state and the party in the Bezirk (district) Potsdam dealt with the Protestant Church in Berlin-Brandenburg, how they implemented central decisions and which problems occurred. With implementation of socialism in the GDR and securing their own power the Socialist Unity Party had its adversary in the Protestant church as one of the biggest social organizations. After hard repressions in the 1950s the Socialist Unity Party changed its strategy around 1960/61 to eliminate the influence of the protestant church on society. Christians from now on were supposed to be integrated in society and to be convinced of socialism. The paper focuses on the principles of church policy of the Socialist Unity Party and the Protestant Church, and investigates the implementation of the new persuasion strategy in the Bezirk Potsdam. Structures of church policy, protagonists and methods will be analysed on basis of documents from the Rat des Bezirkes (council) and the party leadership of the Bezirk. At the beginning of the 1960s the church policy of the regional districts in the GDR was meant to be more systematic and continuous as before. In a “mentoring” system all pastors, church staff and committed laypersons were registered in order to convince them of socialism in regular talks, in case of need with financial incentives. However, concerning implementation demands and reality diverged immensely. Staff shortage, lacking willingness and qualification of the staff, but also due to the pastors’ resistance the administrative body of state and party in the Bezirk Potsdam could only deal with administration and the observation of church matters. That the persuasion system had enormous obstacles became obvious when in 1966 the Protestant Church in Berlin-Brandenburg elected the leader of the EKD, Kurt Scharf, as their bishop.

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Tucker, Joanna. "A new approach to medieval cartularies : understanding manuscript growth in AUL SCA MS JB 1/3 (Glasgow Cathedral's Registrum Vetus) and the Cartulary of Lindores Abbey in Caprington Castle." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8466/.

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Medieval cartularies have been the focus of many studies in the past few decades. Rather than simply repositories for charter texts, cartularies are now regarded by those who study them as carefully curated collections of texts whose contents and arrangement reflect the immediate concerns and archival environment of the communities that created them. One feature of cartularies which has not received attention is the ‘growth’ of their manuscripts beyond the initial phase of creation. This growth refers not only to the addition of fresh gatherings but also to the piecemeal addition of texts into the available spaces, often in a haphazard order and by many scribes working across a number of decades. ‘Manuscript growth’ is not an uncommon feature of cartularies from the central middle ages, particularly from the thirteenth century onwards. As a phenomenon, however, it has not been recognised or studied, for the good reason that it is difficult to discuss haphazard manuscript growth in a systematic way. This thesis offers a new methodology which engages with multi-scribe contributions to ‘active’ cartularies. It takes a holistic approach which integrates the textual and ‘physical’ evidence of cartularies, and embraces all forms of scribal activity. By studying the growth of cartulary manuscripts, we can gain significant insights into the contemporary use and perception of these valuable objects. This thesis therefore takes a fresh look at the ‘genre’ of medieval cartularies through the eyes of the manuscript evidence itself, and what this can reveal about its medieval scribes and readers. Two manuscripts are taken as the basis of this study: the older cartulary of Glasgow Cathedral (AUL SCA MS JB 1/3) and the older cartulary of Lindores Abbey (in private ownership in Caprington Castle). Chapter 1 introduces the field of cartulary studies, with reference to new work in this area (particularly in relation to cartularies in France and England). Central questions in this field are introduced, such as the definition of a cartulary, their creation and function. It also discusses approaches to analysing complex codices and multi-scribe activity within other manuscript genres. In Chapter 2, a new methodology will be introduced for analysing manuscript growth. This involves rethinking our approach to some familiar elements of manuscripts: their codicology, binding history, the scribes, as well as the challenge of dating the various contributions to the cartularies. New concepts and terminology will be introduced (such as ‘relative dating’ and ‘series’) that have been developed in response to these two complex cartularies. By applying this new methodology, the creation and subsequent growth of each manuscript can be examined in detail in Chapter 3 (for Glasgow Cathedral’s cartulary) and Chapter 4 (for Lindores Abbey’s). It is shown that the contemporary experience of these two cartularies was as a collection of simultaneously ‘active’ units (either unbound or in temporary bindings), offering new scribes a choice of where to place their material. Chapter 5 draws together the analysis, and focuses on the initial creation of the cartularies, the nature of their growth by piecemeal additions, and the reasons for this growth. This reveals two communities that took an active approach to reading and extending their cartularies, treating these manuscripts as a shared space. The vexed question of ‘repeated’ texts within cartularies is reconsidered in this light. The analysis allows us to develop a deeper understanding of the cartularies’ function and the role of their scribes as primarily readers, whose interactions with the manuscript were responsive and dynamic. The institutional setting is also discussed. The thesis concludes by considering the implications of this study for our understanding of the function and typology of cartularies, their relationship to archives of single-sheet documents, and as sources for institutional identity, as well as the potential of the methodology to act as a starting point for studying scribal interactions and scribes as readers in other manuscript genres with multi-scribe growth.

