To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Historians.
Journal articles on the topic 'Historians'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Historians.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Herman, Gerald. "Creating the Twenty-First-Century "Historian For All Seasons"." Public Historian 25, no. 3 (2003): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2003.25.3.93.
Full textAbstract:
In "Creating the Twenty-first Century 'Historian For All Seasons,'" the author traces the development of the divide between historians and media producers, and the impacts that this has on the public's awareness of the work historians do and on the historian's ability to influence the public. To heal this breach, he argues, just as the training of historians has adjusted to accommodate the need for expertise in content-related methodologies, so it must now adjust to permit historians to develop presentation-related skills in order to reach wider audiences and reclaim the centrality of historians to the understanding of the past.
2
Johnson, Linda Cooke. "The Historian Interviews Apprentice Historians." Historian 61, no. 2 (December 1, 1998): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1999.tb01026.x.
Full text
3
Soffer, Reba N. "The Conservative Historical Imagination in the Twentieth Century." Albion 28, no. 1 (1996): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051951.
Full textAbstract:
In 1935, R. G. Collingwood defined the historical imagination as an innate or a priori part of thinking that allows students of history to reconstruct the past. Whether stored in the furniture of the mind, learned through practice, or inherited as genetic inclinations, imagination is indispensable to the historian's craft. The historian's imagination may be richer, more diverse, more inventive than that, say, of an orthopedist, because the historian's present is the surviving but elusive past. Historians have to imagine more because they can never know what actually happened. Like orthopedists and everyone else, historians enter their professions hauling baggage packed haphazardly with images drawn from cultural, personal, religious, moral and practical experience. An orthopedist checks his psychological and social luggage when treating anesthetized muscle and bone in the controlled atmosphere of an operating room. For the orthopedist, the only images relevant for diagnosis and remedy are those produced precisely by x-rays or magnetic resonance. A historian neither diagnoses nor remedies. Instead, relying upon recalcitrant evidence, she tries to explain events that occurred in a dynamic, unpredictable, uncontrollable world already finished.When historians conduct research and then interpret what they find, they are unwilling and unable to lay aside their every day images of human nature and society. Such concepts, even when wrong, are logically necessary to explanation. Historical imagination organizes the categories that provide a historian with a match between her expectations and the subjects of her inquiry. The historian's juxtaposition, unlike the orthopedist's realistic image, is impressionistic. It becomes satisfying only when it fulfills a cultivated sense of propriety. Although honest historians are persuaded by the information they discover, there are few experiences more pleasing than that frisson of recognition when initial impressions are validated by the historical records. That pleasure is far more agreeable than disappointment. If the records repudiate anticipations then the historian must search for a more adequate explanatory scheme that approximates the truth more closely.
4
Epstein, Catherine. "German Historians at the Back of the Pack: Hiring Patterns in Modern European History, 1945–2010." Central European History 46, no. 3 (September 2013): 599–639. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913001003.
Full textAbstract:
Some years ago, I realized that I was the first historian of Germany hired in a tenure-track position at Amherst College. I got my job in 2000. Steeped in German history, I was surprised that a premier liberal arts college chose to hire a historian of Germany only at the very end of the twentieth century. My generation of historians of Germany often think—and other historians of Europe share our perception—that German history is a strong (if not the strongest) field in modern European history. Whether measured anecdotally by the number of job openings, the number of historians hired, the stream of published books, or the share of German history articles in academic journals, it always seems that German historians and German history are at the forefront. In fact, though, historians of Germany have always made up the smallest cohort of historians of the major European history fields (that also include British, Russian, and French history). According to the latest figures available from the American Historical Association (AHA), in 2010 there were 990 historians of Britain, 668 historians of Russia, 605 historians of France, and 592 historians of Germany in the United States.
5
Nylan, Michael. "Historians Writing about Historians." Monumenta Serica 67, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 183–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02549948.2019.1603447.
Full text
6
Doortmont, Michel R., John H. Hanson, Jan Jansen, and Dmitri van den Bersselaar. "Literacy's Feedback on Historical Analysis Revisited: Papers in Honor of David Henige." History in Africa 38 (2011): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0017.
