Academic literature on the topic 'Histoire militaire – Liban'
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Journal articles on the topic "Histoire militaire – Liban"
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Hassine, Jonathan. "L’étrange bataille de Souk al-Gharb : de l’expérience combattante à la mémoire de la guerre civile dans l’armée libanaise." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 72, no. 3 (September 5, 2023): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.703.0119.
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Au mois de septembre 1983, l’armée libanaise accomplit, dans la localité de Souk al-Gharb, son premier baptême du feu d’envergure depuis le début de la guerre civile au Liban, huit ans auparavant. Surprenante pour les contemporains, la performance de la troupe fut aussitôt utilisée par le pouvoir libanais afin de se présenter comme le défenseur de l’unité nationale face aux agressions étrangères. Pourtant, la bataille de Souk al-Gharb est aujourd’hui tombée dans l’oubli, quand ses protagonistes se divisent autour de son souvenir. En se fondant sur cette expérience combattante inédite, l’article examine le fonctionnement de l’armée libanaise dans le contexte de la guerre civile. Grâce à une vaste enquête orale menée auprès des vétérans, il met au jour les éléments de cohésion des unités combattantes, tout en nuançant la lecture confessionnelle qui sert souvent à expliquer les trajectoires des militaires au cours du conflit. La bataille de Souk al-Gharb ouvre ainsi l’histoire de la guerre du Liban à celle des grands conflits modernes, confinée d’ordinaire au cadre occidental. Elle prête aussi à une réflexion sur la place de la guerre civile dans la mémoire de l’institution militaire et de son personnel. Dans les usages mémoriels de la bataille ou leur absence, se lisent les failles d’une société divisée et son rapport problématique au passé.
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Kelly, Saul. "The SLS and the modern history of Libya." Libyan Studies 50 (October 22, 2019): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2019.10.
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AbstractThe Society for Libyan Studies has been in the forefront of research and writing on the modern history of Libya. The example was set by the first president of the society, Sir Duncan Cumming. Following the defeat of Axis forces in North Africa in 1942–43, he was closely involved with the British military administration of Libya. In this role he was instrumental in establishing local self-government and lobbying for Libyan independence, finally achieved in 1951. In retrospect it is clear that he also laid the groundwork for the study of the emergence of Libya as a modern state. Historians and members of the SLS, such as John Wright, have followed suit and have made major contributions through their books and articles to our understanding of the history of Libya. Long may this continue.
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Antoine, Jean-Christophe. "Ramsès XI, le premier prophète d’Amon et l’ascension de Piankh à Thèbes pendant l’Aire de la Renaissance." Journal of Egyptian History 12, no. 1 (April 29, 2019): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340050.
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Abstract An analysis of P. Geneva D191, P. BM EA 75019+10302, P. Penn 49.11, and P. Turin 2097+2105 leads to a new interpretation on the political events at Thebes during the Renaissance Era. Ramesses XI played a major role in the restoration of order with the help of Libyan troops. He decreed the Renaissance Era with the will of restoring control in the South. Nesamun, at the death of his brother Amenhotep, was compelled to return to his former position of second prophet of Amun while that of first prophet was left vacant for at least two years. After year 4 or 5 of the Renaissance Era, Piankh, who arrived at Thebes with the king, progressively installed a system of power which will prevail throughout the 21st Dynasty. In this new structure a military family of probable Libyan background occupied all the Theban secular and religious functions while maintaining a fictitious allegiance to the northern king.
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Elmayer, A. F. "The Centenaria of Roman Tripolitania." Libyan Studies 16 (1985): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900007305.
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AbstractControversy surrounds the reason why the centenaria were introduced into the pre-desert area of Tripolitania. This paper examines two conflicting theories; that of Goodchild that they were military in origin and that of Brogan and the Unesco Libyan Valleys team that they were in the main merely substantial private dwellings. The main contribution of this study is to provide new evidence from Latino-Punic inscriptions that the centenaria were private dwellings on private land.
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Kotov, Boris. "German Expansion in the Ottoman Empire on the Eve of the First World War in the Russian Press Comments." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022832-4.