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Partenheimer, Lutz. "Deutsche Herrschaftsbildung im Fläming während des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 1988. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1584/.

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Aus dem Vorwort: Der entstehende deutsche Staat hatte 928/29 mit der Unterwerfung der damals östlich von Elbe und Saale siedelnden Slawen begonnen. Den meisten Stämmen war es jedoch durch den Aufstand von 983 gelungen, nochmals ihre Freiheit zu erkämpfen. Im 12. Jahrhundert begann ein erneuter Vorstoß. Während dieser zweiten Etappe der feudalen deutschen Ostexpansion wurden bis um 1300 die nördlichen und mittleren Teile des jetzt zur DDR gehörenden Gebietes endgültig dem deutschen Reich angegliedert. Damals entstand die Mehrzahl unserer Städte und Dörfer. Im 10. Jahrhundert hatten die Könige Heinrich I. und Otto I. das Vordringen nach Osten geleitet. Während des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts lag die Initiative in den Händen der ostsächsischen Fürsten. Sie gingen daran, ihren Einfluß auf die slawischen Gebiete auszudehnen, wie der Herzog von Sachsen, Heinrich der Löwe aus dem Geschlecht der Welfen, und Erzbischof Wichmann von Magdeburg, oder gründeten östlich der Elbe neue Territorialherrschaften, wie der Markgraf der Nordmark, Albrecht der Bär aus dem Hause der Askanier, der erste Markgraf von Brandenburg. Im Süden begannen die Wettiner die Marken Lausitz und Meißen zu festigen und zu erweitern. Wie sich die eben grob skizzierten Vorgänge jedoch im einzelnen abgespielt haben, liegt immer noch weitgehend im dunkeln. Vor allem muß damit gerechnet werden, daß sich die Herrschaftsverhältnissein verschiedenen Gebieten mehrfach geändert hatten, bevor etwa in der zweiten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts die Strukturen entstanden waren, die im wesentlichen bis in die neuere Zeit bestimmend blieben. So ist heute vielfach noch unklar oder umrtritten, welche deutsche Feudalgewalt einen bestimmten Raum als erste besetzte und wo der Einflußbereich der nächsten Herrschaft begann. Das gilt in besonderem Maße für die Grenzzonen der sich ausdehnenden Fürstentümer. Aber auch Fragen, die seit langem als geklärt galten, werden plötzlich wieder aufgeworfen, wie die vor der 750-Jahr-Feier Berlins erneut aufgenommene Diekussion über die Anfänge unsarer Hauptstadt beweist.

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Ryder, Emily Jennifer Hana. "Memory, perception, reception : following the fate of the victims of Italy's anni di piombo through the writing of their children." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7056/.

