Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Historique et politique des Gaules et de la France'
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Paquet-Vaultier, Estelle. "Syndicalisme et conflits sociaux : une perspective historique et comparative." Rouen, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000ROUEL360.
Full textMonnier, Jean-Jacques. "Le comportement politique des bretons : étude historique et géographique, 1945-1993." Rennes 2, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993REN20006.
Full textEighty years after the "political picture of western France" by A. Siegfried, it important to focus on Breton political mutations, as the economy and society have undergone deep upheavals. Through work in the field and from archives, as well as the study of economic, socio-cultural and historical data, the political evolution of Brittany since 1945 is retraced, comparing it to its French context and to that of non-Breton western France. The left receded (1946-65), the right receded (1965-81) followed by a more stable period before the 1992 93 crisis and the emergence of abstention, of ecologism and of the extreme right, without any significant transfers of left to right. The long term gives an impression of stability, particularly the existence of four sharply contrasting regions of opinion : three "white" areas where there was often an endogenous economic development, based on agricultural cooperatives and on private initiative; a left area the size of a department, with a communist-like core and a "pinkish" periphery. Two-thirds of the electorade and of those in office identify with a Breton political model that is reformist, egalitarian and pragmatic, centred on economic development - the posterity of 35 years of regional action
Deparis, Ariane. "Historique et typologie du controle des produits audiovisuels : bilan et perspectives." Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010298.
Full textThis thesis aims at presenting the various modes of control over audio-visual products according to their traditional typology : cinema-films, television-fictions and videocassettes. Now a days these controls are justified thank to the child and teenager welfare. These attempt to supervise the marketing of products showing characteristics of violence or sex susceptible of being prejudicial to the mental and psychological development of youth. Due to the improvements of audio-visual techniques thus creating new modes of consuming pictures, controls applied according to this typology loose effectiveness. We will suggest a classification systeme isolated from the audio-visual market support wich would inform the consumers of these characteristics. Through a home relayed filtering system this classification would allow a selection of types or characteristics of products requested, both for tv programmes and videos supports. It would as well serve as a reference for the control of entries to public cinema halls
Martin, Jacqueline. "Activite feminine, taille des familles et politique familiale perspective historique 1892-1992-." Toulouse 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOU10037.
Full textWomen's economic activity rates and family policy are two topics which have rarely been analysed in conjunction and which have been largely ignored in economic theory. However, because of the intermediate position they occupy between the social and economic spheres, they are directly related to the significant changes that have taken place in the productive system and in the social organisation of modern societies. A quantitative, institutional and historical economic methodology enables us to clarify the veritable relationship between family policy and the economic activity rates of women with dependant children in france. A long-term historical perspective, through analysis of the emergence of the family allowance system and the history of women's employment, serves to shed some light on the different stages of the progressive social construction of an opposition between women's economic activity and fertility rates as the degree of state intervention increases. The single salary allowance (allocation de salaire unique) can be taken as an illustration of the institutionalisation of the opposition between women's economic activity and fertility rates. Since the value of this allowance varies according to the birth rank of children, it has a differential influence on women's decision to leave the labour market according to the total number of dependant children and also according to the historical reforms of family policy. Based on an original empirical analysis of the value of family allowances (for three different types of family size) in relation to women's average wagerates, this thesis demonstrates that, from 1954 onwards, the increase in women's economic activity rates varies according to three distinct periods. Each of these periods illustrates a specific relationship between women's activity rates and the value of the family allowance. Thus, the number of dependant children can be taken as a determinant variable in the analysis of the influence of family policy on the changes in women's economic activity rates over time. It enables us to introduce a number of institutional variables which help to overcome the shortcomings of previous analyses of this phenomenon
Texier, Yves. "Gergovie : essai historique et critique sur l'identification du site." Clermont-Ferrand 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994CLF20055.
Full textVirtually official since napoleon iii, the localization of gergovia to the south of clermont-ferrand on the merdogne plateau confirms a toponymical and philological tradition dating back to the xvi century, seemingly confirmed, in its turn, by archeological research of the thirties and forties : but this was, and to this day still is, contested i in profit of the hills, known as the "cotes de clermont", immediately to the north of the town. The confrontation of these two sites supposes, in all hypothesis, that we aknowledge an authority of principle towards ancient texts, since they are anterior to any formal identification; it is therefore they who first dictate the condi-tions of an identification,be they topographical,military or archeological. It is true that,since symeoni,the argum based on toponymie seems to settle the problem at once in favour of the southern plateau. Nevertheless, if the disposition of the place pleads quite well in favour of this plateau, the reconstitution of the affair has always come up again apparently unsurmountable difficulties or contradictions. A re-examination of the question leads us, on the other hand, and this despite controls carried out before the war-to re-evaluate the conclusions of the second empire on caesarean works, and also to recognise the negative results of former excavations on the arvern oppidum. Thus we are led, working backwards, to weigh the arguments in favour of the cotes de clermont, arguments drawn from archeology, as concerns the celtic oppidum or caesarean works, or from philologie, for topographical or military facts, as a result of which we would be justified in lifting the toponomical objection and in asking whether, all things considered, the requirements for identification are not better met by the north site than that of the south
Zhukova, Olga. "Agenda politique et régime de genre : comparaison socio historique des évolutions en Russie et en France." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40020/document.
Full textThis thesis discusses the gender order of two national cases studies – Russia and France. The current situations with regards to gender order are specific to each country and have evolved from differing contexts. However, this thesis proposes that the development of gender order has passed through similar stages, both in Russia and France, despite different historical backgrounds and political systems. In addition, it is proposed that resemblances in the development of gender order are primarily affected by public policy in both countries which supports an order of gender equality. This politically-influenced gender inequality is reflected by the political structure which forms a pyramid structure. The gender order model provides a heuristic theoretical framework in which to analyse gender-relations in the contemporary societies and institutions of each country; along with the opportunity to examine gender-relations from an historical perspective. The aim of this research is to investigate the different facets of the development of gender-relations within a political context in Russia and France. The research methodology incorporates a consideration of the theoretical background to gender-relations, the impact of each country’s development on gender order from an historical viewpoint, and reviews of contemporary case studies. Importantly, a comparative study of this kind allows the idea of national identity to be appraised from an objective viewpoint
Grèzes-Rueff, François. "L'argument historique : l'utilisation de l'histoire dans le discours parlementaire (1910-1958)." Toulouse 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994TOU20069.
Full textA study on the french politicians'use of historical culture, in parliamentary speeches is a good way to expound three ideas : - the first point deals with the french members of parliament. The study of deputees' social origins cannot account far the nature of their eloguence and their references to history. More than to a social class, the belonging to a "cultural group" may explain the cultural images used ind political discurse. Five cultural tupes have been defined to describe deputees' knouledge : "les primaires" have left school early in their childood ; "les juristes", the lawyers ; "les proprietaires", who have received aristocratic education; "les litteraires" characterizedby the classical and rhetorical culture taught in grammar schools ; "les specialistes", who followed specialized studies (officers, physisians, engineers, etc,) - the second idea concerns the political contrast between the right and the left wings. Historical references extracted from deputees' speeches, tend to show that political choices dop not come as much from ideological commitment as from imagination and sensibility to the past and history. - the tird point develops the idea that, on the early twentieth century, on political stage, the power of concrete action is subsztituting to the ancient efficiencdy of speech
Meyer, Georges. "L'Etat, l'art et les moeurs : sociologie historique de la censure du cinéma (1961-1975)." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080016.
Full textThis thesis explores the transformation of censorship in cinema by the French state, between 1961, the date when a more strict reform was applied, and 1975, the year that classification “X” was put in place and the same year freedom of expression in cinema was also established. This is the question at stake, through this institution and its mutation, which is played in the bifurcation during “les années 1968”. Because of this, in this thesis, a specific theoretical framework is used which articulates the political sociology of the institutions and the theory of civilization by Norbert Elias. Resources were primarily conducted in state archives, but also includes printed sources from the press
Buzens, Kendra Laure. "Espaces, peuples et princes : dire et penser le monde dans le discours historique en France, Angleterre et Castille-Léon, vers 1200-vers 1270." Bordeaux 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009BOR30058.
Full textHuet, Dominique. "Des demeures pour les communes : Étude architecturale et historique des mairies de Normandie." Caen, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012CAEN1662.
