Journal articles on the topic 'Herbert Moran'

In May 1940, Sir Charles McMoran Wilson (later Lord Moran) was on the instigation of Lord Max Beaverbrook and Brendan Bracken, (both patients, then friends of Wilson) introduced to Winston Churchill. Thereafter, he remained Churchill’s personal physician until Churchill’s death. In his controversial book detailing Winston Churchill’s health, Lord Moran refers briefly to two doctors resident in Monaco, who were involved in the management of Churchill’s declining health from 1949. One was Scottish, Herbert Robert Burnett Gibson and the other Welsh, Dafydd Myrddin Roberts. The military and civilian careers of these doctors are profiled here.

RESUMOEste artigo tem o escopo de apresentar o pensamento do jusfilósofo inglês Herbert Lionel Adolphus Hart (1907-1992), no que tange à conceituação do Direito e sua relação com a Moral. Palavras-chave: Direito. Moral. Pensamento Jusfilosófico. ABSTRACTThis article has the scope to present the thinking of the English philosopher Herbert Lionel Adolphus Hart (1907-1992), regarding the conceptualization of Law and its relation to Morals. Keywords: Law. Moral. Jusfilosófico Thought.

Abstract In Great Expectations (1860–61), Pip and Herbert’s formal introduction to each other in London is a rare occasion on which Pip discloses his first name to someone else, and even more unexpectedly, accepts a blacksmith-related nickname with alacrity. Herbert asks Pip to address him on a first-name basis, and Pip, in return, reveals his first name Philip. Herbert dislikes this name, for ‘it sounds like a moral boy out of a spelling book’. Instead, he proposes a familiar name ‘Handel’, namesake of the famous composer. While previous scholarship has extensively explored the various possible connotations of ‘Pip’ and ‘Handel’, it has not adequately examined the connection between ‘Handel’ and Dickens’s passing comment on spelling books. This paper examines the complex intertextuality between Dickens’s novels and spelling books. For Dickens, the spelling book not only represents an unpleasant type of elementary schoolbook or an undesirable method of teaching; it stands for the arbitrary blend of literacy training and moral cultivation. Although Dickens welcomed both of these undertakings, he objected to the common pedagogical practice of learning to read by memorizing moral tales. As he implies in Great Expectations, a good moral tale should be morally ambivalent and narratively sophisticated. Instead of being memorized and taken for granted like a spelling-book text, it should elicit empathy and encourage idiosyncratic interpretation. The spelling-book mentality is a predicament for a novel writer, and a hurdle in the way of sympathetic reading of a novel. A novel may be moralistic, but it belongs first and foremost to the realm of knowledge and experience, rather than the vacuum of innocence.

Em seu trabalho educacional central, Pedagogia geral derivada do fim da educação (1806), J. F. Herbart não desenvolveu explicitamente uma teoria da escuta, entretanto, seu conceito de professor como um guia no desenvolvimento moral do educando, fornece percepções valiosas sobre a dimensão moral da escuta inerente à interação professor-aluno. A teoria de Herbart questiona radicalmente a linearidade assumida entre escuta e obediência à autoridade externa, não apenas iluminando distinções importantes entre socialização e educação, mas também ressaltando as consequências para nossa compreensão do papel da escuta nas relações educacionais. Nesta investigação argumenta-se que a escuta crítica no ensino contribui para a educação moral e o desenvolvimento do aluno. Para tanto, examina-se a visão de Herbart sobre a tarefa do professor como um guia moral no campo da educação moral. Sustenta-se que reexaminar a teoria da educação de Herbart (uma teoria que é, majoritariamente, não mais discutida na filosofia educacional anglo-americana) pode ser producente à nossa compreensão da educação moral em sociedades democráticas e plurais.

The moral and political thought of Herbert Spencer is usually associated with some form of evolutionism. This is unsurprising, since Spencer himself thought of his ideas as founded on evolutionary theory. But it is regrettable, because no one believes in Spencer's form of evolutionism any more, and even if they did, they would not think that it supported his views in the way that he confidently believed. And so Spencer has been largely neglected since his death. His libertarianism is thought to be without foundation, and so few have thought it worth study. But in this paper I try to show that Spencer's moral and political conclusions can be based on some of the non-evolutionary arguments that he offered. Although these arguments are not entirely compelling, they have force in a way that his evolutionary claims do not.