Full textAbstract:
During the course of a long and fruitful career as an historian and librarian, David Henige has made major contributions to the development of the field of African history, as well as to the historical profession in general. His insistence that historians reflect carefully on how they collect, sample and analyze their data, and the lucid way in which he has written about the historian's craft, has not only helped to remind us historians of important methodological concerns, it has also inspired us to engage with methodology as an exciting topic in its own right. One major theme in his work has been that of literacy and its impact on oral tradition, memory, and historical interpretation. His book Oral Historiography (1982) and his articles on “feedback” and chronology in oral tradition have become essential reading for all students of African history. While among historians of Africa, it is particularly in this area where he has made most if an impact, David Henige has also made important contributions to other fields of history. He is a remarkably versatile and widely read historian, who has engaged with an impressively broad range of topics – and in each case with a strong methodological concern. His wide-ranging oeuvre and impact are explored in detail in Michel Doortmont's contribution to this special issue.
7
Fitri, Rahmi Nur. "Hamka Sebagai Sejarawan: Kajian Metodologi Sejarah terhadap Karya Hamka." Jurnal Fuaduna : Jurnal Kajian Keagamaan dan Kemasyarakatan 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/fuaduna.v4i1.2854.
Full textAbstract:
<em>Hamka was a contemporary Indonesian Islamic figure who was involved in many fields. He wrote hundreds of books on various topics of study, philosophy, interpretation, history, customs and culture, literature, and others. When mentioning the name Hamka, then he was an ulama, while his roles in other fields are a little blurred. One of them is a depiction of the figure of Hamka as a historian. Some researchers recognize and acknowledge it as part of a historical researcher, some even study his historical philosophy, while for others give the view that he is not a historian. There are several characteristics and types of historians themselves, including professional historians, historians of other fields, and amateur historians or so-called community historians. The purpose of this paper is to uncover the methods employed by Hamka in writing his historical-themed works by looking at the intellectual socio-historical life. Through this study, it can be concluded that Hamka is included in the class of community historians because there is no formal academic history in his study. However, the various steps he went through in the writing process and his teaching experience are proof that Hamka is a historian.</em><strong><em> </em></strong>
8
Pérez Baquero, Rafael. "Memory, narrative, and conflict in writing the past." História da Historiografia: International Journal of Theory and History of Historiography 13, no. 32 (April 12, 2020): 47–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15848/hh.v13i32.1494.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper I will analyze the distinctive features of the twentieth century historiography with regards to its most salient events. By doing so, I will provide an interpretation of the struggles which underlay the production of historical knowledge at the end of the century. In contrast to various theories of historiography which assert that autonomy from collective memory is a methodological assumption of the historian, I will argue that historiography is always interwoven with the political and ethical challenges of the historian’s time. In this regard, this paper´s theses are inspired by Walter Benjamin’s ideas concerning historiography, as well as by the interpretations of this ideas provided by other historians and philosophers, such as Enzo Traverso, Dominick LaCapra or Michael Löwy. Their ideas will serve as a framework for understanding the challenges historians face when narrating contemporary history.
9
Marchildon, Gregory P. "Can history improve big bang health reform? Commentary." Health Economics, Policy and Law 13, no. 3-4 (January 26, 2018): 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744133117000378.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAt present, the professional skills of the historian are rarely relied upon when health policies are being formulated. There are numerous reasons for this, one of which is the natural desire of decision-makers to break with the past when enacting big bang policy change. This article identifies the strengths professional historians bring to bear on policy development using the establishment and subsequent reform of universal health coverage as an example. Historians provide pertinent and historically informed context; isolate the forces that have historically allowed for major reform; and separate the truly novel reforms from those attempted or implemented in the past. In addition, the historian’s use of primary sources allows potentially new and highly salient facts to guide the framing of the policy problem and its solution. This paper argues that historians are critical for constructing a viable narrative of the establishment and evolution of universal health coverage policies. The lack of this narrative makes it difficult to achieve an accurate assessment of systemic gaps in coverage and access, and the design or redesign of universal health coverage that can successfully close these gaps.
10
Holliday, J. S. "Historians Speakout: An Historian Reflects on Edgewood Children's Center." California History 64, no. 2 (1985): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25158288.