Full textThe construction of public buildings in modern times, but also their development in older buildings, appears as a broad movement of commons equipment in order to shelter their administration. The town hall is a place of power to serve the population of each municipality, with its own identity that makes it different from other surrounding buildings. The means for expressing that identity are based on a unique architectural design that has long been the subject of great attention of the central government by the control of the Board of Civil Buildings. In fact, public architecture reflects the relationship between the state and municipalities over a long period. The problem also includes the study of choices made by policy makers for a dignified appearance of the official building that must be readable by its commitment to sound tradition values, while expressing modernity as a symbol of progress of the public all over the country. In this sense, the Third Republic uses these constructions as an act of presence alongside other public emblematic buildings such as the presbytery, the castle or the church, from where town halls take their significant elements to elaborate the grammar of an own architectural type. The study of one hundred buildings, chosen for their particular or representative history, but also for their aesthetic qualities, aims to improve the knowledge of the different situations over a wide area in order to understand the mechanisms of construction then preservation of this unique heritage often unexplored
Ecuvillon, Pierre. "Le phénomène Le Pen : analyse relationnelle, historique et esthétique d'une singularité politique." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015MON30005/document.
Full textThe “Le Pen phenomenon” designates the sum constituted by the elaboration of a politicalbrand located at the far-right and by the conflictual reactions that it provokes within theFrench society. The objectivization of this phenomenon lies in the analysis of the FrontNational ideology as it is this of a political brand which must produce an original doctrinalcontent in order to distinguish it from the others parties but also in the study of the socialmovement – or the movement of the social – which it is the cause of. The category of thesacred comes to shed the discursive sets which are discernible just as well in the FrontNational words as those of its political and associative opponents. The research is going onwith the analysis of the French far-right main ideological schemas, which is based on ahistory of ideas which starts with the counter-revolutionary thought. The Durandianmethodology of the semantic basin allows to identify the cardinal stages of the far-rightnationalism ideological formation. The examination of this ideology comes to an end with theanalysis of the Front National contemporary discourse and the mythanalytic comparison ofthe Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen candidacies at the time of 2007 and 2012 Frenchpresidential elections
Valade, Jean-Michel. "Bas-pays de Brive et fait départemental corrézien." Limoges, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989LIMO0507.
Full textIn 1790, le bas-pays de Brive, in spite of its general homogeneity, is divised in three parts which main one is bound to Correze department. Very quickly the beginnings of common life are proving to be difficult in this heterogeneous department, having Tulle as capital, claim the respect of its physical, human and economic originality. Owing to railways lines and then to a new orientation of agricultural production at the end of phylloxera crisis, thanks also to its people's quality and initiativity, le bas-pays de Brive was able to emerge. Facing Tulle incapability to fully assume its chief-town part, it could drain to its chief-town the living forces of Correze and partly those of Lot and Dordogne departments. At the end of two centuries of common history, le bas-pays never identified itself to the life of Correze department. Therefore, the departmental reality is artificial. It is no more now than an administrative facade that must adapt itself to the disturbing presence of Brive, town more turned towards Midi Aquitain than to Limousin, an ambitious town that keeps on dreaming to be the capital of a new structure : that of the mythical Vezere department
Legris, Patricia. "L' écriture des programmes d'histoire en France (1944-2010) : sociologie historique d'un instrument d'une politique éducative." Paris 1, 2010. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00579269.
Full textUomini, Steve. "Histoire cachée : polygraphie historique et comportements intellectuels dans la France du XVIIème siècle." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040052.
Full textThe aim of this study is a thorough analysis of a large body of French historiographical works written between 1612 and 1696. Divided into three main stages, the examination of thematic and structural characteristics of seventeenth-century narrative historiography focuses on tragic, romantic and anecdotal traditions. A series of preliminary biographical surveys is intended to collate ascertainable data pertaining to the specific professional strategies involved in historiographical-related careers. Concurrently, critical inquiry devoted to documentary procedures, referential options, epistemological presuppositions and historiological considerations is conducted as a contribution to the understanding of inherent methodological conventions substructing early modern historical narrative genre. In addition to prosopographical and diplomatological areas of investigation, an exploration of emblematic discursive presumptions underlying the deployment of formal and thetic configurations is designed to reveal operative intellectual paradigms. The exhaustive inventory of topological processes and the complete enumeration of salient locutionary features conjointly fulfill the purpose of reconstructing both implicit and recurrent behavioral indications exclusively discernible through collective representational perspectives. Finally, close inspection of the principal phases of contemporaneous literary criticism ranging from tutelary and censorial intervention to scholarly opinion, including publisher's and reader's scrutiny, accredits a reevaluation of prevalent assumptions regarding antecedent historical culture in light of hitherto unutilized source materials
Assoun, Paul-Laurent. "Idéologie politique et lutte de classes dans le discours historiographique du "fatalisme historique" en France sous la Restauration." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37602426n.
Full textGanidis, Basile. "La diversification de la production de l'entreprise : mesures, historique stratégique, performances et structures : étude empirique sur les 48 plus grandes sociétés industrielles françaises." Paris 13, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA131015.
Full textThe aim of this thesis is to clarify the underlying motives for and the results of french firms' diversification strategies. An empirical study on a sample of the 48 largest french industrial firms (1984 classification) was carried out in order to test a number of hypotheses. The tests were made using the following basic data:. Additions and abondonments of two-digit activites (nap classification) between the date of establishment of firms and 1984;. Breakdown of turnover for 1970, 1977 and 1984 by two-digit ans four-digit activities (nap classification);. Constituent elements of the financial balance sheets and profit ratios (1987-1984); the data was established after processing of information amassed from various sources (annual reports and documentation presentinf the historical background of firms, press articles and other publications). .
Terrazzoni, Liza. "Etrangers, Maghrébins et Corses : vers une ethnicisation des rapports sociaux ? La construction sociale, historique et politique des relations interethniques en Corse." Thesis, Paris 10, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA100094.
Full textThis PhD thesis deals with the social construction of ethnic relations in Corsica, in connection with North African immigration. We examine the historical, political and socioeconomic processes involved in the construction and treatment of ethnic differences. We analyze the process of ethnic categorization and the construction and reproduction of boundaries between groups, looking more specifically at how they emerge and are socially produced, as well as at their use and function. The methodological approach situates the multiple dimensions of these relational phenomena in the global framework of the system of social relations in Corsica. It takes into account the role of traditional structures and of the socio-historical and political context in the production of ethnic categorization, through exploring the relationship between nationalism and racism. Also we analyze the function that fulfills the ethnicization of social relations in the political-economic system of Corsica. Finally, we assess the effects of the social marginalization of the "North African community", associated with the ethnicization of social relations, pointing to the way in which the migration phenomenon transforms Corsica’s society. Research results reveal that the emergence and reproduction of ethnic categories are closely related to a particular social configuration, involving a complex articulation of the social, economic and political arenas, in which ethnic differentiation fulfills specific functions with regard to the social and political system in Corsica
Hauptmann-Katsuyama, Yuko. "Proust historien : Le temps historique dans la Recherche." Lyon 2, 2006. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2006/katsuyama_y.
