Books on the topic 'High level migration'

The chapter argues that while Europe needs high-skilled immigrants to fill labour shortages and respond to ageing populations, it continues to struggle recruiting these immigrants due to incre asing political tensions over immigration, which can also affect the highly skilled. These tensions are visible in the varying national policies and Blue Card versions at the EU level. The chapter analyses demographic, economic, and political challenges in Europe and traces high-skilled immigration policy developments over the last decade, both in terms of national policies and the adoption of the EU Blue Card. To demonstrate the variation in Blue Card versions, the chapter presents a newly developed Blue Card Index (BCI) and compares it with an existing index of national high-skilled immigration policies. The indices highlight considerable variation in national policies and Blue Card versions. This has important policy implications, which are discussed in the concluding section.

This chapter uses two pioneering databases to analyse the implications of the global economic crisis on international migration. The first details inflows of migrant workers of 185 nationalities to ten OECD destinations, disaggregated by skill level between 2000 and 2012. The second comprises immigration policies implemented by nineteen OECD countries between 2000 and 2012. It distinguishes between six skill-selective admission policies, six post-entry policy instruments, and three bilateral agreements. The preliminary analysis is presented against the backdrop of the crisis, which negatively affected annual inflows of highly and other skilled migrants between 2007 and 2009, although these resumed an upward trend thereafter. The starkest trends in policy terms include: the diffusion of student jobseeker visas, the relative stability in the prevalence of skill-selective policies in the wake of the crisis, a greater use of financial incentives to attract high-skilled workers, and increased employer transferability for migrants at destination.

This chapter provides an extensive review of the existing empirical literature that analyses the impact of (mostly high-skilled) migration on the innovative performances of firms, regions, and countries. The authors discuss the different features of the immigrant labour force, such as education, occupation, age, and internal ethnic diversity, that play a role in the contribution of immigrants to innovation. By categorizing the existing studies on the basis of the definition of innovation and migration that they adopt, as well as on the specific level of analysis chosen (at the firm, regional, or country level), the chapter also engages in an in-depth discussion about the policy implications that can be drawn from the existing evidence. Finally, the chapter outlines some suggestions about the implementation of appropriate immigration policies, able to truly foster innovation in European countries.

This chapter examines the relationship between highly skilled international migration and urban–regional development. We describe how this mobility–urbanization nexus is conditioned by the various scalar actors. The locational preference-seeking of high-skilled workers gives insight into the individual determinants of migration. Meanwhile, the hiring and recruitment practices of local and international firms further conditions these outcomes. As the ultimate regulator of economic activity and labour mobility, the state further alters the context in which firms and labour operate. Together, these three actors create multiscalar processes operating at local, national, and global levels to determine who goes where and why in the global economy.

A key argument in Chapter 3 is that low levels of outward migration accelerate the positive dynamic of managerial mobility across companies and industries within a region. This chapter examines the migration patterns of employed, highly educated, high-earning individuals (i.e., the demographic in which professional managerial talent belong) across the largest metropolitan areas in the United States. As expected, Minneapolis-St. Paul has the lowest or among the lowest rate of outward migration over forty years, and over that time period the region consistently adds to this talent pool. In addition, this migration pattern is pronounced for employed, highly educated, high-earning individuals with school-aged children. The chapter introduces the Talent Migration Map to help discern different migration dynamics.

Scotland and England had broadly similar fertility and mortality trends, but Scotland’s net emigration far exceeded England’s at all periods, and in most decades was the highest in western Europe after Ireland. Analysis at local authority level shows net out-migration from almost every county in every decade until at least the 1990s, with high net outflows not just from highland and island areas but spread across most of rural Scotland and, much earlier than in England, even from the cities and largest towns. From the 1950s, Scotland had no local authorities which shared the significant net inflows found across large areas of the English south and the midlands. Graphical analysis shows major differences in crude birth and death rates in different parts of Scotland, with birth rates persistently high in the manufacturing areas of the Central Belt and low in the crofting and textile manufacturing counties.