Full text
11
Popkin, Jeremy D. "Invitation to historians: History, the historian, and an autobiography." Rethinking History 14, no. 2 (May 12, 2010): 287–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642521003710862.
Full text
12
Afigbo, A. E. "Southeastern Nigeria, the Niger-Benue Confluence, and the Benue in the Precolonial Period: Some Issues of Historiography." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172016.
Full textAbstract:
The technicians of historical methodology have usually emphasized that the relationship between historians and their facts is, or should be, dialectic. This supposed counsel of perfection, however, glosses over an important point whose neglect is usually, or indeed invariably, a source of serious distortion or error—that is, the fact that such a dialogue can only begin after the historian has already immersed himself in the available sources, and thus has in some way been taken captive by those sources. Indeed, if the historian can manipulate his facts, it appears that his sources can also manipulate him.Thus the kind of history the historian writes depends all the time on the kind of sources available to him. The more the sources are narrow in focus and unidirectional in orientation, the narrower the range of the historian's work and the more such work is oriented in the direction from which the sources derive. The wider the range of the sources, and the more these are multidirectional, the more the competent and scientific historian is in a position to produce a work that does more justice to the many-faceted experiences of man in society—that is, the more the historian is in a position to take a meaningful aim at the Rankean goal of all historical effort.This tendency for the historian to be taken captive by the provenance and the main interest of his sources has been, and continues to be, operative among the historians of Nigeria's peoples and polities.
13
Weiler, Kathleen. "“What Happens in the Historian's Head?”." History of Education Quarterly 51, no. 2 (May 2011): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2011.00334.x.
Full textAbstract:
Over two hundred years ago Rousseau commented, “The facts described in history never give an exact picture of what actually happened. They change form in the historian's head. They get molded by his interests and take on the hue of his prejudices.” This insight—that history is a human creation molded by the interests and prejudices of the historian—is one that is easy to forget, particularly in times enamored by the claims of empirical science. But in the past three decades, historians, like other scholars across the humanities and social sciences, have faced a number of theoretical challenges to the empiricism that had been in ascendency since the late nineteenth century. Both established academic disciplines such as anthropology, literary studies, and philosophy and emerging disciplines such as cultural studies and film studies have been profoundly affected by these critiques. The “cultural turn,” with its emphasis on the inherently artificial nature of scholarly narratives, has challenged traditional historians' unquestioning reliance on documentary evidence, scientific methodology, and empirical claims to truth. Numerous historians have debated these theoretical challenges to the discipline, but historians of education have been largely silent. The absence of this debate in the history of education is striking, given the engagement of other scholars with these concerns and the fact that these ideas appeared over three decades ago: both Hayden White's Metahistory and Clifford Geertz's The Interpretation of Cultures were published in 1973, while Foucault's Discipline and Punish appeared in English translation in 1977.
14
PAUL, HERMAN. "THE VIRTUES OF A GOOD HISTORIAN IN EARLY IMPERIAL GERMANY: GEORG WAITZ'S CONTESTED EXAMPLE." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 681–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000142.
Full textAbstract:
Recent literature on the moral economy of nineteenth-century German historiography shares with older scholarship on Leopold von Ranke's methodological revolution a tendency to refer to “the” historical discipline in the third person singular. This would make sense as long as historians occupied a common professional space and/or shared a basic understanding of what it meant to be a historian. Yet, as this article demonstrates, in a world sharply divided over political and religious issues, historians found it difficult to agree on what it meant to be a good historian. Drawing on the case of Ranke's influential pupil Georg Waitz, whose death in 1886 occasioned a debate on the relative merits of the example that Waitz had embodied, this article argues that historians in early imperial Germany were considerably more divided over what they called “the virtues of the historian” than has been acknowledged to date. Their most important frame of reference was not a shared discipline but rather a variety of approaches corresponding to a diversity of models or examples (“scholarly personae,” in modern academic parlance), the defining features of which were often starkly contrasted. Although common ground beneath these disagreements was not entirely absent, the habit of late nineteenth-century German historians to position themselves between Waitz and Heinrich von Sybel, Ranke and Friedrich Christoph Dahlmann, or other pairs of proper names turned into models of virtue, suggests that these historians experienced their professional environment as characterized primarily by disagreement over the marks of a good historian.