Full textIn "À la recherche du temps perdu", the grandmother initiates the narrator into the admiration of what is old, as the art and the nature, because Proust is interesting in the history, like many writers of the 19th century. His favorite ages are the Middle Ages and the Ancient Régime. Otherwise, the history in Proust is tied to the geography just as in the Tableau de la France by Michelet. So, Images referring to these two periods are used to create three proustian lost paradises, Combray, Doncières and Venetia. About Combray and Doncières, we can remark a nostalgic vision in Proust forward to a old-time community, like a medieval commune where the collectivity was respected, Combray in particular presents an ideal society because its collective life is integrated into the cyclic time of the nature, like the life of a primitive society. The relation between the old time, the nature and the collectivity brings the lost paradise to life in Proust, the quest for the origin is doubled by the quest of the primitive times. About Venetia in the novel, at first view, the city looks like a space where past and present are intersected, which takes a both a historic and artistic dimension. With Doncières tied to the Ancient Régime and to the youth, the proustian Venetia refers to the golden age or rather to its end, because, as Venetia disappearing into the water, the narrator forms the idea of elderliness and death. Otherwise, Venetia is tied to Combray through the name of Saint Louis: while the spire of Combray’s Church keeps the memory of the leaving of the king (for the Cruzades), one Venetia doge gave some relics to him. Besides, in the imagination of Proust, who translated Ruskin, Venetia is tied to Amiens, French city named by Ruskin as the “Venetia of the north” and which seems one model for Balbec. Venetia constitutes indeed both a temporal and spatial intersection in Proust’s imagination. The intersection of Past and Present is symbolized by the theme of ruins discreetly introduced to Proust’s novel, we understand why Proust is fascinated by pictures of Hubert Robert, “ruiniste” painter of the illuminating century. We conclude the first part noticing that, in these three paradise cities, the historical time stops in the same way the time of the ruins is integrated into nature, in Hubert Robert’s paintings. As Proust also interests himself at the contemporary history, some researchers undertake a socio-historical study. Proust opposes these three cities belonging to the past to Paris and Balbec, modern cities (however, they are marked with traces of the past too). In these two unlike the other cities, the historic time is under movement. He describes urban scenery modified by industrial progress (it brings the theme of the ruins of Paris into Proust’s novel just as they appear in Hugo’s writings), we can notice an affinity with Baudelaire in the elaboration of the aesthetics of the modernity in the iron age. Proust describes also the change of the mentalities of his time, be the one of the people, the one of the middle class or the one of the aristocracy, in particular through two great historical events, Dreyfus’s case and the First World War. We can’t deny that the social story is inspired from the historical reality: the middle class’s victory over the aristocracy. But our study makes us claim that Proust’s vision is different from the conception of the historians of that time: the movement of history dose look like a linear one, but like a circular one repeating again and again, the end of the faubourg Saint-Germain being comparable with the end of the Ancient Régime. This reiterative movement is illustrated by the reappearance of one fashion, the Empire style for example. Otherwise, Proust denies the historicism because it’s impossible to reach the historical trueness by the scientific way. Here, we can notice an influence of Schopenhauer, who refutes the scientific character of the history and who considers however the historiographical writing as important. We study then the affinity of Proust with Charles Péguy and Walter Benjamin, who approach the problem of the history and of the temporality that modern conditions have modified. It asks the question of the literary creation in the time where the individualism comes to the front of the scene. History is absorbed by art, in spite of its socio-historical aspect, History is absent from Proust’s novel, this one wondering how to catch and write the unity of the time. The thinking about the historical temporality gives him an occasion to meditate upon the temporality. How does Proust conceive now the history? Like Schopenhauer, he considers history as inferior to art and philosophy. Like Péguy, he considers history as a mnemonic operation, which introduces the theme of the Muse of history, first daughter of the Memory. The work of the memory is transcendental, it consists in explore the field of the memory, it’s comparable to the archaeology consisting in scanning the vestiges. The history conceived by Proust is close to the archaeology, it aims at finding the old life, of rescuing dead people from oblivion, it’s what the study of the medieval architecture and the knowledge of archaeology learn him (so, when Proust describes the period he lived in, he is an archaeologiste of the modernity). In this context, the proustian writing could evoke the restoration of a church, because the mnemonic archaeology aims at restoring the past in the writing, as a restorer tries to restore the original state of a monument. This mnemonic and literary reconstitution spatializes the time whose unity is not comprehensible. For the narrator, the matter is not to narrate the history of his time, but to extend the genre of memorials to the autobiographic writing. Following Chateaubriand’s model (Mémoires d’outre-tombes) and Michelet’s model, Proust tries to superimpose collective history and intimate story of his narrator. If the narrator is seduced by the Guermantes, who descend from the count Combray, this is because he is looking for the origin of the Guermantes and the origin of France at the same time. That is why Proust builds a link between Combray, the childhood’s territory and the Moddle Ages, and between the old age and the end of faubourg Saint-Germain, at the end of the novel. Otherwise, we can notice that the story of the first volume takes place just after the franco-germain war in 1870 and the last volume before and after the First World War. The itinerary of the narrator from childhood to old age is doubled by the itinerary of the society under the third Republic. What does matter is the link between the renaissance of a child dreaming of becoming a writer and the world in which he has lived. The specificity of this bridge between individuality and collectivity in Proust’s writing is that it takes a secular or millenary dimension through a biologic or genetic heritage of the humanity, as the theme of the heredity shows. We have roots in us, because ancestor’s memory shakes in us waiting that we dive into the memory to find it
Deschaux-Dutard, Delphine. "De l'Eurocorps à une armée européenne ? : pour une sociologie historique européenne de sécurité et de défense (1991-2007)." Grenoble 2, 2008. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00349871.
Full textThis dissertation deals with the construction, practices and legitimating uses of the European Security and Defence Policy since the 1990's. First we study the genesis of the European defence policy taking into account short-term factors opening a policy window (the end of the Cold War, the Balkan conflicts, NATO's reform) as well as structural factors, in this case the socializing framework of the French-German military cooperation. We demonstrate the political entrepreneurship of Mitterrand and Kohl seizing this policy window. They were later taken over by the diplomatic services of the EU states. Secondly we analyze the construction of the European defence policy as a specific social figuration within the EU framework. This new social figuration, relying on proper organs and on intergovernmentalism, interplays with the national defence figurations structured in time, modifying the interdependence games between the capitals and Brussels, and between the main actors groups (in this case officers, diplomats and defence civil servants). Moreover this ESDP figuration is deeply affected and modelled by the weight of the socialization of theses actors on a threefold level : national, professional and institutional. These several socialization weigh on the way theses actors daily practice and conceive the European defence policy. Indeed this new social space is invested on different ways by each categories of actors (military and diplomatic/civilian). Last but not least, the national security cultures are still very pregnant and go on framing ESDP in different ways according to the security representations of each state. This raises legitimating questions for this policy. Eventually European Security and Defence Policy does not aim at building a Euro-army, but fulfils latent functions as a political and symbolic substitute for European security action in the world. These latent functions appear to be at least as important as, if not more than, its manifest functions of reactivity to crisis. Thus ESDP aims at helping construct politically an international role for the EU in security matters
Assoun, Paul-Laurent. "Idéologie politique et lutte de classes dans le discours historiographique du "fatalisme historique" en France sous la Restauration." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987IEPPA014.
Full textThe present volume starts from a statement by Karl Marx, the founder of historic materialism according to which the notion of "class struggle" would have been "discovered" by "the bourgeois historians" of the restoration and analyses the historical, philosophical and political discourse which would have made such an "invention" possible i. E. The school of historic fatalism, represented by Thiers and Mignet and its concomitants, the historical thought of Guizot and Thierry, and whose output lasted from 1820 to 1831 at which date the school received its baptism through Chateaubriand. It appeared that an intense ideological debate has accompanied this historiographical school, born in the political struggle of restoration liberalism and which caused the invention of the history of the revolution. Thus one is led to show the conception of historic antagonism -"historic machiavellianism"- which brings on a singularly radical reading of politics. This investigation brings forth the analysis of the conception of the historical subject and action and its political meaning. This genealogy allows to put the marxist conception its specificity
Thomas, Frédéric. "Etude des affinités électives entre Marx et Rimbaud et de leur développement historique au sein du surréalisme belge et français de l'entre-deux-guerres." Paris 8, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA082440.
Full textSurrealists stated : " Transforming the world" said Marx; "changing life" said Rimbaud : these two watchwords are just one to us ". The ambition of this dissertation, based on French and Belgian surrealism during the inter-war years and, especially, on three surrealists – Nougé, Breton and Péret -, is to show that association between these two names is justified and testifies to elective affinities between Marx and Rimbaud within the surrealist dynamics. I study the development of surrealism until political transition when, for the first time, the names of Marx and of Rimbaud were placed side by side. Then, I analyse affinities between two authors, and their intensification within surrealism. I then examine the development of these affinities through the attempt to transcend art, politics and the relations between the two. Lastly, I examine the legacy of surrealism while trying to offer some suggestions for further research
Havas, Nathalie. "La responsabilité ministérielle en France : contribution à une approche historique des responsabilités politique et pénale des ministres de la Révolution de 1789 à la Cinquième République." Caen, 2010. http://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D7982%26nu%3D14%26selfsize%3D1.
Full textReports between the political and penal responsibilities of Ministers were never sharply clarified. Even today, the political and legal reflection persists in wondering if it is possible to distinguish both responsibilities, even if there are two bodies of different rules. An analysis of the historic construction of the political and penal responsibilities of Ministers allows understanding the real nature of these two responsibilities, as well as the reports which they maintained under the various political systems which succeeded one another since 1789. From the French Revolution to the Second Empire, the penal responsibility dominates all the ministerial responsibility and the political responsibility is rejected in the legal area as in the practice. Although it is constitutionally dedicated under the Third and Fourth Republics, the political responsibility remains non-existent in practice. As far as both Republics are transformed into regime of Assembly, Ministers seem more subordinate to the Parliament than really responsible in front of assemblies. While it succeeds - partially - in resolving the difficulties to the penal responsibility of Ministers, the Fifth Republic fails to make the political responsibility in front of the Assembly effective. Such as it is defined in this study, the political responsibility of Ministers remains so untraceable throughout the French constitutional history, in the exception however of the Fifth Republic during which a not written responsibility of Ministers in front of the President of the Republic appears
Passard, Cédric. "Les pamphlétaires et la politique. : Contribution à une étude socio-historique des processus de politisation (1868-1898)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL20010.