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This thesis considers some of those who were killed in politically-motivated attacks, often referred to as ‘terrorism’, which took place during Italy’s anni di piombo. Six works written by victims’ children will be used as a lens through which to examine the collective memory and the victims’ place therein. In recent years, there has been a shift in the way that this period of Italian history - the anni di piombo – has been remembered. Where previously the perpetrators of the violence of those years dominated public discourse, in the last decade the principal narrative has become more victim-centred. The biographical works written by victims’ children have inevitably contributed to this change in the memory narrative. The techniques employed in their writing in order to change the existing public image of their fathers will be analysed in this thesis, along with certain themes that recur throughout the six works and broader victim-centred discussion of this period. Analysis begins with a thorough outline of the political and historical context of the anni di piombo, including case studies of two of the most famous victims of this period and a consideration of the written works of some of the former terrorists. Following this preliminary contextualisation, each of the six books and their authors will be studied in detail to provide a foundation for the analysis contained in the final three chapters. The themes examined in the second half of the thesis are second-generation writing, forgiveness and commemoration. Using these themes as a framework, a rigorous investigation of the place that the victims hold in collective memory; the role their children’s writing has played in shaping and maintaining their public image and the longer-term impact that these changes can be seen to have had within a broader societal and political perspective is undertaken. On the basis of this study, it is evident that the victims’ place in the collective memory of the anni di piombo has changed dramatically since that period of violence concluded. The victims’ children have been very significant in enacting this change and their writing has placed them in a position from which they can continue to exert influence and promote a victim-centred approach to history.

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47

Hutchins, Brian. "General Nathan Twining and the Fifteenth Air Force in World War II." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6094/.

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General Nathan F. Twining distinguished himself in leading the American Fifteenth Air Force during the last full year of World War II in the European Theatre. Drawing on the leadership qualities he had already shown in combat in the Pacific Theatre, he was the only USAAF leader who commanded three separate air forces during World War II. His command of the Fifteenth Air Force gave him his biggest, longest lasting, and most challenging experience of the war, which would be the foundation for the reputation that eventually would win him appointment to the nation's highest military post as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Cold War.

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48

Mirschel, Markus. "Der Kampf um die parteipolitische Macht in der Russländischen Föderation : die KPRF 1991 - 1996." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1665/.