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The Balkans and the territory of the Ottoman Empire (especially the Straits region and Asia Minor) on the eve of the First World War were the main region where Russian and Austro-German interests clashed. The article deals with the reaction of the Russian press to sending of the German military mission to Istanbul in winter 1913—1914, headed by General Liman von Sanders. The author stressed that this action of the Berlin Government contributed to the further growth of anti-German sentiments in the Russian society on the eve of the First World War.
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Kenrick, Philip. "Ancient sites in rural Cyrenaica: a partial update." Libyan Studies 44 (2013): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900009651.
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AbstractTwo brief reconnaissance visits to archaeological sites in Cyrenaica in November 2010 and April 2012, for the purpose of a new archaeological guidebook, led to a variety of observations concerning rural sites which have been little discussed since the 1950s. The predominant theme was a need for a wide-ranging and detailed reassessment of the chronology and nature of rural settlement. This was carried out in Tripolitania in the 1980s by the UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey, but nothing comparable has been done in Cyrenaica. Sites previously regarded as Byzantine or early Arab have yielded early Roman pottery, and many once taken to be military, with strengthened defences, now seem more likely to be civil and to have been shored up following earthquake damage.
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Gottschalk, Keith. "African Peacekeeping and African Integration: Current Challenges." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 678–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-678-686.
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Peacekeeping and economic union are the two most important dimensions of African integration. The first section of this article aims to analyse some current challenges to African peacekeeping, peacemaking, and African integration. The continuing Libyan civil war epitomizes the diplomatic stalemates and military stalemates which form the limits of current African peacekeeping. It exposes the North African Regional Capability and North African Standby Brigade as paper structures which do not exist operationally, and so limit the capacity of the African Union’s Peace and Security Council. The military intervention of states outside Africa can polarize conflicts and escalate civil wars. Africa’s colonial epoch serves as a warning of the potential dangers of foreign military bases in Africa. In parts of West Africa, states sub-contract peacemaking and anti-terrorist operations to unsupervised local militias, which are lawless at best, and commit ethnic killings at worst. African integration fares better in the economic dimension. The second section analyses African integration, with its focus on the most recent step of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which starts to lay the cornerstone envisaged four decades ago in the Lagos Plan of Action, and three decades ago in the Abuja Treaty for an African Economic Community. The historic track record of African continental organizations indicates that a decade will be a realistic minimum period for it to be substantially implemented. The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System will help operationalize the AfCFTA by lowering forex currency transaction charges. Severe difficulties can be predicted for future attempts to upgrade the AfCFTA into a continental customs union, and ultimately into a continental common market.
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Silveira, Ana Cláudia. "“Os vereadores não são temidos como é razão”: o governo de uma vila portuária do senhorio da Ordem Militar de Santiago no final da Idade Média." En la España Medieval 46 (May 18, 2023): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/elem.88038.
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El estudio del ejercicio del gobierno municipal de Setúbal a lo largo de los siglos finales de la Edad Media permite constatar el creciente control ejercido por la Orden de Santiago respecto al poder concejil, que se materializa, bien en la intervención en el proceso de designación de los más importantes cargos concejiles, bien en la interferencia en la creación de la normativa municipal. Estos aspectos no constituyen aspectos particulares de esta villa portuaria medieval, sino que se documentan en otros núcleos urbanos integrados en la jurisdicción de la Orden de Santiago. Las estrategias de control y reproducción del poder detectadas se asientan en el establecimiento de una red de vínculos que ligan a diversos individuos que integran la administración municipal y la estructura administrativa de la orden de Santiago.
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Mackensen, Michael. "New fieldwork at the Severan fort of Myd(…)/Gheriat el-Garbia on the limes Tripolitanus." Libyan Studies 43 (2012): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900000054.