Herbert Spencer (1820-1903) foi um proeminente escritor e um dos maiores intelectuais europeus do movimento positivista do século XIX. Filósofo, sociólogo, biólogo, educador e cientista, fortemente influenciado pela teoria da evolução de Charles Darwin, foi também autor de prolíficas obras filosóficas e educativas, como Os Princípios da Sociologia, A Educação Intelectual, Moral e Física. Do livro intitulado The Philosophy of Style, publicado originalmente na Inglaterra, em 1852, apresenta-se as traduções de seis ensaios filosófico-literários ao português brasileiro, nos quais Spencer discorreu sobre a aplicação da economia às palavras, ao texto literário e traços peculiares da linguagem estética.Palavras-chave: Herbert Spencer. Filosofia. Linguagem. Estilo.

This research aims to find out whether the socialization of moral values through film "There is Heaven in Yours Home" succeed in instilling moral values to students. This study used a descriptive approach to the qualitative methods. The theory used is George Herbert Mead's theory of stages of socialization and Abudin Natta about the scope of moral values. The results showed that the socialization of moral values through film "There is Heaven in Yours Home" it's been successful. Look how many informants were inspired by the movie how many informants that implement moral values on the movie in everyday life and how many informants convey these values to other individuals. Keywords: Film, Socializing Movie, Morals Values Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apakah sosialisasi nilai-nilai akhlak melalui film “Ada Surga Dirumahmu” dapat berhasil dalam menanamkan nilai-nilai akhlak kepada pelajar. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitati dan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori George Herbert Mead tentang tahapan-tahapan sosialisasi dan Abudin Natta tentang ruang lingkup nilai-nilai akhlak. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sosialisasi nilai-nilai akhlak melalui film “Ada Surga Dirumahmu” sudah cukup berhasil. Terlihat dari seberapa banyak informan yang terinspirasi dengan film seberapa banyak informan yang mengimpelementasikan nilai-nilai akhlak pada film “Ada Surga Dirumahmu” dalam kehidupan sehari-hari dan seberapa banyak informan yang menyampaikan nilai tersebut kepada individu lainnya. Kata Kunci : Film, Sosialisasi Film, Nilai-Nilai Akhlak

Este artículo ofrece una visión de conjunto del amplio debate sobre las relaciones entre el derecho y la moral desde que Hans Kelsen publicara su Teoría pura del derecho en 1934 hasta nuestros días (Alexy, Finnis). El artículo analiza los más destacados argumentos aportados por el positivismo jurídico anglosajón de Herbert Hart y Joseph Raz, la dura crítica de Ronald Dworkin al positivismo, el relevante papel de John Ralws y Jünger Habermas en el debate, así como las elaboraciones iusnaturalistas más destacadas de Jacques Maritain, Michel Villey, John Finnis o Javier Hervada.

Herbert Thorndike's Of the covenant of grace (1659) was the largest and last substantial word on its subject from a priest of the seventeenth-century English Church. Recasting elements of practical divinity that are commonly associated with evangelical Puritanism, attacking the error of absolute and immediate predestination by decree and shifting stress from baptism to regeneration, Thorndike defended God's honour and majesty by affirming human freedom of choice in the ordo salutis and the moral life. His argument centred in a programme of reciprocal ‘helps’ that unites Arminian synergism with the early modern scholastic concept of scientia media, God's ‘middle knowledge’.

This paper examines the undervalued role of Herbert Spencer in Sidgwick's thinking. Sidgwick recognized Spencer's utilitarianism, but criticized him on the ground that he tried to deduce utilitarianism from evolutionary theory. In analysing these criticisms, this paper concludes that Spencer's deductive methodology was in fact closer to Sidgwick's empiricist position than Sidgwick realized. The real source of Sidgwick's unhappiness withSpencer lies with the substance of Spencer's utilitarianism, namely its espousal of indefeasible moral rights.