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Wahlen sind wichtige Bestandteile demokratischer Strukturen und werfen schon im Vorfeld ihrer Durchführung ihre Schatten voraus. Die Russländische Föderation (RF) stellt hierbei keine Ausnahme dar, aber können in ihrem Falle nur selten westeuropäische Maßstäbe angewandt werden. Russischen Uhren ticken anders. Für die RF gelten keine Schablonen, keine allgemein übertragbaren Parameter. Fragen der Sozialisierung, Mentalitätsfragen und Fragen nach der politischen Kultur spielen hierbei in der Realität eine entscheidende Rolle. Es ist wichtig, die Akteure im System selbst zu untersuchen, nicht aber, wie es in der Literatur stattfindet, mit dem Blick auf die Wirkung der Einzelakteure auf das Gesamtsystem, sondern des Gesamtsystems auf einen Einzelakteur. Hierbei analysiert die Arbeit die spezifischen Eigenarten des russländischen politischen Systems, verdeutlicht die Entwicklung des politischen Lebens in der RF, besonders der politischen Vereinigungen und streicht die rechtliche Stellung sowie die politischen Lager heraus. Im vereinigungspolitischen Spektrum der RF haben sich nur wenige Konstanten herauskristallisieren können. Einer dieser Fixpunkte ist in der Kommunistischen Partei der Russländischen Föderation (KPRF) zu sehen. Die Vereinigung hatte es geschafft, wie ein Phönix aus der Asche aufzusteigen. Sich nicht nur über die Zeit des Putsches 1993 zu retten, sondern in der Folgezeit zur einzigen Vereinigung zu erwachsen, der es möglich war, sich gegen die rechtspopulistische Liberal-Demokratische Partei Russlands (LDPR), die Parteien der Macht´, aber auch gegen JABLOKO und die Jelzin-Administration zu behaupten. Keine Vereinigung dieser Zeit schaffte es, so viele Mitglieder und Wähler an sich zu binden, wie es die kommunistische Partei unter G. A. Sjuganow vermochte. Letztendlich ist es der KPRF gelungen, mit G. A. Sjuganow den aussichtsreichsten Gegenkandidaten zu B. N. Jelzin aufzubauen. Die Präsidentschaftswahl von 1996 ist, wie keine nach ihr, denkbar knapp ausgefallen und erst in der Stichwahl entschieden worden. Gleichsam stellt das Jahr 1996 für die Vereinigung eine tief greifende Zäsur dar. Für die Erfolge und Niederlagen der KPRF ist es von Vorteil, die sie beeinflussenden Faktoren in exogene, der Makroebene politische System der RF´ und in endogene, der Mikroebene KPRF´ entstammende Faktoren zu unterteilen. Auf die exogenen Faktoren, wie beispielsweise die exponierte Stellung des Präsidenten, eine fehlende Parteiengesetzgebung, die marginale Stellung der Staatsduma, die Politikverdrossenheit und Sozialisierung der Wahlbevölkerung oder die geografischen Dimensionen der Föderation, konnte die Sjuganow-Vereinigung nur geringfügig Einfluss nehmen. Die endogenen Faktoren, wie das politische Programm, das Statut oder eine fehlende innerparteiliche Homogenität, lagen in den Händen der Vereinigung und konnten von ihr aktiv, aus ihr heraus gestaltet werden. Für den angestrebten Sieg zur Präsidentschaftswahl 1996 oblag es der KPRF, geeignete Strategien zu finden. Als für das Ziel positiv kann der Schwenk von der unversöhnlichen zur konstruktiven Opposition, eine breite Koalitionsbereitschaft, das Nutzen dichter Netzwerke und ein breites Angebot programmatischer Schwerpunkte, gekoppelt an den Passus Partei leninistischen Typs´ gewertet werden. Dass G. A. Sjuganow in der Vereinigung umstritten war, der Vorwurf des fehlenden Charismas im Raum stand und es die Vereinigung nicht vermochte, ausreichend Mobilisierungspotential gegenüber Wählern außerhalb der KPRF-Stammwählerschaft zu erreichen, sind als dem Ziel abträglich zu betrachten. Ferner verfolgte die KPRF einen grauen, klassischen, aber z. T. unprofessionellen Wahlkampf, der der Kremladministration nicht gefährlich werden konnte und dem modernen, stark medialen Wahlkampf B. N. Jelzins nichts entgegenzusetzen hatte. Eine einseitige Ausrichtung auf russisch-nationale Themen kann ebenfalls als strategischer Fehler der KPRF gesehen werden, zeigten doch Umfragen, dass dem Großteil der Wahlbevölkerung mehr an der Verbesserung der sozial-ökonomischen Lage gelegen war, als an nationaler Rhetorik. Eine von exogener Seite geschürte Kommunismusangst und das Fehlen eines positiven Alternativprogramms von endogener Seite runden das Scheitern der KPRF zur Präsidentschaftswahl 1996 ab. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass die exogenen, wie auch endogenen Faktoren sowohl hemmend, als auch fördernd auf die KPRF einwirken konnten. Woran die KPRF beim Erreichen des Wahlsieges von 1996 letztendlich scheiterte, kann aus keiner der beiden Seiten eindeutig abgeleitet werden. Sowohl die endogenen, als auch die exogenen Faktoren leisteten ihren Betrag zum Scheitern der Vereinigung, doch muss festgehalten werden, dass die Einflussnahme der KPRF auf die hemmenden Faktoren im exogenen Bereich hätte stärker ausfallen können.
Elections are important elements of democratic structures and cast a cloud over transforming processes, especially in the Russian Federation. One can rarely apply Western European parameters, as there are no simple patterns fitting the political structures. Questions of socialisation, mentality and questions concerning the political culture play a decisive role in Russian reality. The thesis analyses the specific rules of the Russian political system, shows the development of the political parties and is gives review of the regulatory framework and the political situation in the Russian Federation in the period 1991 - 1996. The main focus of the thesis is on the CPRF and the fast development after 1993, which could be compared to phoenix rising from the ashes. The CPRF matured and became an invariable political part of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party lost the presidential elections in 1996, which was the main chance for the CPRF to come into power. Candidate G. A. Zyganov received 32% of the votes, just 35% short of B. N. Yeltsin. The thesis analyses the mistakes the CPRF made and divides the influences into exogenous parameters (emanate from the macroscopic political system of the Russian Federation´) and endogenous parameters (emanate from the microscopic CPRF´).