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AbstractThe most outstanding oasis fort of the limes Tripolitanus, Myd(---)/Gheriat el-Garbia, saw the deployment of various military units between AD 198/201 and 275/80. Archaeological research in 2009/10 focussed on the fortifications, particularly the main and rear gates, the northern angle tower and interval towers 2 and 4 as well as the curtain wall at its south corner. The towers of the porta praetoria have been reconstructed theoretically with three storeys, at an overall height of c. 12.5 m. Of the headquarters building two of the rear rooms, including the shrine, were excavated. A monumental inscription of a length of c. 9.0 m and corresponding architectural elements suggest the existence of a groma building. Completely unexpected by archaeologists as well as ancient historians and rather spectacular is a late Roman reoccupation of the military site: after a hiatus of c. 80+ years building activities were undertaken within the fort and repairs and the blocking of the main gate could be observed and probably attributed to the deployment of a unit of limitanei between AD 360/80 (at the earliest) and 430/55. The reoccupied fort might be identified with the so far unknown castra Madensia, where the milites munifices were garrisoned (Notitia Dignitatum Occ. 31, 30). Further evidence of occupation, possibly of a Libyan chieftain and his tribe, has been assigned to the second half of the fifth century, continuing thereafter until AD 540+.
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Andri, Adetia, Johan Septian Putra, and Lidia Maijar. "The Arab Spring in Libya: Dynamics of Political Islam During the Muammar Khadafi Regime." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v7i1.9952.
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Arab spring memberikan pengaruh signifikan terhadap keadaan sosial dan politik di Libya era Muammar Khadafi. Jumlah pengangguran meningkat dan kegiatan bisnis wiraswasta mengalami kesulitan sehingga berdampak terhadap gejolak politik di wilayah tersebut. Tujuan penelitian dalam artikel ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan masa kedatangan Islam hingga Kemerdekaan di negara Libya, menganalisis gejolak politik era Muammar Khadafi hingga era Arab Spring. Prosedur metode penelitian sejarah memiliki empat tahapan, yaitu heuristik; kritik sumber atau verifikasi; interpretasi atau eksplanasi dan terakhir penulisan sejarah atau historiografi. Hasil penelitian dalam artikel ini, yaitu: Pertama, Negara Libya adalah negara bagian Afrika Utara dengan sistem berbasis Islam, wilayah ini sebelum kedatangan Islam pernah dikuasai oleh Kerajaan Byzantium (Kristen). Secara historis, penduduk Libya menganut mayoritas Islam. Selanjutnya, pada dinamika Politik Libya Pra Arab Spring telah mengantarkan sejarah baru dalam perpolitikan Libya. Sejeak Muammar Khadafi membentuk sistem politiknya sendiri dengan Dewan Komando Revolusi (militer) berperan penting dalam penyusunan kebijakan dan konstitusi negara. Setelah rezim Khadafi berakhir, dinamika politik di Libya membawa perubahan yang signifikan. Terakhir, krisis Politik di Libya memang terjadi secara penuh ketika Arab Spring terjadi Jazirah Arab dan masuk ke wilayah Libya sehingga menjadi negara mengalami kekacauan secara politik sehingga mempengaruhi distablisasi negara dan berakibat kepada kemerosotan sosial di negara tersebut. Muammar Khadafi dianggap dikator dan otoriter dalam kebijakan negaranya yang berdampak negatif terhadap sosial masyarakat Libya. Akibatnya masyarakat melakukan gejolak terhadap negara tersebut dengan menuntut agar Muammar Khadafi turun dari jabatannya. The Arab Spring had a significant impact on the social and political situation in Muammar Khadafi's Libya. The number of unemployed people increased and self-employed business activities experienced difficulties, which had an impact on political turmoil in the region. The research objectives in this article are to describe the arrival of Islam to Independence in the country of Libya, analyzing the political turmoil of the Muammar Khadafi era to the Arab Spring era. The historical research method procedure has four stages, namely heuristics; source criticism or verification; interpretation or explanation and finally historical writing or historiography. The results of the research in this article, namely: First, the State of Libya is a North African state with an Islamic-based system, this region before the arrival of Islam was once controlled by the Byzantine (Christian) Empire. Historically, the Libyan population adheres to the majority of Islam. Furthermore, the political dynamics of Libya before the Arab Spring has ushered in a new history in Libyan politics. Historically, Muammar Khadafi formed his own political system with the Revolutionary Command Council (military) playing an important role in drafting state policies and constitutions. After Khadafi's regime ended, the political dynamics in Libya brought significant changes. Finally, the political crisis in Libya did occur in full when the Arab Spring occurred in the Arabian Peninsula and entered the Libyan region so that the country experienced political chaos that affected the destabilization of the country and resulted in social decline in the country. Muammar Khadafi was considered a dictator and authoritarian in his state policies that negatively affected the social of Libyan society. As a result, the people made turmoil against the country by demanding that Muammar Khadafi step down from his position.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Histoire militaire – Liban"
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Iskandar, Hamid. "L'évolution de l'image de l'armée libanaise : 1990-2000." Paris 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA020037.