Full textThe last third of the 19th century was not just any pamphleteering time amongst others. It occurred in a formerly unheard-of period of democratization, which conferred the pamphleteering reality a new status, thus enabling it to carve its way into the official public space. Besides, it was also marked by the invention of the pamphleteer's figure and the emergence of personalities acknowledged as such, some of whom boasting first rate visibility. For all their differing political cultures, these figures helped organize a whole set and world of the pamphlet, at the intersection of literature, journalism and politics. Through their violent discursive repertoire, these pamphleteers question the political order that was then being elaborated, as well as the then on-going process of civilization of political mores.Our research thus aims to examine pamphleteers' contribution to the process of politicization, on the assumption that these could be said to have acted as important mediators of politics. Our work is intended to grasp, within a socio-historical perspective, to what extent – during that period when the Republic was getting increasingly entrenched and democracy more stable – pamphleteers might be said to have represented an evolution of politics off the beaten path, thus favoring a symbolic form of unconventional participation in politics and ultimately embodying a transitional form of rationalization as regards political passions, hovering between revolutionary riots and democratic patience
Fradois, Gauthier. "La sexualité comme enjeu éducatif : sociologie historique d’une politique scolaire." Thesis, Paris 10, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA100132.
Full textSubject of confrontations regularly bring up to date in the 20th century, the production of pedagogical discourses on sexuality within the school institution does not reach consensus. The school does not manage to constitute a pedagogical monopoly on sex education. Although biological knowledge concerning human reproduction has found its place in the curriculum since 1968, sex education, made optional in 1973, then compulsory in 1998, escapes part of the educational system for the benefit of competing associations for the imposition of legitimate family morality. From hygienist mobilizations against syphilis to the fight against AIDS, through the promotion of marriage or contraception to prevent abortion, it is a question of studying in this thesis the process of elaboration of this educational skill. By combining classroom observations, biographical interviews and the analysis of archives, the investigation thus seeks to reconstruct the configurations where invented, formalized and disseminated this educational challenge, the inseparable policy of expanding a school. of State and the recomposition of the family movement
Antichan, Sylvain. "Mettre la France en tableaux : la formation politique et sociale d’une iconographie nationale au musée historique du château de Versailles (1830-1950)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010331.
Full textIn 1837, the Palace of Versailles was « converted » into a vast museum aiming to « gather allthe national historical memories that it belongs to the arts to perpetuate ». For about a century,the Second Empire, followed by the Third Republic, maintained, reshuffled and expanded themuseum, to include representations of contemporaneous events. This thesis aims tounderstand, based on a dense network of archival materials, the museum’s contribution to theelaboration and diffusion of a national and civic imagination.The iconographic analysis of nearly 1,300 paintings within the context of their palatialframework allows us to explore the pictorial and material representations of the political, theirsimilarities and differences. The issue, therefore, is to apprehend the manner in which thesehistoricized visions of the nation-Statecould hold and become internalized. Their success isnot only the result of political and administrative action, but also finds its source in the mutualreinforcement of different social spheres and loyalties. This national history takes shape byreproducing the actors’ most familiar environments, by borrowing from the domestic memoryof the “great notables” and from the norms and issues of professional groups (painters,historians, the military), or by solemnizing the popular habits. The history of France becomesobjective through this interpenetration of identities, through this mutual reinforcement ofsocial sectors, in these processes of politicization of the social and socialization of thepolitical. To understand the formation, content and diffusion of this national imaginationamounts to scrutinizing the systems of relationships between social groups, the evolvinginterrelations between everyday life and the national, between art and history, and betweenthe social and the political
Codaccioni, Vanessa. "Punir les opposants : une sociologie historique des "procès politiques" : les interactions répressives entre le PCF et l'État (1947-1962)." Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010309.
Full textSeck, Papa Ibrahima. "L'ecole coloniale francaise en afrique noire (1817 - 1960) : le cas du senegal. essai de sociologie politique et historique de la strategie." Paris 7, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA070004.
Full textThe present study constitutes of an essay on the political and historical sociology of strategy. Its field is the french colonial academic politics in black africa. Our intention is to take into consideration the strategy as it is intrinsically and as it appears during all the period of official existence of colonial educational system (1817 to 1960), to model it, to present it, analyse it and, finally, to disengage the considerations of principal in epistemological matters of the strategy. Three capital principles constitute the basis of this strategy : the administrative centralism, the assimilation and the utilitarism. The first two conform to the tradition of the french national construction, the third corresponds to the developement of capitalism at the xix th and xx th centuries. These principles present three fondamental caracteristics : the permanence of the objective, the adaptability to diverse conjunctures and the progressiveness of the action. Thus in the light of this strategy, the academic system for a period of 140 years has been set up (1817 to 1957, that is from the year of the creation of the first school at saintlouis to that of the creation of the university of dakar). From the coloniser's interests, this strategy has been efficient and has marked a notable measure of success. It has been coherent, excluded precipitation and avoided short term vision. Finally, it provides a capacity to counter the legitimate reactions of africans
Philippe, Damien. "Analyse socio-historique d’une politique de prévention par le sport : entre inflexions politiques et contexte local, l'exemple de la ville de Trappes." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011REN20034/document.
Full textFor the last few decades, the popular suburbs are at the heart of many governmental measures implied so as to combat the marginalization of these areas and to escape from the dictum of urban violence. If a town planning policy does indeed exist, the resources implemented particularly in the domain of prevention through sports are currently under discussion and many issues have yet to be discussed. Hence stemming from a local analysis of the town of Trappes we looked into the question of how influential these prevention through sports public policies really are.So as to better understand the role of sport in relation to our field of analysis, our work was axed around archive study, observations and interviews with a panel of about 75 participants. All of the participants who have or who have had a role to play in the district were met with in order to try to retrace the history of the town. Overall our aim was to look towards analyzing the genesis of prevention through sports public policies – the changes, the fear of conflict, the strategical definitions of the participants, power issues and the evaluation of the effects of this policy on the local district. We were also very interested in the global sporting action within the community.Through-out the study our aim was never to categorize the “right way of doing things” but moreover to put forward certain recommendations regarding the implementation of these prevention through sports policies – notably aspects such as emergency management, the notion of territory, of space, of the public system and the importance of evaluation. The importance of the local context must be also taken into account – its history, resources, actors – before implementing political actions hence it was also of utmost necessity to adapt oneself to each situation
Demel, Julie Anne. "Regard historique sur la diplomatie féminine en Autriche et en France de la paix des dames 3 août 1529 au traité de Lisbonne 13 décembre 2007." Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA4041.
Full textThe aims of this thesis are as follows:First to present the women who played a key role in Franco-Austrian relations in their historical context;2) To define the diplomacy exercised by these women in order to bring peace to Europe and contribute to understanding among European peoples;3) And finally, to emphasize the actions of these women which have been engraved in European memory. 1) Why women?The founding fathers of Europe are well known. Everyone has heard of Jean Monnet, Konrad Adenauer, Robert Schuman, etc. But what about women? What role did they play in the political arena? Women are sometimes mentioned in history books, but often only in footnotes or appendices. By focusing on the history of Franco-Austrian relations and by paying particular attention to annotations, it becomes clear that certain women played a significant political role. While they may not have been in the limelight, they were certainly part of the political scene. From the 16th century, Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria joined efforts to put an end to a war that was ravaging Europe. What would have become of Europe two centuries later if the Empress Maria Theresa and Madame de Pompadour hadn’t provoked a reversal of alliances?The Congress of Vienna tells of the intrigues between Metternich, Talleyrand and the other diplomats, but few books emphasize the role of women in their account of the Congress. It was actually in the literary salons of Fanny von Arnstein, Wilhelmine of Sagan and her sister Dorothea de Talleyrand-Périgord that European politics happened. In the 19th century, other women would continue the literary salon tradition in France and in Austria. The most influential salons were those of Mélanie de Pourtalès in Strasbourg and of the Countess of Greffulhe in Paris, as well as the famous salon of Berta Zuckerkandl-Szeps in Vienna. Following the First World War, women were poorly represented in the League of Nations in Geneva. Geneva nevertheless became a meeting place for strong feminine personalities. Gathered around Briand and Stresemann, these women included Louise Weiss, Genève Tabouis, Annette Kolb and Marie Curie, among others. At this same time in Vienna, women were joining the European movement of Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. Following the Second World War, French women, thanks to their newly acquired suffrage, were able to become involved in politics. But it is since the creation of the European Union that many women in France and Austria have come together in building a unified Europe. In 2007, Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Cécilia Sarkozy joined efforts to free the Bulgarian nurses being unjustly detained in Libya and put an end to human rights violations. To this day, history has been written from a uniquely masculine viewpoint. Yet the look of history changes when it is told from a feminine point of view. Europe was and is built by both men and women. It is therefore important to know and acknowledge the contribution of these Austrian and French feminine personalities. 