This book describes and explains how diaspora engagement institutions have spread globally and begun to unleash a new wave of human geopolitics. Migration has become an urgent priority around the world and at every level of government, but most research still focuses exclusively on immigration policy, even while most governments care more deeply about emigration and the transnational involvements of emigrants and their descendants in the diaspora. Liberal democracies long eschewed emigration controls, which may violate freedom of exit and interfere in other countries’ domestic affairs. But this is changing: in the past quarter century, more than half of all United Nations member states have established a government office devoted to ‘their’ people abroad. What explains the rise of these ‘diaspora institutions’, and how does it relate to the political geographies of decolonization, regional integration and global migration governance since World War II? In addressing these questions, this book reports quantitative data covering all UN members from 1936–2015, and fieldwork with high-level policy makers across sixty states. It shows how, in many world regions, the unregulated spread of diaspora institutions is unleashing a wave of ‘human geopolitics’, involving state competition over people rather than territory. The book suggests the development of stronger guiding principles and evaluation frameworks to govern state-diaspora relations in an era of unprecedented global interdependence.

Immigration has transformed the social, economic, political and cultural landscapes of global cities such as London, Melbourne, Milan and Amsterdam. The term 'superdiversity' captures a new era of migration-driven demographic diversifications and associated complexities. Superdiversity is the future or, in many cases, the current reality of neighbourhoods, cities, countries and regions, yet the implications of superdiversification for governance and policy have, until now, received very little attention. This book explores the ways in which superdiversity has shaped the development of policy and considers challenges for the future. It begins with an overview of superdiversity. Patterns of migration to high-income countries until the 1990s mainly consisted of many migrants coming from a few countries to a small number of places. Around the turn of the 1990s, a new pattern of migration and associated diversification was observed. Since its inception, the concept of 'superdiversity' was meant to move beyond an observation of ethnic and national diversity, to capture the multidimensional aspect of the processes of diversification driven by new migration. The book critically assesses an 'intercultural policy turn' evident in many European cities, and then examines whether governance mainstreaming forms a suitable policy response to situations of superdiversity. It moves on to assess transmigration and how local urban governance has come to incorporate migration-driven superdiversity in policies. The book concludes with an assessment of how the urban setting conditions emerging us/them distinctions at the neighbourhood level. The analysis involves paying particular attention to the nature and make-up of backlash narratives, as these essentially represent localised responses to changing power dynamics and resource allocations.

High in the Australian Alps, Possum needs to find enough food and shelter to survive the harsh alpine winter. She will spend months hibernating under a blanket of snow. Will she last through the year to successfully raise a new family? The mountain pygmy-possum is small in size but huge in appeal! Once thought to be extinct, there are now around 2500 of these tiny survivors in the wild. They need snow and bogong moths to survive, and also the support of great conservation work. Reading level varies from child to child, but we recommend this book for ages 6 to 9.

The current era of globalization is characterized by a high degree of interconnectedness across borders and continents. This not only goes hand in hand with significant levels of international trade and foreign direct investments but also with migration, which is all too often driven by conflicts of various kinds. While various interdependencies between conflict and migration have been explored in the literature, a link that is not yet sufficiently understood relates to the interdependencies between environmental or resource-related conflicts and migration as well as the role of governance in this respect. This book strives to overcome some of these shortages in providing an interdisciplinary analysis of the interconnectedness between environmental and resource conflicts and migration. To this end, the contributions of this book address four core questions: (i) When do environmental and resource-related problems lead to conflicts and how does this create incentives for migration? How does the governance of natural resources either reduce or enhance the chances of conflicts and migration to emerge? (ii) Who leaves a country and where do migrants go? Which migration governance arrangements are at play in mediating conflicts and in directing migration flows? (iii) How do the trajectories of national, regional and international migration governance regimes look like? How effectively do they regulate environmental or resource-related migration? (iv) Which effects does migration have on possible conflict dynamics in destination countries and what is the role of governance arrangements in this respect? How do host countries participate in governance for the prevention of environmental or resource-related conflicts in countries of origin in order to reduce or prevent migration?

This essay discusses women and patterns of crime in the Western world across time. Although criminologists generally agree that women are responsible for a considerably smaller proportion of prosecuted crime than men, historical studies indicate that they played a much more prominent role in crime before the twentieth century. This essay pays attention to explanatory factors for past high female crime rates, such as level of urbanization, migration patterns, and women’s public lifestyles. It also examines various important historical debates on changes in patterns of crime and gender, including the debate about the decline of female crime in Western Europe after 1800 and the discussion regarding women’s changing attitudes toward violence beginning in the eighteenth century. Finally, it examines shifts in female crime rates in the last two decades, concluding that more systematic data on male and female crime rates that include variation across time and space are needed.