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Meskini, Mohammed. "Aspects juridiques de l'intervention armée syrienne au Liban (1976-1978)." Nancy 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986NAN20010.
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Le droit international contemporain se caractérise par la prohibition de l'intervention, surtout lorsque celle-ci revêt la forme d'un recours à la force armée. En envoyant ses troupes au Liban, en juin 1976, la Syrie a cependant fait valoir l'admissibilité de son intervention en arguant de plusieurs considérations parmi lesquelles la volonté de mettre fin à un conflit fratricide, le désir de donner suite à diverses sollicitations, la détermination de ne pas faire les frais d'un complot international et d'exercer un devoir national arabe apparaissent comme les plus décisives. Au vu d'une analyse commandée par l'examen des faits et l'énoncé des règles de droit, ces considérations se révèlent, toutefois, inaptes à fournir un fondement cohérent et valable à l'intervention syrienne et apparaissent comme autant d'alibis destinés à masquer la volonté de la Syrie d'exercer une étroite tutelle sur le Liban. Confrontée à la situation créée par l'intervention syrienne, la ligue arabe ne s'est pas réfugiée dans le verbalisme. Rompant avec une traditionnelle passivité, elle a réussi à s'orienter vers une conception opérationnelle et à mettre sur pied une force de maintien de la paix. L'étude de la mission confiée à cette dernière et l'observation des conditions qui ont présidé à son application incitent cependant au scepticisme. Destinée à faciliter la recherche de la paix, et axée au départ sur le désir de mettre fin à l'ingérence syrienne dans le conflit libanais, l'action de la ligue n'aura pas rempli son rôle et n'aura, en définitive, réussi qu'à consolider la pression de la Syrie sur le Liban exercée consécutivement à son intervention arméeThe international contemporary law is distinguished by prohibition of intervention especially when it takes the shape of a resort to armed force. By sending its stroops in Lebanon in June 1976 Syrie had in meantine the admissibility of its intervention infering from several considerations between the will to give a end at a fratricidal clash, the wish to take in account various entreaties, the determination of not being restlessby an international plot and exercise national arabic duty appear as the more decissive. After an analysis constrained by the examination of the facts and the wording of the legal rules these motives come to light, nevertheless unfit for giving a coherent and valid foundation to the Syrian intervention and appear as alibis aimed at disguising the Syrian will to exert un straightened guardianship on Lebanon. Confronted at the situation created by the Syrian intervention the Arab league had not taken refuge in wordiness. Breaking with a traditional passivity it succeeds to move towards an operational conseiving and to create a power for keeping the peace. The study of the mission trusted to that last and the observance of conditions which still presited its application urge on scepticism. Destined to make easier the search of peace and centred on the wish to give a end to the Syrian interference in the Lebany's clash the action of the Arab league has not fill his part and has just succed at last to consolidate the pressure of Syrie on Lebanon exerted consecutively at its military intervention
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Rihana, Sami. "Aux origines de l'armée libanaise contemporaine : 1916-1946." Paris 4, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA040308.
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Hassine, Jonathan. "Tous pour la patrie ? L'armée libanaise et ses combattants à l'épreuve de la guerre civile : entre la caserne, la milice et le foyer." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023SORUL104.