1. The Women During these five centuries, women undeniably brought a certain dynamic to European political life - At first, it was primarily the princesses belonging to the royal houses of France and Austria who exercised this power. Let us not forget that Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria were both regents of their respective countries. Of the various emperors of the House of Habsbourg, Empress Maria Theresa was the most successful in directing the affairs of the state. The Empress Zita ceaselessly served Austria throughout her life. The role of Madame de Pompadour is even more surprising. She was the mistress of Louis XV despite being of common origin. -Besides these princesses of royal blood, other women belonging to the aristocracy were also interested in politics, for example the Duchess of Sagan, the Princess de Metternich, the Countess of Pourtalès and the Countess Greffulhe. -Fanny von Arnstein and Madame de Staël came from the world of finance. -At the end of the 19th century and during the 20th century it was mostly journalists of Jewish origin, such as Berta Zuckerkandl-Szeps, Louise Weiss and Cécile Brunschvicg, and intellectuals like Bertha von Suttner who became involved in politics. -In the second half of the 20th century, women of all origins were working in the European ministries and institutions. Consider, for example, Johanna Nestor, Brigitte Ederer, Edith Cresson, Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Ursula Plasnik. Regardless of their origins, they are all true Europeans. Their goal was and continues to be the construction of a peaceful Europe. 2. Diplomacy These women exercised different types of diplomacy, but always shared the same objectives: Peace and reconciliation between France and Austria. -Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria negotiated as equals. They submitted their project of peace to their sovereign, but maintained enough freedom to negotiate alone, face to face and make the final decision. They also used secret diplomacy in order to prepare the Treaty of Cambrai. -The Empress Maria Theresa and Madame de Pompadour had other methods of negotiation. An empress could not negotiate directly with the mistress of a French king. Thus the ministers of foreign affairs and diplomats intervened. -During the Congress of Vienna politics took place in the salons. Women gathered information from these salons, which acted as a meeting place for diplomats from all over Europe. The princesses of Sagan could influence both Metternich (Wilhelmine) on the one hand and Talleyrand (Dorothea) on the other. -The same was true under the Second Empire. In a whirlwind of “madness” in Compiegne and Fontainebleau, women tried to assume a role in politics. They also attempted cultural diplomacy. Pauline de Metternich tried to impose Richard Wagner in France and Mélanie de Pourtalès attempted to preserve French culture in Alsace. -Before the First World War, women would become directly involved and attempt to negotiate with male politicians. Berta Zuckerkandl-Szeps met Clemenceau in an attempt to reconcile France and Austria. Bertha von Suttner traveled Europe and the United States trying to prevent war. -Following the carnage of 1914-1918, women continued their efforts to prevent another war. They focused their work around the League of Nations and supported Stresemann and Briand. -It was only after the Second World War that the position of women changed both in society and in diplomacy. Women were no longer acting alone, but within national institutions and international organizations. The European Union gives women the possibility to express themselves and to become involved. Simone Veil and Nicole Fontaine were both President of the European Parliament, with a twenty year lapse between the two. Jacques Delors encouraged women to participate in building Europe. Manuel José Barroso, the European Commission’s current president, pledged for gender balance, though the result did not meet expectations. -Today men and women must adapt to the new context of diplomacy in all its diversity. They must possess new technologies if they wish to occupy high level functions or positions in the European embassies of tomorrow. 3. Collective and cultural memory in European history The marks left on history and cultural memory by the diplomatic actions of all these women vary in degree. -First, there is what we call the forgotten or lost memory. Everyone knows Francis I and Charles V, but few have heard of Louise of Savoy or Margaret of Austria. Madame de Pompadour remains in the collective memory as the mistress of Louis XV. The important role she played in the reversal of alliances continues to be minimized to this day. During the Congress of Vienna, only the actions of Metternich and Talleyrand are emphasized. -Along with this forgotten or lost memory, certain women and their diplomatic actions remain alive in the cultural memory of one country, but have been completely erased from the memory of the other country. Pauline de Metternich left her mark on Austria, but is hardly known in France. Similarly, Mélanie de Pourtalès is relatively unknown in Austria, but her memory remains alive in Alsace. -Some women were deliberately overlooked. We call this repressed memory. This is particularly true for women of Jewish origin in Austria. Perhaps the best illustration can be seen in the fate of Fanny von Arnstein. -Today there are many of what Pierre Nora calls lieux de mémoire (“places of memory”). These may be, for example, postage stamps bearing the image of Annette Kolb or Bertha von Suttner, commemorative plaques honoring Berta von Zuckerkandl-Szeps or Irene Harand, banknotes or coins featuring Marie Curie or Bertha von Suttner, paintings immortalizing the beauty of Mélanie de Pourtalès or the Countess of Greffulhe, poems singing the glory of Louise of Savoy, or European literary characters that embody Dorothea de Talleyrand-Périgord. Certain women also created their own lieu de mémoire: Margaret of Austria immortalized herself by building the magnificent Royal Monastery of Brou. Madame de Pompadour decorated and built several castles and her name continues to be associated with Sevres porcelain. As for the Empress Maria Theresa, her mark can be found throughout Vienna. Marie Curie, by twice receiving the Nobel Prize for her scientific work, and Bertha von Suttner, by publishing her book Die Waffen nieder! (“Lay Down Your Arms”) and by also receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, have entered directly into European memory. Others, like Geneviève Tabouis and Brigitte Ederer are kept alive in the communicative memory. It is still too early to tell what history holds in store for women playing a role in politics after 1945. Christiane Scrivener and Simone Veil, who both have laws named after them, have already found their place in history. Since joining the French Academy, Simone Veil has become an “Immortal” (a name bestowed upon Academy members)
Baglin, Géraldine. "Le dispositif des secteurs sauvegardés : entre valorisation et modernisation du patrimoine urbain : étude du cœur historique de la ville de Vitré." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REN20017.
Full textThe safeguarded sectors plan, created by the "Malraux Law" in 1962, aimed not only to ensure historical architecture sets preservation but also to give them back an active place within the contem-porary city. Considered for a long time as monuments in their own right, the safeguarded sectors have been tending over the past ten years to become innovation places in terms of architectural rehabilitation. These old districts which are today representing only a tiny portion of the french urbanized areas are distinguishable by the durability of their buildings and the cleverness of their morphology. The historic core of Vitré, whose the transformations are regulated by a safeguarded sector since 1976, testify the economic, political, and social richness of the city history from the 13th century. Spared from the brutal city planning which has spread in the first half of the 20th century thanks to the will of the Historic Monuments Department, it has been subject of numerous restoration and rehabilitation since the creation of the safeguarded sector. From the study of the Vitré city, this research looks at the housing heritage before the creation of the safeguarded sector, what has been achieved with it and what it tends to become. The study is composed of five volumes: the text (Volume I), the maps, plans, tables and iconographic documents (Volume II) and the inventory studies catalogue (Volume III to V)
Orcière, Marie-Agnès. "Coopération intercommunale en montagne : enjeux locaux et politiques publiques : études de cas l'Embrunais, Hautes-Alpes et le Valbonnais-Beaumont, Isère." Aix-Marseille 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988AIX32019.
Full textIn the rural montain community, human and intercommunity cooperation is born of the necessity of collective use of the natural resources. The local political authotiry became protectors of the local landed magnates and contributed, to the breakup of traditional intercommunity cohesiveness. Along with, the opening of the valleys towards the exterior and extensive governmental interventions, helped to hasten, by their destructive effects, the abandonment of the cooperative intercommunity efforts in the last several decades, intercommunity cooperation has undergone a regeneration but this has been the result of external influences : first, by the introduction of interregional structures; secondly, by public financial incentives encouraging local intercommunity contracts. In the first case, the traditional community patrimonial practices constitute an obstacle to the establishment of cooperative action. In the second case, this regeneration of intercommunity activity, put in concrete form by the etablishment of a "regional chart", contributed to durable and social mobilisation, and resulted in the rejuvenation of the leading class of citizens. In the mountains regions, intercommunity cooperation depends on the political importance and practice of local elected officals and can be a factor of local dynamization by favoring the expression of new social categories, or it can, be turned from its final objectives ans used to benefit only individual local interests
Jorge, Muriel. "Philologie, grammaire historique, histoire de la langue ˸ constructions disciplinaires et savoirs enseignés (1867-1923)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA138.
Full textBetween the late 1860s and the mid-1920s, philology, historical grammar and language history are introduced into the French higher education system with the creation of positions and tenures in newly founded schools, such as the École Pratique des Hautes Études and the girls’ École normale supérieure in Sèvres, and in deeply transformed institutions, like the Paris Faculty of Letters. Making history-oriented linguistic knowledge into disciplines contributed to bring teaching and research closer together and led to the rebirth of the university system. This is illustrated by the careers of Gaston Paris, Arsène Darmesteter and Ferdinand Brunot in these institutions as evidenced by private correspondence and institutional archive material. The analysis of documents published by the establishments (posters, booklets, teaching records, anniversary publications) casts light on the problems these teachers faced when attempting to adapt to various student populations and official guidelines. Their teaching notes reveal content adaptation through diverse writing practices, which we identify and characterize by using text genetics. The in-depth study of two knowledge contents demonstrates the use that can be made of these notes as sources for the history of linguistic thought and its teaching. Firstly with the history of French orthography which is present in teaching notes, although it does not appear in course titles. Secondly with vulgar Latin as a theme that pertains to major ideological and epistemological issues which are invisible in institutional display material
Chauvet, Alain. "Porte nantaise et isolat choletais en armorique ligerienne : essai sur la methode de la geographie regionale." Nantes, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986NANT3002.