15
Southgate, Beverley. "Historians." Rethinking History 21, no. 1 (August 25, 2016): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2016.1218612.
Full text
16
Adelson, Roger, and Russell Smith. "Videotaped Interviews with British Historians, 1985–1998." Albion 31, no. 2 (1999): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000062736.
Full textAbstract:
There is an important collection of videotaped interviews with British historians that is now available in London. The Publications Department of the Institute of Historical Research (IHR) has produced twenty-eight videotaped interviews with prominent historians in Britain. More tapes are to be released with others scheduled for production in the future. The historians who have already been interviewed are senior British historians who have made their scholarly contributions since World War II. All the interviews are conducted by younger colleagues who have specialized in the same or related fields of history. Interviewers explore the influences that have shaped the work of the senior historians and encourage the latter to reflect upon their background, training, publications, and careers. Because the historians are selected by an IHR committee, the members of which are mostly economic historians, senior social and economic historians have been more fully represented in the IHR videotapes than other historians. Of the twenty-eight interviews, fifteen of the historians have written mostly about the modern period (nineteenth and twentieth centuries), eight are historians of the early modern period (from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries), three are medievalists, one is a classicist, and one is a historian of science. Concluding this article is an alphabetical list of all the historians interviewed in this series.
17
Scates, Bruce, and Stuart Macintyre. "The Historian's Conscience: Australian Historians on the Ethics of History." Labour History, no. 90 (2006): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516129.
Full text
18
Clary, Ian Hugh. "Evangelical Historiography: The Debate over Christian History." Evangelical Quarterly 87, no. 3 (April 26, 2015): 225–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08703003.
Full textAbstract:
The debate over Christian history has at times been acrimonious with those advocating the ‘supernaturalist’ approach accusing profession historians of compromise, and the ‘naturalist’ historians accusing the providential historians of sub-academic standards. Is there an approach that can appropriate the best of both without pointing accusatory fingers? This essay traces this debate in detail and offers a third way to approach history as a Christian that is grounded in Scripture and takes into account the audience an historian writes for.
19
Howe, Antony. "Some lost worlds of Eric Hobsbawm: interviews with a communist historian: 1990-2001." Twentieth Century Communism 16, no. 16 (March 10, 2019): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864319826746021.
Full textAbstract:
By common consent one of the finest historians of his generation, Eric Hobsbawm was also a longstanding member of the British Communist Party. In particular, his formative years as a historian spanned the period from the popular front communism of the 1930s to the post-war Communist Party Historians' Group. The background and activities of the Historians' Group have been described many times, including by Hobsbawm himself. Nevertheless, in these interviews recorded between 1990 and 2001 Hobsbawm opened up regarding the role of key networks and personalities that did not always figure in accounts like his autobiography Interesting Times. Notably among them are Dona Torr and John Morris, the historian of the classical world with whom Hobsbawm launched the journal Past and Present at the height of the Cold War.
20
Valente, Luiz Fernando. "Fiction as History: The Case of João Ubaldo Ribeiro." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 1 (1993): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100035093.
Full textAbstract:
Hayden White suggests in The Content of the Form that historiography depends upon the existence of a social center that allows the historian to locate events in relation to one another and “to charge them with ethical or moral significance” (White 1987, 11). This center makes it possible for the historical narrative—as opposed to the annals and the chronicle—to achieve closure. White specifies, however, that “in order to qualify as historical, an event must be susceptible to at least two narrations of its occurrence” (White 1987, 20). According to this perspective, the historical narrative is informed by the historian's need to assert his or her authority over other competing accounts of the past. In questioning the privileged position traditionally held by historians and suggesting that historians' discourse is only one of many paths leading to a truthful (re)presentation of the past, White's version of historiography holds particular appeal for those of us who, despite having been trained in fields other than history, consider ourselves to be authoritative interpreters of Brazil.
21
Staley, David J. "Teaching the Future of Technology in the History Classroom: A Case Study." World Futures Review 10, no. 4 (August 1, 2018): 253–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1946756718791273.