Ethnicity, nationalism, and migration are popular topics in many academic disciplines, but research on public opinion in these areas has suffered from a lack of good data, disciplinary fragmentation, and a dearth of studies that engage one another. This is evident in the case of public opinion survey research undertaken in the world’s hotspots of ethnic conflict. As a result, ethnic conflict scholars have had to rely on proxy measures or indirect studies to test “opinion” towards ethnicity and nationalism in the developing world. In the developed world, however, there is more to work with in terms of opinion measurements. A prominent example is the European Union’s “Eurobarometer” surveys, which gauge attachment to and identification with “Europe” and the individual nation. Research on national identity and ethnic conflict has often been the starting point for theories of public opinion regarding immigration. A common finding is that there is a weak connection (if any) between opinion and policy on the immigration issue. Several areas need to be addressed as far as research is concerned. For example, the picture of xenophobic hostility in rich countries must be understood in a context of general changes in word migration patterns, with some emerging economies also experiencing high levels of immigration, and concurrent anti-immigrant public opinion. Two shortcomings of the literature also deserve closer attention: a focus on developing-to-developed country migration; and a lack of analyses that combine push and pull factors, to measure their relative causal weight in terms of bilateral immigration flows.

How do migrants affect the political systems of their municipalities of origin? This chapter seeks to understand the factors that lead to a range of possible outcomes. To do this, it employs a comparative subnational research design to analyze ethnographic data gathered from 12 high-migration municipalities in the states of Oaxaca, Guanajuato, and Zacatecas. The chapter documents how migrants have interacted with home-country political actors and evaluates the impact of these interactions. Migrant engagement resulted in some form of increased political competition in 6 of the 12 municipalities studied; in all but one of these cases, the result was factionalism and a divided opposition at best, and deep and violent social conflict at worst. In the remaining 6 municipalities, dominant political actors either incorporated migrants into the prevailing system by establishing neocorporatist equilibria or successfully blocked the influence of migrant actors all together, despite high levels of migration.

It is almost universally recognized that the Middle East and Asia constitute two of the most important regions today when thinking about international relations, energy and sustainable development, economics, religion, culture, and the so called ‘clash’ or ‘dialogue’ of civilizations. Both the Middle East and Asia are, independent of one another, significant sources of natural resources, military conflict, cultural production, human migration and political attention. Despite the high level of international interest in the Middle East and Asia, there have been relatively few publications focused on the interactions of the two regions and how the two regions are inextricably linked in the economic and political impact they have on the rest of the world. East by Mid-East provides a multi-disciplinary and trans-regional approach to the historical roots and continued development of ties between the Middle East and Asia, from Muslim-Confucian relations to nuclear technology exchange between China and Saudi Arabia. The contributors include academics, policy makers and consultants, leaders in international business, law professionals and military.

Ketone bodies (KBs) are always present in the blood, and their levels increase after high-fat diet intake, prolonged exercise, or extended fasting. Thus, one can predict effects on the brain capillary endothelium from high levels of ketones in the blood. Prolonged exposure of blood-brain barrier (BBB) endothelial cells to KBs induces expression of monocarboxylate transporters and enhances brain uptake of KBs. In addition, cell migration and expression of gap junction proteins are up-regulated by KBs. Thus, beneficial effects of the ketogenic diet may depend on increased brain uptake of KBs to match metabolic demand and repair of a disrupted BBB. As the effects of KBs on the BBB and their transport mechanisms across the BBB are better understood, it will be possible to develop alternative strategies to optimize the therapeutic benefits of KBs for brain disorders where the BBB is compromised.

Over the past fifty years, the primary marker differentiating the developmental conditions amongst Middle Eastern states has been the natural endowment, or lack thereof, of petroleum resources. The difference in economic strength between neighboring states has had a profound impact on the dynamics of intra-regional migration. Migration has largely been from the less wealthy states of the Arab world to the small sheikhdoms of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The particular demographic features and economic needs of the states of the GCC have facilitated this enduring pattern of regional migration. Despite the transition in the Gulf’s expatriate labor force to one that is now sourced mostly from South Asia, the continued employment opportunities provided to Arab migrants in the GCC are still of vital importance, particularly because the Middle East is once again in the throes of high levels of conflict. While the Gulf may not be amenable to hosting refugee populations from neighboring Arab states, the desire of Arab workers to find employment in the GCC can only have increased as a result of instability.