Full textThe present thesis proposes a new method of local geography by means of concrete examples taken in the west of france. Armorica is the object of a reconnaissance of the territorial groups, from the house to the nation. The lower loire area is the support of a study of the territorial field created by the human action on the land surface. The cholet vendee allows the interpretation of an original territorial weft of industrial boroughs within a rural space. The last part is focused on the analysis of some cases of territorial practice : perception of writer, management of a commune, development of a country, policy of a region. The conclusion brings a reflection on the general geography of regions
Nakayama, Shun. "Genèse d’une conscience et d’une politique patrimoniales à Toulouse (1789-1913) : de la "cité palladiene" à la "ville rose"." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOU20039.
Full textToulouse had conserved its historical monuments between 1789 and 1913. The measures were devoted to the institutionalization and valorization of these monuments as local heritage. Not only the government and local authorities, but local scholars also committed themselves to this long project. These scholars had a significant role since the Revolutionary era in the foundation of the Museum of Toulouse (1793), organization of collections and conservation of historic monuments. Seen as the ‘second city’ of France or Europe, Toulouse should be known in the art world for its conservation practices. At the time of the organization of a national system of conservation of historical monuments, local scholars established the Archaeological Society of the South of France (1831). Their frequent conflicts with the government, local authorities and private owners of monuments started in the nineteenth century. But that situation did not prevent them from conserving some historic buildings, artworks and local memory, unlike the government, which intends to find national or universal interest in these monuments especially before the enactment of the law separating the Church and the State. With the progress of the institutionalization of cultural heritage, the valorization of local heritage reflected lesser universal interest in the art of Toulouse than local historic memory with local historic and art studies and their popular books and guides. It is even more inseparable from the birth of the idea of the ‘Rose City’, which symbolizes the characteristics of the architecture of Toulouse
Cintré, René. "La frontière franco-bretonne au Moyen Age : Economie, mentalités, guerre et société en pays de Marches : 6ème-16ème siècles." Rouen, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989ROUEL069.
Full textBeing entirely based on the example of the Marches between Brittany and France, the following study contributes to put forward the peculiar nature of the marches in the Middle Ages : a complex juridical status, en entanglement of rights and habits, an extreme liveliness of exchanges at all the levels of everyday life, the interpenetration of artistic influences. . . But also the particularly violent clash of a multitude of contradictory interests. Actually, being a land of contact but also a land of rivalries, of wars and of violence, the marches between Brittany and France faced directly the weight of events whose impact can be measured : the great number of population losses, the amplitude of property destruction, the depth of the sequels impressed on mentalities
Celle, Sylvain. "La dynamique démocratique de l’économie sociale : une approche institutionnaliste de l’émergence et de l’évolution historique des organisations de l’économie sociale dans le capitalisme en France (1790-2020)." Thesis, Lille 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LIL1A011.
Full textThis thesis focuses on the dynamics of the social economy in the French capitalism from the 19th century until today. Social economy organisations (cooperatives, mutual societies, associations, etc.) develop original rule systems within capitalist economies. One of the originalities of these organisations is to articulate the activities of a firm in the service of an associative project. Three main constitutive rules of social economy organisations differentiate them from other firms: non-profit, solidarity-based and democratic rules.In order to preserve the specificity of their organisational rules in a capitalist institutional environment, the social economy organisations have formed their own social economy space, which appears as a relatively autonomous system of rules at the meso-level. But despite their relative autonomy, the organisations and the space of the social economy are subject to a plurality of sources of rules, both endogenous and exogenous, which can undermine their specificities.One of the hypotheses of this thesis is that democracy, as a constitutive rule, facilitate the power of social economy actors to change organisational and institutional rules. Democratic rules thus play a determining role in innovation, differentiation and empowerment of the social economy processes in relation to the rules of capitalism. On the other hand, a democratic weakening would be a determining cause of the normalisation of the social economy in capitalism system.To question this hypothesis, we rely on the theoretical framework of the institutionalist political economy, focusing on the convergences between the Regulation Theory and the Economics of convention, in order to contribute to the collective construction of an institutionalist approach to social economy. The research is based on an important historical survey, using mainly qualitative methods. We have mobilised both primary sources (archives, interviews, observations, etc.) and secondary sources (multidisciplinary literature).Three in-depth case studies on social economy organisations in Picardy have been carried out: “Le Familistère de Guise” (1840-1968), “L'Union coopérative d'Amiens” (1892-present) and “Les Ateliers de la Bergerette” (1969-present). A survey on the major evolutions of the space of the social economy in France has also been carried out: three main historical institutional compromises of the social economy are highlighted: a liberal compromise (1790-1880), a republican compromise (1880-1970) and a neoliberal compromise (1970-today). A final field work focuses on the development of social impact on the social economy over the last decade: it epitomises profound changes in the neoliberal compromise of the social economy.By intersecting different levels of observations (micro, meso and macro) and temporalities (short, medium and long term), this research work contributes to deepening our historical and analytical knowledge of the social economy. It also helps to demonstrate the role of democracy in the empowerment and differentiation of certain organisations and spaces such as the social economy in relation to capitalist rules
Guillaumin, Jean-Yves. "Alésia et les textes anciens." Clermont-Ferrand 2, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987CLF20006.
Full textA study of ancient historical documents, latin and greek -mainly by Caesar, Diodorus, Strabo, Plutarch, Florus and Cassius Dio concerning what happened at Alesia in the year 52 b. C. A reconstruction from these texts of Caesar's campaign starting from Gergovia in the year 52, and particularly of the events that occurred immediately before the blockading of Alesia, namely the truce of the summer of 52, the romans' retreat, the battle of cavalry. A collation of the various locations put forward with the data of the latin and greek documents. An updated summary of the arguments supporting the Alise-Sainte-Reine location : the alesian tradition, onomastics, toponymy, topography and archaeology. An introduction to the method known as "identikit", worked out from the specifications in the ancient texts, and to the results it leads up to. As an appendix an account of several hypotheses, not widely known, put forward by local scholars
FOURNY, MARIE-CHRIST. "La Dynamique du développement local : constitution et évolution d'un pays en zone de montagne : le cas du Beaufortain." Université Joseph Fourier (Grenoble), 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989GRE19006.
Full textThis study investigates the capabilities of a little rural district of controlling its future and its area. The policy of local development enables us to point out the action of a community. It is a way to more self-governement, to produce a local system which has its own cohesiveness, not entirely subjected to the global system and external logics. This process tries to found an area which will gain on cultural identity, politic and economic structures. We consider its development through local powers, planning strategies, social and economic transformations. We study the example of beaufortain, a rural mountain district in savoy. Three periods appear in the local development process. At first, during the fifties, a local mobilization appears against national country planning effects. In a second period, coordinated actions are undertaken. Different local institutions try to set up a local planning project, which connects economic, social and cultural development. The third and actual period is a turning-point, caused by tourism-effects. Development can lead to the production of an area with a single function: leisure. Or, after the mobilization and creation, it can lead to a new but difficult step: local management
Verhaeghe, Sidonie. "De la Commune de Paris au Panthéon (1871-2013) : célébrité, postérité et mémoires de Louise Michel Sociologie historique de la circulation d’une figure politique." Thesis, Lille 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL20010/document.
Full textAt the crossroads of political historical sociology, social history of ideas, and political sociology of collective memories, this research starts from an interrogation on the republican integration dynamics of political radicalism. Itfocuses on explaining the conditions in which Louise Michel, a 19th century woman and anarchist, has become an eligible icon for pantheonisation in 2013. The longitudinal analysis of Louise Michel's career broadly questions the processes of canonization, circulation and transmission which characterize the schemes of political celebration. Initiated by the monographic study of Louise Michel's numerous apparitions, from the last third of the 19th century to the early21st century (press, speeches, memorial events, biographies or textbooks), this essay highlights how a politically marginalized character turns into a leftist icon. It's only by apprehending the political posture and social background ofher interpreters that one can acknowledge the different areas and forms of commemoration. The process of institutional recognition of Louise Michel's legacy is made possible on the one hand by the pacification process of the officialremembrance of the Paris Commune, and on the other hand by the incorporation of Women History in state feminism. It explained the enlargement of both collective and individual identification to Louise Michel's figure. It also authorizedthe hypothesis of Louise Michel's entry to the republican Pantheon. However, this thesis demonstrates as well that some resistance mechanisms remains. The edification of Louise Michel's emblematic figure isn't a linear process but issubject to multiples appropriations that coexist nowadays. Historical figure in collective memories poses a divisive mechanism, characterized by shifting conjunctures that confront forces at the crossroads of different political, activist, academic and intellectual spaces
Bertran, de Balanda Flavien. "Louis de Bonald homme politique, de la fin de l’Ancien Régime à la monarchie de Juillet. Modernité d’une métaphysique en action face au réel historique." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040109.