Full textAbstract:
This article will describe how historians can teach the future of technology. Historians need not alter their traditional methods of historical inquiry to teach the future, and indeed the history classroom is a natural site for foresight education. Historical inquiry begins with questions, and futuring similarly begins with asking the right questions. The historian seeks out evidence, and futurists as well identify drivers and blockers, considering how these drivers and blockers will interact with each other. In contrast to social scientists, historians work with imperfect or incomplete information, an apt description of the state of our evidence about the future. In a manner similar to historians, futurists interpret and draw inferences from evidence. After the research an analysis of the evidence is complete, the historian/futurist writes representations. This article will describe how I employed the historical method to teach the future of technology in a history research seminar, the results produced by the students, and ways that the study of the future can be situated in the history classroom.
22
Herman, Gerald. "Intellectual Property and the Historian in the New Millennium." Public Historian 26, no. 2 (2004): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2004.26.2.23.
Full textAbstract:
On April 12, 2002, a roundtable discussion was held during the joint National Council on Public History/Organization of American Historians annual meetings in Washington D.C. This roundtable, “Intellectual Property and the Historian in the New Millennium,” addressed issues of copyright for public historians as authors and users in the digital age, when the technologies of reproduction and dissemination have exploded and Congress has struggled to keep up. Roundtable chair Gerald Herman summarizes the challenges faced by public historians in the new millennium and introduces a transcript of the roundtable discussion.
23
Robinson, Francis. "Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print." Modern Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (February 1993): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016127.
Full textAbstract:
A historian, like any other scholar, incurs many debts. I am no exception. I would like to begin this occasion by acknowledging some of those debts. I have benefited greatly from the generosity of colleagues—from the generosity of colleagues in my particular field of Islamic and South Asian history in North America, Europe and the Subcontinent, but also from the generosity of historians in general. It is a great privilege to work amongst historians in the University of London, who form arguably the largest group of historians in the world, that work together.
24
ANSARI, ALI M. "Mīrkhwānd and Persian Historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 1-2 (January 2016): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000474.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPre-modern historians of the Persianate world have primarily been used by modern historians as sources of factual information and rarely to gain insight into the means, methods and world-views of the historians themselves. The 15thC Persian historian Mīrkhwānd is a case in point despite the fact that his extensive discussion on the utility of history lends itself well to an historiographical assessment. While his understanding of the purpose of history may differ in some aspects for the modern discipline, his concerns and application were not as distinctive as we might like to think.
25
BAILEY, CHRISTIAN. "The History of Emotions." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000521.
Full textAbstract:
‘What exactly is the history of emotions?’ This question, often still encountered by historians working in the field, suggests that the history of emotions is difficult to understand yet hard to ignore. Historians active in other areas may have noticed the recent founding (and funding) of emotions research centres by Queen Mary, University of London, the Max Planck Society and the Australian Research Council. Yet the emergence of a critical mass of emotions researchers has not altogether dispelled concerns that emotions are not really accessible to the historian or worthy of sustained and serious consideration. Even a pioneer of the once dubious field of cultural history such as Peter Burke has wondered about the history of emotions’ viability while recognising its promise. As he sees it, if historians regard emotions as stable across time (and thus pre-cultural, it seems) then all they can do is chart changing attitudes to these constant emotions. This leaves historians writing intellectual history but not the history of emotions. If historians, by contrast, treat emotions as historically variable then they may deliver more innovative work, but they may also end up struggling to find evidence for their conclusions. Taking anxiety as an example, Burke asks pointedly how ‘could a historian possibly find evidence to establish’ whether people were more anxious in a given historical period than another, rather than simply being affected by different anxieties. The books under review here represent the latest generation of historians’ efforts to answer Burke's questions and examine whether and how fundamental changes in the history of emotions can be charted.
26
Brescia, Michael M. "Bridging Troubled Waters." Public Historian 37, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2015.37.1.11.