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Finch, Johanna Louise. "Can't fail, won't fail : why practice assessors find it difficult to fail social work students : a qualitative study of practice assessors' experiences of assessing marginal or failing social work students." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2370/.

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The thesis focuses on the issue of the assessment of social work students in practice learning settings and draws on multi-disciplinary and international literature. The dissertation considers why practice assessors find it so difficult to fail social work students and what might get in the way of failing a student. The rationale for such an exploration concerns the relatively limited literature from both social work and other disciplines where there is a practice-learning element and what limited literature there is often appears under-theorised. A further rationale to explore this area of professional practice concerns the author‟s own experiences as a social work practitioner, practice assessor and social work educator. Located within a qualitative framework, the methodological influences on the research include: ethnography, life story and narrative approaches as well as practitioner-research paradigms; although it is clear that as the research progressed, practitioner-research paradigms became more influential. Based on twenty in-depth interviews with both new and experienced practice assessors, the research utilises the voice centred relational method to analyse the data. From this narrative process a number of stories emerge, including; “The Angry Story”, “The Dramatic Event Story”, “The Guilty Story”, “The Idealised Learner Story”, “The Internalising Failure So I Couldn‟t Always Failure Them Story”, “The Lack of Reflection Story” and the “What is my Role/Assessment Story”. Psychodynamic frameworks have been employed to theorise and make sense of these various stories as well as transactional analytical perspectives. Differences in approach to practice assessing are also considered, most notably around how practice assessors‟ conceptualise, make use of and understand the assessment process. It is also clear that disability, gender, ethnicity, class and sexuality also impact on the assessment process. For some practice assessors, ultimately the evidence of students' competence appears to rest on hope. It appears that some practice assessors are still giving students “the benefit of the doubt” a phrase coined thirty years ago by Brandon and Davies (1979) in a wide ranging but still very relevant study of the assessment of social work students in practice settings. Practice assessors thus find it difficult to fail students because of: Their lack of reflection about the intense emotions raised; The internalisation of these intense feelings; Lack of support from colleagues, the Higher Education Institute (HEI) and tutors; Lack of understanding about the process of assessment; Difficulties in managing the multifaceted role of the practice educator including the lack of acknowledgment of the gate keeping function.The dissertation concludes that although practice assessors have a very clear understanding of what behaviours might hypothetically cause a student to fail the practice learning opportunity, the reality is that not all practice assessors go on to fail the student. The high emotionality often associated with the process of managing a potentially failing student on placement often obscures the process. The thesis argues the need for practitioners to consider the intense feelings that arise in difficult practice learning opportunity situations in a more reflective, contained and considered manner. A number of ways forward have been suggested in light of these findings, including the need to pilot a reflective toolkit for practice assessors and students alike.

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50

Taylor, Emily Joan. "Women's dresses from eighteenth-century Scotland : fashion objects and identities." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4772/.

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Identity and its different constructions - national, social and personal, for example - are increasingly recognised as fundamental to understanding current and historic cultures. The reflexive relationship of identity issues with sartorial expression is a key concept within dress, fashion and textile studies. This thesis contributes to that growing body of knowledge by developing an understanding of how specific eighteenth century Scotswomen and their families related to their garments, thus bringing together contemporary study methods and understandings of identity with historic manifestations. This study of identity is embedded within an object-study methodology, following investigative practice and cataloguing methods currently used within the international museums community. This assists the secondary purpose of the thesis, which is to highlight a breadth of largely unpublished main garment objects within Scottish public and private collections. The intimate study of these objects has revealed stories of how daily life interacted with personal taste and style, purchase methods, garment use and international markets for individuals connected to Scotland. This has contributed material understanding to wider academic research areas, most importantly the everyday lives of eighteenth century Scotswomen, issues of identity within Scotland, and how European fashion trends were adopted or adapted by individuals outside of the major fashion centres of London and Paris. Study of the garments has involved stylistic analysis of their textiles and of their construction, connecting them to other extant and depicted garments from British and international collections. Thus providing material evidence of international styles in the eighteenth century, and matching two items in a rare example of extant main garments evidencing duplication in the eighteenth century handmade clothing industry.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'History europe ireland general'

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