Full textFor most readers, of his time and until now, Louis de Bonald (1754-1840) was the father of a counter-Revolutionary doctrine, acting as a spiritual leader of the Ultras under the Restoration. A closer reading of the philosopher’s work, confronted with less-studied sources (articles published in the press, monographs, parliamentary speeches, correspondence) and completed by some unpublished material (extracts of which are published in our appendix) opens up a more transversal approach to the life and career of this politician, in the most contemporary sense of the word: from the end of Louis XV’s reign to the beginning of Louis-Philippe’s, Bonald, who is considered to be a forerunner of sociology, unceasingly mobilized his all-embracing theory of metaphysics to impact real history in the making, bringing enrichment and, gradually, even redefining it. Drawing on a multidisciplinary method, and taking into account a broad chronology, we have endeavored to deconstruct the stereotype of a thinker considered to be frozen in time, yearning for the return of the Ancien Régime, whose thinking put him on the path of an ultra-conservative heritage. A figure of his time, participating to the full in the post-Revolutionary discourse on regeneration, Bonald, unexpectedly and undoubtedly, reveals the face of a Modern. From the Age of the Romantics to the Industrial Age, the challenges which he defined in his time, are still incredibly relevant to ours. As for his answers, they lead us to put forward new interpretations of concepts such as counter-utopia or counter-subversion. Overall, Bonald is just as pertinent for his contemporaries as for our century and beyond. His thinking could be construed as timeless in nature
Leclair, Marion. "Politique et poétique du roman radical en Angleterre (1782-1805)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA080/document.
Full textThis dissertation examines a corpus of English novels which have been little studied in France as yet and never as a whole. The novels were published between 1782 and 1805 by a group of writers who, by their ideas and in some cases active political commitment, belong to the radical movement which developed in England in the second half of the eighteenth century, gained impetus and structure in the wake of the French Revolution, and collapsed at the end of the decade when faced with repression from the government of William Pitt. Radical novelists, many of whom, like William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft and John Thelwall, were philosophers and pamphleteers before they took to novel-writing, flew to the defence of the rights of man (and of the rights of woman) in the revolution controversy which pitted Thomas Paine against Edmund Burke – and their work bears the mark of the rise and demise of the radical movement. Combining intellectual history with classical narratology, book history, and the social and cultural history of radicalism, this dissertation seeks to highlight the way in which political ideology is built into the very forms of the novels – in the characters’ speech and the characters themselves, in the novels’ plot and narration type, in their style and publishing format, as well as in their meaningful silences. Such a study brings to light, rather than a coherent radical ideology, a recurring tension between two versions of radicalism, liberal and jacobin, bourgeois and plebeian, whose partly conflicting conjunction assumes different shapes from one novelist to the other and between the early 1780s and late 1790s, as radical hopes of reform sink under the conservative backlash
Fontaine, Juliette. "Vichy face au corps enseignant : réformer les politiques scolaires en contexte autoritaire." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01D068.
Full textUnder Vichy, a reform of the school institution breaking with the Third Republic is shown as a priority by the rulers of the new regime and decisions are made in this sense : the foundations of republican citizenship and the democratic gains of the between the two wars are disputed. How and under what conditions has the Vichy Government reformed the education sector while the teaching force on which the educational policy under the Third Republic rests is mostly hostile to it ? This is the question that this thesis proposes to answer, in the continuity of the works that criticize the distancing of the political dimension of the public action and which question the turning points of the public action in particular in authoritarian contexts and political alternation. To do this, the thesis retraces the deployment of school policies under Vichy, paying attention to the particular historical and administrative configurations in which they are inscribed. Based mainly on the analysis of journals, memoirs and archives, we show on the one hand that the changes impelled by Vichy are prepared under the Third Republic and are based on alliances between future leaders of the regime and a conservative and minority branch of the teaching group. We also show that even though the new regime makes the renewal of the teaching profession a priority, the professional practices and the routines of the teachers on the ground largely hinder the voluntarism of the French State's leaders
Safa, Isabelle. "Du temps retrouvé au temps réfléchi : enjeux idéologiques et narratologiques de la mise en roman de l'histoire dans l'œuvre d’Alexandre Dumas père." Caen, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013CAEN1689.
Full textDumas’ historical novels fully participate in the process of redefinition of historical writing in the early nineteenth century. His work sheds light on recaptured time, a history which is alive and gradually taken charge of by the people, and the recipient of which is explicitly the people. Through historical myths and providentialist ideology, Dumas provides his readers, through the specific methodology of the novel, with the hermeneutics of an emancipatory history. The historical novel, informed by republican ideology, projects the issues of the present into the past. On the political and artistic levels, Dumas is fully engaged with his own time. His characters are the historian’s substitute. Through them, he displays an analysis of historical methods and a reflection on the ways history is constructed. As a form of reflected time, History is reconceptualized through methods of fictionalization and dramatization, which place it at the heart of Dumas’ poetics. By blending history and poetry together, Dumas puts the historical novel at the service of an artistic project which is simultaneously total and democratic, thus confirming his status as a major romantic author
Perdoncin, Antonin. "Des Marocains pour fermer les mines : immigration et récession charbonnière dans le Nord-Pas-de-Calais (1945-1990)." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLN042/document.
Full textHow were Moroccan workers utilised to close coal mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais ? This thesis answers this question by studying the economic history of coal mining in France, and migration policies. Such a historical sociology of migrations sees migration policies from the point of view of a firm -- and not of a state --, and of the agents who contributed to the recruitment, management and control of these migrant workers. As coal pits were being closed one by one, understanding the role of Moroccan workers requires to analyse both their professional trajectories and the slow historical process of disappearing of coal miners. Colonial context also weights heavily, raising the issues of the relationships between state institutions and companies on each shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and of the modalities of importation of racialist ideals and of practices of population management and control.This research is defined at the crossing of an economic sociology of the firm and of state regulation of an economic sector, and a historical sociology of work, migration policies and the working class. In order to understand the way a big company implemented, on the long run, a recruitment policy of immigrant workers, one needs to analyse the transformations of productive systems, the evolutions of the firm's workforce policy, and the individual trajectories of a segmented and hierarchised professional group. Sources are constituted of archives of the Houillères de Nord-Pas-de-Calais and of Charbonnages de France, of archives of the governments coal policies, of writings and debates amongst a small group of engineers-economists (Corps des Mines) who contributed to the piloting of coal recession, and of carreer files of mine workers. Two types of quantification are implemented: from the firm's administrative and workforce policy, and from a sample of 400 career files (200 Moroccans, 200 non Moroccans). From the nationalisation of the whole mining sector to the closing of the last pit in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais, this history manifests the relationships between economic policies, the evolution of French capitalism, and the concrete modalities of the construction, weakening and disappearing of an important segment of the working class
Sempé, Mathilde. "L’invention d’une identité régionale : la Bretagne et le livre (1945-2014)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100161.
Full textFrom a sociohistorical perspective, this thesis analyses the different developments that lead to the creation of a political identity through the use of the book in Brittany (France). By restoring the social logistics at work in the process of institutionalisation of a cultural policy, from the Liberation (1945) up to the present day, this study aims to retrace the path of the successive struggles – between State bodies and local bodies (particularly editors and politics) – in monopolizing the definition of a “regional identity”. In this regard, “the book” constitutes a legitimate instrument in the production and promotion of opposing views of “the culture”. Consequently, looking back on the social and historical conditions of the emergence of a public intervention highlights the different ways the book is used and also the political stakes of “the culture”. That must be put in parallel with both individual and collective paths of the bodies invested in the Breton social movements, which are taking place in a nationwide growth of a regional awareness and challenge of the established symbolic order. It is also necessary also to notice the work of the regional institutions in their political representation in order to homogenize a cultural policy and the public meaning that follows. From the acceptance of a cultural unworthiness to the overhauling of the legitimate order of the social field, the history of the book policy in Brittany highlights the power struggles engaged with and against the State for the institutionalisation of the region
Tabet, Guillaume. "De Marie-Antoinette aux Merry Antoinettes, le détournement contemporain d'une figure historique aux États-Unis." Thesis, Normandie, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020NORMR069.