Full textAbstract:
This special issue of The Public Historian examines the nature and scope of the historian’s role as a consultant and expert witness in natural resource litigation. The introductory essay identifies the major issues and challenges that historians face when they bring their knowledge, skills, and professional best standards into law offices and courtrooms, while also positing a conceptual framework for public history practitioners to better understand and appreciate the larger stakes in conducting research for environmental litigation. The author delineates his own experience as an expert in certain water rights cases in the American Southwest where knowledge of the Spanish and Mexican civil law of property is essential.
27
Vansina, Jan. "Historians, are Archeologists Your Siblings?" History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 369–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171923.
Full textAbstract:
The historian of pre-nineteenth century Africa…cannot get far without the aid of archaeology.Nevertheless, historians have good reason to be cautious about historical generalisations by archaeologists and about their own use of archaeological material…: it would be a rash historian who totally accepted the conclusions of Garlake and Huffman with the same simple-minded trust as I myself accepted the conclusions of Summers and Robinson.In the beginning, historians of Africa put great store by archeology. Was its great time depth not one of the distinctive features of the history of Africa, a condition that cannot be put aside without seriously distorting the flavor of all its history? Did not the relative scarcity and the foreign authorship of most precolonial written records render archeological sources all the more precious? Did not history and archeology both deal with the reconstruction of human societies in the past? Was the difference between them not merely the result of a division of labor based on sources, so that historical reconstruction follows in time and flows from archeological reconstruction? Such considerations explain why the Journal of African History has regularly published regional archeological surveys in order to keep historians up to date.
28
Trudel, Marcel. "Un historien se penche sur son passé." Historical Papers 17, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030887ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Every historian ought to be invited to appear before his peers, as formal retirement looms, to present his reflections on his discipline. Looking backwards is, of course, an historian's profession; to do so in individual terms is, however, a deep personal pleasure. This is especially true when so much has taken place during one lifetime, both to the profession of which one is a part, and the society within which one grew. The younger generation of historians should remember how different things were. It was common to come, as the author did, to the profession with a training in a different academic discipline; unlike today's teachers, one could and did become a Canadian historian without the intense formal study which marks the contemporary graduate school. Choosing a profession research in Canadian history was the result of happenstance; selecting a sub-field — in the author's case, the history of the French régime — was a personal one, resulting from a need to know much more about the origins of the society which developed along the St. Lawrence. This lack of a formal historical profession in French Canada did not reflect a disinterest in the past; to the contrary, the society's culture was firmly rooted in its past. But it was a history of a special type, and its advocates were vigorously opposed to any reassessment which challenged their cherished notions. Today's younger historians must not forget the handicaps which their predecessors had to overcome. There was a day, not so very long ago, when, to write the history of French Canada, one had to be both French Canadian and an active Catholic. Behind each completed monograph stands a litany of obstacles: the precarious nature of an academic career, the chronic inadequacy of its wages, the unsatisfactory quality of archival institutions (and sometimes of their staffs), the diplomacy required to obtain the evidence one needed, and the difficulties in finding a publisher and seeing the manuscript to printing. The joy in the process rested with the personal achievement, and its acceptance by the few whose judgement you respected. Only the obstinate and truly devoted scholar survived such circumstances. What has been achieved? History in French Canada has made enormous strides since the Second World War, in part because of the influence of a "scientific" view of historical study, in part through the cross-fertilisation of associated disciplines, in part because of the scholarly standards of contemporary historians. Ideological dogmatism, which has itself been a danger to the integrity of the history that has been written, has largely been overcome. The task of the historian remains the objective assessment of evidence, so that the integrity of history does not itself become the historian's first victim. To assist in this difficult task historians must continue to call on the resources of sister disciplines, such as geography, sociology, economics and law. These serve to broaden one's perspective, even though some of these techniques frankly mystify us with their complexity. Sometimes it appears that the use of social science methods obscures actual results, that effective communications has been weakened by jargon, and that overspecialisation threatens the meaningful generalisation. Yet in the end one trusts that an intelligible history results. So long as the historian refuses to serve a political or ideological master, we all have a future. If the historian, on the other hand, seeks the role of prophet, he departs from his proper place.
29
Pratt, Joseph. "Warts and All?: An Elusive Balance in Contracted Corporate Histories about Energy and Environment." Public Historian 26, no. 1 (2004): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2004.26.1.21.