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Cette thèse porte sur l'histoire de l'armée libanaise et de ses combattants au cours de la guerre civile qui a déchiré le Liban de 1975 à 1990. Dans l'historiographie, l'armée libanaise est présentée comme une institution minée par les clivages communautaires et impuissante à mettre fin au conflit. Notre travail consiste à dépasser cette grille de lecture fondée sur le confessionnalisme et le modèle wébérien de l'État comme détenteur du monopole de la violence légitime. Il explore la façon dont l'armée libanaise se recomposa tout au long du conflit et démontre que les militaires y jouèrent un rôle central, que ce soit en prenant part aux affrontements ou en participant à la formation des milices de tous bords. Pour ce faire, nous nous appuyons sur deux corpus complémentaires : un éventail de sources écrites en arabe, en français et en anglais qui vont des archives diplomatiques françaises et américaines aux mémoires d'officiers en passant par la presse et les revues officielles de l'armée libanaise ; ainsi qu'une vaste enquête orale menée auprès des anciens militaires qui ont servi et combattu pendant la guerre civile. La combinaison de ces matériaux permet de comprendre la reconfiguration des relations entre les chefs d'unité et leurs hommes : c'est dans ces interactions quotidiennes que se joue la survie des unités combattantes. En articulant l'anthropologie historique de la guerre à la sociologie des combattants, cette thèse contribue à repenser les contours de l'État et la place d'une armée nationale en contexte de guerre civile. Elle prête aussi, grâce aux témoignages des vétérans, à une réflexion sur la mémoire de la guerre du Liban dans l'institution militaire et sur les divisions de la société libanaise face à son passéMy thesis focuses on the history of the Lebanese army and its combatants during the civil war that tore Lebanon apart between 1975 and 1990. In the existing literature, the Lebanese army appears as an institution divided along sectarian lines and unable to put an end to the conflict. My work goes beyond this interpretation based on sectarianism and on the Weberian conception of the state as necessarily claiming a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence. I explore instead the way in which the Lebanese army recomposed itself throughout the conflict, and argue that the military played a central role, either by taking part in the fighting or by training militias from all sides. To do so, I draw upon two bodies of sources: a collection of various written sources in Arabic, French and English, ranging from French and US diplomatic archives to officers' memoirs and the army's bulletins; as well as extensive fieldwork conducted among retired officers and NCOs who served and fought during the civil war. The combination of these materials allows me to show how the survival of combat units relies mostly on the relationships between the junior officers and their soldiers. By bringing together the anthropological approach to war and the sociology of combat, my dissertation contributes to reexamining both the boundaries of the state and the role of a national army in a civil war context. Based on the oral testimonies, I also reflect on the memory of the Lebanese Civil War within the military institution and among its veterans. The various narratives of the conflict, as much as their absence, tell us about the current divisions the Lebanese society and its troubled relationship to the past
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Hariri, Ahmad. "L'Armée et le pouvoir politique au Liban." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010273.
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Formée à la française, l'armée libanaise institution traditionnellement neutre et apolitique fut entrainée progressivement dans l’arène politique par des chefs des centres des pouvoirs communautaires et régionaux et par les politiciens. Jalouse de son insularisme, l'armée libanaise tenta de rester à l'écart, loin de luttes fratricides et des conflits partisans. Elle observa une certaine passivité qui le contraignait à jouer le rôle d'une force neutre, d'arbitrage et sans aucun pouvoir. Par ailleurs, certaines données relevant de la complexité du pluralisme du système social libanais s'opposèrent à ce que le Liban soit un état à prédominance militaire et en firent un terrain fertile à la fomentation des coups d'état. L'appel aux soldats par certaines forces politiques et l'épouvantable drame que vit le Liban, depuis plus d'une décennie firent de l'armée une force putschiste. En outre, en suivant la genèse de l'insertion de l'armée dans la politique et en étudiant ses manifestations dans le système libanais, nous constatons que le rôle politique des militaires l'invita à exercer des pouvoirs différents sous les formes pesantes d'une force d'appui.
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Malsagne, Stéphane. "Fu'Âd Chihâb (1902-1973) : contribution à l'étude d'une figure historique majeure du Liban contemporain." Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010643.
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Fu'âd Chihâb (1902-1973) est surtout connu pour âtre le troisième chef d'Etat du Liban. Indépendant et le premier militaire a présider les destinées de son pays (1958-1964). Chef et guide pour certains, pourfendeur de la démocratie pour d'autres, le personnage est sujet en son temps et ex post aux passions et aux controverses. Mais l'homme ne se réduit pas a sa présidence. Sa vie traverse une grande partie du XX ème sièle libanais, de la fin de l'époque ottomane aux prémices de la deuxième guerre civile. Comme officier des Troupes spéciales et premier commandant en chef de l'armée libanaise, il est aussi au coeur de bien d'autres enjeux essentiels qui concernent son pays depuis l'indépendance de 1943. L'année 1958 est loin d'être l'unique point de départ pour comprendre le personnage dont la pensée réformiste à des origines plus anciennes. A travers son parcours, est posée la question plus générale de l'éolution des élites libanaises. Apres sa présidence, il apparaît en témoin privilégié des années précédant la guerre civile. Sa vie est celle d'un acteur national majeur, moins assume que construit et dont la memo ire est fortement instrumentalisée de son vivant jusqu'a la République de Ta'if. Notre travail tente d'apporter une nouvelle lecture du parcours de Fu'âd Chihâb par Ie biais d'archives inédites et par une déconstruction des discours classiques.