This chapter explores the beginning of a new stage of Asian American history that is characterized by improved socioeconomic opportunities and a move away from the Asian American strongholds of Hawaii and California. The high levels of Asian American demographic growth and migration to the New South are facilitated by a less discriminatory labor market than was characteristic of the pre-Civil Rights era. Many Asian Americans are flocking to the New South to take advantage of its improved socioeconomic opportunities. Whereas the better-paying and more desirable jobs were reserved for whites in the Old South, Asian Americans in the New South no longer appear to be automatically excluded from the top of the “racial hierarchy.”

This chapter presents the historical and conceptual background to the book’s argument. It starts with a history of Ghana, followed by an analysis of the trends that have led to high levels of out-migration, and then to a description of Ghanaian populations in Chicago. Next, it addresses the concept of social trust in general and personal trust in particular, developing a theory of personal trust as an imaginative and symbolic activity, and analyzing interracial relations through the lens of racialized distrust. It concludes by describing the role of religion in the integration of immigrant groups into the United States and the particular religious frameworks that characterize Charismatic Evangelical Christianity in Ghana.

This chapter explores the challenges that European emerging adults encounter in attempting to flourish within a continent that has extreme levels of socioeconomic inequality and very high levels of migration. Average incomes across the countries of the EU differ by up to a factor of 10, and in the less affluent countries there is a strong motive to move to a more wealthy country to find better paid work. This tends to happen during emerging adulthood; the overwhelming majority of economic migrants in Europe are between the ages of 18 and 30. The well-being of emerging adults in Europe is captured by the European Social Survey (ESS). In 2012, France scored lowest of all participating countries in the ESS for flourishing. We briefly explore how the absence of flourishing in young people may be linked to radicalization, and link this to France’s recent difficulties with terrorism committed by young adult males.

The drive to create a common labour market in Europe has proceeded with little thought given to the particular needs of labour. After all, a large (geographic) market benefits investors and consumers more than workers, ceteris paribus, as it is costly for workers to move great distance. This book examines the process of market integration in Europe to show how it has undermined the power and influence of European workers, and results in a market that generates significant human costs. In the absence of tools for stabilizing local labour markets, European workers now bear the main burden of economic adjustment. This burden comes in the form of high unemployment levels, falling wages, shrinking welfare supports and market-forced migration, or workaway.

Hypertension is a multifactorial disease, in which vascular dysfunction plays a prominent role. It occurs in over 30% of adults worldwide and an additional 30% are at high risk of developing the disease. Vascular pathology is both a cause of the disease and a key manifestation of hypertension-associated target-organ damage. It leads to clinical symptoms and is a key risk factor for cardiovascular disease. All layers of the vascular wall and the endothelium are involved in the pathogenesis of hypertension. Pathogenetic mechanisms, whereby vascular damage contributes to hypertension, are linked to increased peripheral vascular resistance. At the vascular level, processes leading to change sin peripheral resistance include hyper-contractility of vascular smooth muscle cells, endothelial dysfunction, and structural remodelling, due to aberrant vascular signalling, oxidative and inflammatory responses. Increased vascular stiffness due to vascular remodelling, adventitial fibrosis, and inflammation are key processes involved in sustained and established hypertension. These mechanisms are linked to vascular smooth muscle and fibroblast proliferation, migration, extracellular matrix remodelling, calcification, and inflammation. Apart from the key role in the pathogenesis of hypertension, hypertensive vasculopathy also predisposes to atherosclerosis, another risk factor for cardiovascular disease. This is linked to increased transmural pressure, blood flow, and shear stress alterations in hypertension, as well as endothelial dysfunction and vascular stiffness. Therefore, understanding the mechanisms and identifying potential novel treatments targeting hypertensive vasculopathy are of primary importance in vascular medicine.