Full textAbstract:
Contract histories of organizations pose special challenges for public historians. Carefully worded contracts can establish procedures and guarantees that safeguard the historian’s independence. Such safeguards can help the historian capture as much as possible from the sponsored research for the history profession, while also completing a work that satisfies the needs of the sponsoring organization. The successful completion of such a project requires a reasonable deadline, a well-organized book, and an author or team of authors with special knowledge of the organization. Well-designed organizational histories have much to contribute to our understanding of historical efforts to balance the demand for energy with the need for a cleaner environment. Viewing events from inside corporations, regulatory agencies, and citizens’ groups, the historian can reconstruct the interaction of the key players who shaped our energy/environmental history.
30
Kareem, Zaryan. "What is Empiricism? Critically Evaluate its Value When Writing History." OTS Canadian Journal 2, no. 5 (May 16, 2023): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.58840/ots.v2i5.29.
Full textAbstract:
Empiricism is one of the crucial theories for writing history which appeared in late nineteenth century while it focuses only on primary sources and sensory experience. It uses an inductive method of reasoning, which means moving from the specific to the general. Empiricism has become one of the most popular methods that has been used by a large number of historians and academics in the last four centuries which they argued that only primary or original sources should be used by historians. Empiricists believe that investigating primary sources and use only evidence for writing history, however, rationalists believe that examining past events can lead to truth because history is always written by elites of society. In addition, the historian’s position is connected with statements about history this demonstrate the association of empiricism with relativism. Finally, it can be argued that historians cannot obtain facts without evidence, although historian’s interpretation is necessary for writing history while criticising the documents may obtain the truth. However, historian’s explanations can also be problematic, because as empiricists argue their perspectives tend to be a fiction and they cannot agree on a single explanation.
31
Kareem, Zaryan. "What is Empiricism? Critically Evaluate its Value When Writing History." OTS Canadian Journal 2, no. 5 (May 11, 2023): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.58840/ots.v2i5.24.
Full textAbstract:
Empiricism is one of the crucial theories for writing history which appeared in late nineteenth century while it focuses only on primary sources and sensory experience. It uses an inductive method of reasoning, which means moving from the specific to the general. Empiricism has become one of the most popular methods that has been used by a large number of historians and academics in the last four centuries which they argued that only primary or original sources should be used by historians. Empiricists believe that investigating primary sources and use only evidence for writing history, however, rationalists believe that examining past events can lead to truth because history is always written by elites of society. In addition, the historian’s position is connected with statements about history this demonstrate the association of empiricism with relativism. Finally, it can be argued that historians cannot obtain facts without evidence, although historian’s interpretation is necessary for writing history while criticising the documents may obtain the truth. However, historian’s explanations can also be problematic, because as empiricists argue their perspectives tend to be a fiction and they cannot agree on a single explanation.
32
Booth, Douglas. "Invitation to historians: the historiographical turn of a practicing (sport) historian." Rethinking History 18, no. 4 (March 20, 2014): 583–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2014.893659.
Full text
33
Verbuyst, Rafael. "History, historians and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." New Contree 66 (July 30, 2013): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v66i0.306.
Full textAbstract:
Whether or not the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) intended to write history, it certainly engaged with the past while historians were virtually absent. This article therefore sets out to take a closer look at the relationship between history, historians and the TRC. An overview of the literature reveals that historians have examined the TRC from a philosophical perspective and analysed its report as a historical narrative. Although some historians praise the TRC, most of them stand critically towards its epistemology, ethics, methodology and content. In the same way, some historians are inspired by the TRC’s alternative way of engaging with the past but others point to the dangers of its stress on a post-apartheid present. Overall, historians seldom explicitly write about or engage with the TRC because they consider it a flawed and even dangerous enterprise. The inaccessibility of the archives also impedes historians from picking up the road map the commission tried to provide. Some historians nevertheless felt inspired by the TRC to launch oral history projects or practice public history. Also, while the combination of history writing and reconciliation is often criticized, some historians claim to have written reconciliation history without violating their historiographical standards. All of this doesn’t lead to a simple conclusion with regards to the impact the TRC had – and still does – on history writing, what it means to be a historian and the concept of history in post-apartheid South Africa. What is clear, however, is that the TRC engaged with the past in varying ways and therefore caused historians to approach it in equally diverging ways. This is reason enough to study the relationship between history, the TRC and historians in greater detail.