Full textToday Marie-Antoinette appears in the USA as a dazzling character. Propaganda from the French revolution compared her to the Chimera, and she indeed shares some traits with this mythological monster. Heterogeneous and composite, she is a wicked queen and a tragic heroin. Media outlets invoke the queen`s name to accuse politicians and celebrities, while also painting her as a compassionate figure and portrait of feminism. Symbol of French luxury, Marie-Antoinette would be a queen of fashion and a comparative tool for gauging contempt of the wealthiest. The historian, the journalist or the economist can each seize one facet of the queen’s images to offer a critical or benevolent personal view of the queen. Thus, creating a confused, contradictory, and sublimed picture of the character. Stating that her use distorts history, we will study the queen’s occurrence in modern USA in popular culture and scholarly works. A symbol of economic success, she provides opposing guidelines for definitions of success. We will show that these factors come from a fictive figure, a Chimera in its definition of an unreal monster. We will then explore the different images of the queen to understand where they originated, spotlighting New Orleans, where her image is particularly influential
Hébert, Oriane. "La peinture d’Histoire en France sous le Second Empire libéral (1860-1870)." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CLF20016/document.
Full textPrestigious genre, heir to a long tradition, the history painting experiences multiple evolutions throughout the 19th century. Under the Second Empire, for a long time a regime marked by its "black legend", the genre still remained to be defined. Its characteristics fix it deeply in its century, while conferring it an originality : an emanation of the history painting and its transformations in the first half of the century, a precursor of its reformulation under the Third Republic, the history painting under the Second Empire is marked by its singularity. The study of the representations of history painted between 1860 and 1870 is revealing there. Straightaway, the correlation between the creations and the term of "history painting" raises questions. Indeed, while remaining in a classic subject (history), these "paintings on historic subject" get closer alternately to the genre painting and the historic genre, and are contaminated by the realism and the interest in the local colour. If the academic expression of "history painting" still suits for the painting of battle, the latter is also touched by the modernity and transformed into military painting. The approach of the painters of historic subjects presents recurrences. An important preparatory work, on texts, sources, even archaeological discoveries, is put in the service of positivist reconstructions of the events, in order to raise the interest of the public. The choice of the subjects varies according to the intentions: educate the spectator, show an idealised past used as directory of moving scenes, or develop an ideology. Beyond the historicist dimension of education about the national past, these pieces of art show a certain state of the historic thought, the main currents of ideas that influenced the painters. Moreover, the latter convey and spread a conception of history that reaches the contemporary through the press and the illustration, and so they contribute to build the image that will be anchored in the memory. A traditional mean of propaganda and "manufacturing" of the power, the history painting raises the question of the cultural practices of the government of the Second Empire. The instrumentalisation of the image by the State is real, but is restricted to the paintings of battle and of the imperial splendour. Napoleon III, in his acquisition policy, adapts himself to the creations more than he generates them. On the other hand, he exercises an indirect influence: the staging of his person, the imperial couple and its tastes in history, offer a series of themes exploited by the painters. The painting of historic subject is not instrumentalised within the framework of the envois of the State. The local elites play an essential role in the development of this genre: municipalities and Learned societies, town councillors and scholars encourage creations on national or local history. The representation of the history between 1860 and 1870 reveals the essential place of history, in its erudite and popular aspects, on a national and local scale, inspired by the feeling of attachment to the "small homeland" as well as the nation
Fallah, Bessam. "Pour une patrimonialisation intégrée au développement urbain : élaboration des conditions de conciliations entre obligations de préservation et impératifs de développement à travers l’étude de cas d’Avignon." Thesis, Avignon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AVIG1133/document.
Full textThe preservation of historic cities requires on behalf of the actors committed to the urban development of the urban historic ensemble (EUH) additional efforts to extend their actions beyond isolated buildings. In practice, when developing historic urban ensembles, the conservation of the urban heritage seems to be relegated to an external if compulsory constraint which has to be overcome. This situation often results in the opposition of two aims: development versus conservatory.The question of how can the conservation of urban heritage be better considered is debated on international, national and local scales. By joining this current debate, our thesis aims to answer the following question: how can we improve the management of the imperatives behind urban development in historic cities, when tied to patrimonial obligation towards urban ensembles?The literature review helped us show that the notion of urban heritage, which justifies the urban preservation, was born in the minds of planners confronted with urban development, linking the notion of the urban heritage more closely to that of development than to conservation. In the absence of one that would move towards urban heritage preservation and confronted with the dominant if opposite postures, we realized, based on the literature review, that the opposition shared anchoring elements: the preservation paradigm of actions, centered on buildings and unsuitable in the case of ensembles, this paradigm supported by divergent institutional cultures and strengthened by an opposition between the modes of local implication.Considering the well-known difficulties and the contributions of the literature review, which clarifies the nature of the opposition between heritage conservation and development, how can the preservation of historic urban ensembles be thought differently? To answer that question, we propose reflecting on urban preservation as integrated to urban development.On the methodological level, the nature of the opposition between development and conservation sends us back to the analysis of what takes place on the field. We chose to look at the historic center of Avignon, where various actors have attempted to exceed this opposition. Avignon, as a mid-sized city of the South of France, is endowed with one of France’s biggest protected areas which cover the entire historic center. The history of the actions carried out in the intramural brings out archetypical situations which illustrate the opposition between development and conservation. The case study allowsus to intellectualise the mobilization of urban heritage on 3 levels: Institutional, Find and Urban action. Each of these levels distinguishes itself by the nature of the mobilization and by the point at which are made manifest the mobilization of the material and symbolic dimensions of urban heritage. Starting with the case study, we have conceptualised a model which goes beyond a restricted reading focused on the opposition to think out urban development within the context of urban conservation. The model brings into the urban development the notion of urban heritage designation as a succession of actions which qualify urban historic ensemble as heritage and preserve them. On the scientific level, the model mobilizes notions, borrowed from sociological, communicational, ethnological and geographical approaches of heritage designation. It proposes a new analytical framework for thinking about the actors involved in the urbanistic management of the historic urban ensembles, so as to exceed the oppositions and guarantee a sustainable creation of urban heritage which does not constitute an obstacle for the imperatives of development. The model helps us see the roles at stake and organizes the various actions undertaken by the various actors in favour of both heritage and development to come up with an integrated urban heritage designation
Pierry, Laëtitia. "Le ministre des Affaires étrangères : naissance et évolution d’un représentant de l’État." Thesis, Avignon, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AVIG2025/document.
Full textThe evolution over time of the role of the Foreign Secretary in France shows that the principal conditions of his autonomy lie in the progressive distancing of the French political regime from a personalized conception of State sovereignty. It is precisely because he has always been an instrument of the Supreme executive power without being really a member of it that the French juridical doctrine defines him but in very rare instances as a decision-making entity. In the wake of an increasing globalisation of exchanges between states, international positive law unexpectedly puts an end to his internal debate by widening the field of state representation –hitherto reserved to the supreme executives of states – to the Foreign Office, or the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. In the eyes of international diplomatic practice, the role of the French chief of the “Quai d’Orsay” could then be understood in two ways : whether they are considered in the light of French constitutional law or in that of international public law, his status and his function are defined either restrictively or extensively. This variation places the French Foreign Secretary in a framework of action in which diverse juridical sources coexist in their richness as well as in their evanescent nature : the habitual practices of French diplomacy contend with those that stem from the requirements of international relations. At the same time, the difficulty of pinning down the function of the French Secretary for Foreign Affairs gives him more strategic leeway in his relations with other countries, but is also his main weakness at the level of domestic political power. Indeed, whatever the regime, the scope of a minister’s role has always been dependent on the powers that vie for influence at the head of the state. The secondary role played by the Secretary within the Executive is consequently a legacy of monarchical times with which France still has strong constitutional ties. However, republican practice, seen in the perspective of international positive law, tends to transcend the instrumental role of the Secretary, by giving him, in the absence of Constitutional guidance, the status of a fully-fledged political representative of the State
With, Lauriane. "Approche géohistorique de la gestion et de la prévention du risque d'inondation : le cas de la vallée de la Lauch (Haut-Rhin) de 1778 à nos jours." Thesis, Mulhouse, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014MULH4452/document.
Full textAmong the natural hazards, the flood risk is the most frequent and the most harmful in France with about 50 % of the municipalities exposed. In the Haut-Rhin department, 80 % of the municipalities are concerned. We have chosen this subject because no historic study exists about floods in Alsace and especially about the Lauch valley, where the last big events have taken place. In front of the impossibility to eradicate the risk, the Man committed palliative actions to protect himself through history. How have the historic events been taken into consideration in policies of management and prevention of the flood risk in the Lauch valley for more than two centuries ? To answer this question, we have used a diachronic approach which begins with the disastrous event of February 1990, and adopted an interdisciplinary method. Based on an important corpus of sources, this thesis puts in perspective the evolution of the management of the floods over the period considered according to the hydrological events restored via a regressive method, the stakes, the very contrasted political contexts and the actors, over the local, national and European plans. This thesis is part of a logic of applied reasoning and has for ambition to improve the information about the phenomena and to constitute a "basis of scientific knowledge" for a better control of the risk. This way, it seems fundamental to know flood hazard to be able to anticipate it, to manage it better and to protect ourselves