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McQuinn, Brian. "Inside the Libyan revolution : cognitive foundations of armed struggle." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711696.
Full textBooks on the topic "Histoire militaire – Liban"
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Genèse de l'État mandataire: Service des renseignements et bandes armées en Syrie et au Liban dans les années 1920. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2003.
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Zhu, Sunyi. Tuan lian shi yi. Taibei Xian Yonghe Shi: Wen hai chu ban she, 1990.
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Xing zheng yuan guo jun tui chu yi guan bing fu dao wei yuan hui (China). Lian lian juan cun shen shen qing yi. Taibei Shi: Xing zheng yuan guo jun tui chu yi guan bing fu dao wei yuan hui, 2008.
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Meiguo lian meng zhan lüe yan jiu. Beijing: Guo fang da xue chu ban she, 2002.
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Chen, Bin. Sichuan tuan lian yan jiu (1912-1936). Jinan Shi: Shandong da xue chu ban she, 2017.
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Dongbei kang lian jing shen. Shenyang Shi: Bai Shan chu ban she, 2010.
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China (Republic : 1949- ). Guo fang bu. Bu chang ban gong shi., ed. Juan lian.: Armed force's family quarters. Army. [Taibei Shi]: Guo fang bu bu chang ban gong shi, 2007.
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China (Republic : 1949- ). Guo fang bu. Bu chang ban gong shi., ed. Juan lian.: Armed force's family quarters. Army. [Taibei Shi]: Guo fang bu bu chang ban gong shi, 2007.
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Dongbei kang Ri lian jun: Di yi jun. 2nd ed. Ha'erbin Shi: Heilongjiang ren min chu ban she, 2005.
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Lahīb al-ṣaḥrāʼ: Ḥarb Tshād : mudhakkirāt shāhid ʻayān. Ṭarābulus, Lībyā: al-Hayʼah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Thaqāfah, 2019.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Histoire militaire – Liban"
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Jenkins, Tiffany. "Making an Exhibition of Ourselves: Using the Dead to Fight the Battles of the Living." In Archaeologists and the Dead. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198753537.003.0020.
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In October 2011, graphic images of a blood-stained and dead Muammar Gaddafi were sent around the internet. For some time after his death, his dead body was displayed at a house in Misrat, where masses of people queued to see it. His corpse provided a focus for the Libyan people, as proof that he really was dead and could finally be dominated. When Osama bin Laden was killed by the American military in May that same year, unlike Gaddafi, the body was absent, but the absence was significant. Shortly after he was killed a decision was taken not to show pictures of the dead body and it was buried at sea. The American military appear to have been concerned it would become a physical site for his supporters to congregate, and the photographs used by different sides in a propaganda war. Both cases reflect an aim to control the dead body and associated meanings with the person; that is not unusual: after the Nuremberg trials, the Allied authorities cremated Hermann Göring—who committed suicide prior to his scheduled hanging—so that his grave would not become a place of worship for Nazi sympathizers. These examples should remind us that dead bodies have longer lives than is at first obvious. They are central to rituals of mourning, but beyond this, throughout history, they have also played a role in political battles and provided a—sometimes contested—focus for reconciliation and remembrance. They have political and social capital and are objects with symbolic potential. In The Political Lives of Dead Bodies the anthropologist Katherine Verdery explores the way the dead body has been used in this way and why it is particularly effective. Firstly, she observes, human remains are effective symbolic objects because their meaning is ambiguous; that is whilst their associated meanings are contingent on a number of factors, including the individual and the cultural context, they are not fixed and are open to interpretation and manipulation: ‘Remains are concrete, yet protean; they do not have a single meaning but are open to many different readings’ (Verdery 1999: 28).