34
BREWER, JOHN, and SILVIA SEBASTIANI. "FORUM: CLOSENESS AND DISTANCE IN THE AGE OF ENLIGHTENMENT INTRODUCTION." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 3 (October 10, 2014): 603–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000201.
Full textAbstract:
According to Michel de Certeau, distance is the indispensable prerequisite for historical knowledge and the very characteristic of modern historiography. The historian speaks, in the present, about the absent, the dead, as Certeau labels the past, thus emphasizing the performative dimension of historical writing: “the function of language is to introduce through saying what can no longer be done.” As a consequence, the heterogeneity of two non-communicating temporalities becomes the challenge to be faced: the present of the historian, as a moment du savoir, is radically separated from the past, which exists only as an objet de savoir, the meaning of which can be restored by an operation of distantiation and contextualization. In Evidence de l’histoire: Ce que voient les historiens, François Hartog takes up the question of history writing and what is visible, or more precisely the modalities historians have employed to narrate the past, opening up the way to a reflection on the boundaries between the visible and the invisible: the mechanisms that have contributed to establish these boundaries over time, and the questions that have legitimized the survey of what has been seen or not seen. But, as Mark Phillips points out, it is the very ubiquity of the trope of distance in historical writings that has paradoxically rendered it almost invisible to historians, so that “it has become difficult to distinguish between the concept of historical distance and the idea of history itself.”
35
Falconer-Salkeld, Bridget. "Historians' Corner." American Music 25, no. 3 (October 1, 2007): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40071666.
Full text
36
Neumann, Klaus. "Among Historians." Cultural Studies Review 9, no. 2 (September 13, 2013): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v9i2.3571.
Full textAbstract:
Trades Hall, Melbourne, 16 March 2003. An expectant buzz fills the auditorium. The capacity crowd, several hundred strong and mainly under thirty, is anticipating a spectacle: a contest between two members of a profession not otherwise known for staging fights in the public arena. This bout could have been billed ‘The Ugly v. The Righteous’. The Ugly is Keith Windschuttle, author of The Fabrication of Aboriginal History. The Righteous is Patricia Grimshaw, Professor of History at the University of Melbourne.
37
Wilhelmus, Tom. "Visionary Historians." Hudson Review 44, no. 1 (1991): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3851776.
Full text
38
Wade, Nicholas J. "Natural Historians." Perception 37, no. 4 (January 2008): 479–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/p3704ed.
Full text
39
Weissberg, Liliane. "Becoming Historians." Jewish Quarterly Review 95, no. 1 (2005): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2005.0016.
Full text
40
Rogoff, Leonard. "Historians Respond." American Jewish History 97, no. 1 (2011): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2011.0013.
Full text
41
Stollman, Jennifer A. "Historians Respond." American Jewish History 97, no. 1 (2011): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2011.0016.
Full text
42
Hieke, Anton. "Historians Respond." American Jewish History 97, no. 1 (2011): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2011.0019.
Full text
43
Ring, Abram. "Heraclean Historians." Syllecta Classica 21, no. 1 (2011): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/syl.2011.0002.
Full text
44
Cohen, S. "Becoming Historians." Journal of American History 99, no. 1 (May 22, 2012): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas020.
Full text
45
Ash, Rhiannon. "Latin Historians." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.72.
Full text
46
Fox, Matthew. "ROMAN HISTORIANS." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.89.
Full text
47
V.C.P. "Caribbean Historians." Americas 52, no. 3 (January 1996): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500024317.
Full text
48
Lewis, Andrew J., Stephen Conrad Ausband, and Thomas P. Slaughter. "Historians' Walkabout." William and Mary Quarterly 60, no. 4 (October 1, 2003): 904. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3491713.
Full text
49
DeLafosse, Peter H. "Utah Historians." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 37, no. 3 (October 1, 2004): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45227618.
Full text
50
Shultis, Christopher. "Historians’ Corner." American Music 27, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25602255.
Full text