Colombia has the highest number of people displaced by violence in the world. According to the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHRC), in 2017, 7.7 million people were registered as being internally displaced. Forced migration as a result of displacement caused by armed conflict, in a context of weak protection of the rights of the victim population and low-income generation, represents a challenge for social development, which is limited by high levels of poverty and income concentration. In particular, the territorialisation of the peace agreements is currently still under construction with serious difficulties in the security systems of social leaders and in improving economic opportunities in both legal and formal ways to counteract the damaging effects of criminal economies that are associated with illegal mining and drug trafficking. The research, conducted from the forced migration approach, contributes to building strategies from different areas, mainly from the institutional and labour market, to reduce the obstacles to the reintegration of victims into civil society through a public policy built based on citizen participation. In this sense, governance processes with citizen participation are situated in security concepts that encompass the State’s obligation to offer better income opportunities in legal economies, of protection of human and democratic rights, and consolidation of transitional justice mechanisms, which are a priority in the advance toward sustainable peace.

This monograph is the product of an international conference entitled “Russia — Turkey — Greece: Opportunities for Dialogue in the Balkans”, which was held on September 15, 2020. The conference was conducted by the Department of Modern History of Central and South-Eastern Europe of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The authors of the monograph studied a wide range of issues related to the roles of Russia, Turkey, and Greece in the Balkans. Researchers have examined both the history and future perspectives; namely, how their mutual interactions have affected their overall relations and how they may contribute to the dialogue and cooperation amongst the three nations. The topics examined include: wars and diplomatic relations in general, religious ties and their impact, historical memory and modern images, regional issues and migration, the ties among the three countries and their influence on mutual relations. The first part of the monograph entitled “Russian-Turkish-Greek relations in historical retrospect” deals with such topics as the historical memory of the Balkans between the Byzantine, Ottoman, and Russian Empires and the current foreign policy practices of several countries in the region; the first Russian consuls in the Ottoman Empire during peace and war of 1776–1787; the fate of Russians, Bulgarians, and Turks in the crucible of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877–1878; and Khilandar Monastery on Mount Athos, Russian diplomacy in the context of Russian-Serbian relations in 1850–1870s, and the history of the relations between Russia and Mount Athos in the second half of the 19th century using the examples of Archimandrite Leonid (Kavelin) and St. Panteleimon Monastery. The authors offer a historical context of imperial relations which serves as a “bridge” to understanding later events. In the second part, “Russia, Turkey, Greece at the present stage: opportunities for cooperation and partnership”, experts consider a number of regional problems, namely: political relations between the USSR, Turkey, and Greece on the Cyprus issue between 1950 and 1970; a comparative analysis of the policies of Turkey, the Russian Federation, and Greece towards the Kosovo issue from 1999 to 2008; Turkey’s policy in the Balkans and Turkish approaches to interaction with Russia and Greece; and Greek-Turkish disagreement over the Aegean Sea. Other chapters examine bilateral relations and their effects on the third party: Greece and Turkey, cooperation or rivalry in the migration sphere; the Turkish factor in Greek-Russian relations in the 2010s; problems and prospects of development of cooperation in the Balkans: Russia’s role. Two chapters explore the historical memories of the Balkan people: Friend forever — unfriend forever: Russia and Turkey as seen by modern Greeks, and “Revival Process” in the modern Bulgarian Turk’s memory according to the results of an expedition to Slavjanovo village. Finally, a chapter on mathematical tools for measuring the level of multilingualism of the population in the Russian Federation, the Turkish Republic, Greece, and the Republic of Cyprus concludes the monograph. In the last decades there has been a steady rapprochement in Russian-Turkish relations and a deepening of cooperation both at the bilateral and regional levels. In Greece, traditional cultural and historical ties with Russia have been preserved, and public opinion continues to demonstrate a high degree of trust in modern Russia and its leadership. In this context, the monograph is an important contribution to the study of the Balkans, has promoted the exchange of views and cooperation among scholars, and may further strengthen mutual understanding among the peoples of Russia, Turkey, and Greece. These works may be of interest to researchers of the history of the Balkans, Greece and Turkey, university students, and practitioners and experts interested in the region.

Precipitation levels in southern Africa exhibit a marked east–west gradient and are characterized by strong seasonality and high interannual variability. Much of the mainland south of 15°S exhibits a semiarid to dry subhumid climate. More than 66 percent of rainfall in the extreme southwest of the subcontinent occurs between April and September. Rainfall in this region—termed the winter rainfall zone (WRZ)—is most commonly associated with the passage of midlatitude frontal systems embedded in the austral westerlies. In contrast, more than 66 percent of mean annual precipitation over much of the remainder of the subcontinent falls between October and March. Climates in this summer rainfall zone (SRZ) are dictated by the seasonal interplay between subtropical high-pressure systems and the migration of easterly flows associated with the Intertropical Convergence Zone. Fluctuations in both SRZ and WRZ rainfall are linked to the variability of sea-surface temperatures in the oceans surrounding southern Africa and are modulated by the interplay of large-scale modes of climate variability, including the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO), Southern Indian Ocean Dipole, and Southern Annular Mode.Ideas about long-term rainfall variability in southern Africa have shifted over time. During the early to mid-19th century, the prevailing narrative was that the climate was progressively desiccating. By the late 19th to early 20th century, when gauged precipitation data became more readily available, debate shifted toward the identification of cyclical rainfall variation. The integration of gauge data, evidence from historical documents, and information from natural proxies such as tree rings during the late 20th and early 21st centuries, has allowed the nature of precipitation variability since ~1800 to be more fully explored.Drought episodes affecting large areas of the SRZ occurred during the first decade of the 19th century, in the early and late 1820s, late 1850s–mid-1860s, mid-late 1870s, earlymid-1880s, and mid-late 1890s. Of these episodes, the drought during the early 1860s was the most severe of the 19th century, with those of the 1820s and 1890s the most protracted. Many of these droughts correspond with more extreme ENSO warm phases.Widespread wetter conditions are less easily identified. The year 1816 appears to have been relatively wet across the Kalahari and other areas of south central Africa. Other wetter episodes were centered on the late 1830s–early 1840s, 1855, 1870, and 1890. In the WRZ, drier conditions occurred during the first decade of the 19th century, for much of the mid-late 1830s through to the mid-1840s, during the late 1850s and early 1860s, and in the early-mid-1880s and mid-late 1890s. As for the SRZ, markedly wetter years are less easily identified, although the periods around 1815, the early 1830s, mid-1840s, mid-late 1870s, and early 1890s saw enhanced rainfall. Reconstructed rainfall anomalies for the SRZ suggest that, on average, the region was significantly wetter during the 19th century than the 20th and that there appears to have been a drying trend during the 20th century that has continued into the early 21st. In the WRZ, average annual rainfall levels appear to have been relatively consistent between the 19th and 20th centuries, although rainfall variability increased during the 20th century compared to the 19th.

This book explores how festivals and events affect urban places and public spaces, with a particular focus on their role in fostering inclusion. The ‘festivalisation’ of culture, politics and space in cities is often regarded as problematic, but this book examines the positive and negative ways that festivals affect cities by examining festive spaces as contested spaces. The book focuses on Western European cities, a particularly interesting context given the social and cultural pressures associated with high levels of in-migration and concerns over the commercialisation and privatisation of public spaces. The key themes of this book are the quest for more inclusive urban spaces and the contested geographies of festival spaces and places. Festivals are often used by municipal authorities to break down symbolic barriers that restrict who uses public spaces and what those spaces are used for. However, the rise of commercial festivals and ticketed events means that they are also responsible for imposing physical and financial obstacles that reduce the accessibility of city parks, streets and squares. Alongside addressing the contested effects of urban festivals on the character and inclusivity of public spaces, the book addresses more general themes including the role of festivals in culture-led regeneration. Several chapters analyse festivals and events as economic development tools, and the book also covers contested representations of festival cities and the ways related images and stories are used in place marketing. A range of cases from Western Europe are used to explore these issues, including chapters on some of the world’s most significant and contested festival cities: Venice, Edinburgh, London and Barcelona. The book covers a wide range of festivals, including those dedicated to music and the arts, but also events celebrating particular histories, identities and pastimes. A series of fascinating cases are discussed - from the Venice Biennale and Dublin Festival of History, to Rotterdam’s music festivals and craft beer festivals in Manchester. The diverse and innovative qualities of the book are also evident in the range of urban spaces covered: obvious examples of public spaces – such as parks, streets, squares and piazzas – are addressed, but the book includes chapters on enclosed public spaces (e.g., libraries) and urban blue spaces (waterways) too. This reflects the interpretation of public spaces as socio-material entities: they are produced informally through their use (including for festivals and events), as well as through their formal design and management.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.