A presente investigação tem como objeto de estudo o papel do professor nas teorias educacionais produzidas e difundidas por Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746-1827) e Johann Friedrich Herbart (1776-1841) durante o século XIX, período marcado por mudanças incisivas na pedagogia e nos processos educativos. Objetivando, por meio das teorias educacionais destes dois teóricos, apresentar suas aproximações e distanciamentos no que se refere ao papel do professor nesta “educação integral e moral do homem” que ambos defendiam. Para tanto, foi adotado como metodologia o entrecruzamento das fontes bibliográficas escritas por Pestalozzi e Herbart, sendo: “Cartas sobre educación infantil” (PESTALOZZI, 2006) e “Pedagogia Geral” (HERBART, 2003), recorrendo, também, a outros autores e comentadores dos referidos clássicos. O estudo permitiu compreender qual o papel e lugar que a figura do professor ocupou durante o século XIX sob a influência da pedagogia pestalozziana e herbartiana.

Pensar a formação de estudantes no que se refere à moralidade no contexto de políticas educacionais é fundamental. O problema que motivou a investigação diz respeito à pergunta em que consiste a educação moral no pensamento de Herbert Spencer e em que medida essa concepção pode significar base para a construção de políticas públicas educacionais? O objetivo é discutir o pensamento de Spencer sobre a educação moral para afirmar que é a ciência o caminho para a superação da ignorância e do conservadorismo. Por meio de revisão de literatura, demonstrou-se a importância do uso de recursos da ciência como base de políticas educacionais que possam significar a superação do conservadorismo. Como resultado, a educação moral leva a uma educação completa, ao conferir autonomia ao sujeito levando ao pensamento crítico.

Este estudio aborda la traducción española La educación intelectual, moral y física (1890) que Juan García Purón vertió a partir de Education: Intellectual, Moral, and Physical (1860) de Herbert Spencer ambas publicadas en Appleton. Adoptando el modelo de análisis acerca de la historia de la traducción de Lépinette (1997) así como el acercamiento basado en las normas de Toury (1995), primero se lleva a cabo la descripción de ambos textos (semblanza del traductor, paratextos y contexto editorial) para determinar las normas inicial y preliminares. Asimismo, se analizan las normas operacionales que incluyen las matriciales (segmentación, adiciones y omisiones) y las lingüístico-textuales (latinismos, referencias culturales, y unidades de medida, peso y capacidad).

a) Influencia de Kant, Rousseau y el Cristianismo. b) Aplicación de la Ciencia a la conducta moral. c) Mecanismos psicológicos que son prerrequisitos del comportamiento moral. d) Derechos naturales e instituciones. Bibliografía utilizada.

The aftermath of the Second World War saw some radical rethinking in both theology and philosophy on what it is to live well as a human being. In philosophy two of the key thinkers were Elizabeth Anscombe and Philippa Foot. In theology two key thinkers were Thomas Deman, a French Dominican, and somewhat later an English Dominican, Herbert McCabe. A key feature in all four thinkers was a recovery of the work of Aristotle and Aquinas, in particular the concept of phronēsis (prudentia). The paper’s close analysis of the virtue of prudentia demonstrates the insufficiency of modern moral philosophies that are committed to portraying morality as a moral code. A correlative argument is made within theology: the virtue of prudentia fortified by the gift of counsel is central for good Christian living.

AbstractAs Pentecostals develop their own approach to theological ethics, the Catholic tradition may turn out to be their most promising dialog partner. At its core, Catholicism is a holiness movement with deep resources for ethical renewal. As Pentecostals appropriate their own quirky catholicity bequeathed by Wesley, they have much to learn from the narrative of Catholic moral theology given by Servais Pinckaers in The Sources of Christian Ethics. Negatively, Pentecostals have already developed some of the same destructive tendencies in their short history that took centuries for Catholic moral theologians to develop. Yet while the story of Catholic moral theology will at times be a cautionary tale, there is equal potential to shape Pentecostal ethics constructively, as exemplified by Pinckaers, Pope John Paul II and ultimately Herbert McCabe. With his approach to ethics as language, McCabe's important but still largely underappreciated Love, Law and Language is an especially provocative resource that could help Pentecostals articulate ethics as a pneumatically formed new language.

To make a distinction between political and social reform may appear simplistic, especially when one considers that many turn of the century social reformers were advocates of prohibition, temperance, child welfare and they turned to the pursuit of female enfranchisement, to achieve their goals. Yet, for social reformers contemporary critics, there was a distinction between political and social reforms, and in their eyes, the ones that needed to be urgently implemented were the latter. The review of social reformer Herbert Brown Ames' municipal career shows that he chose to focus on political reform. He did not envision reforms that would radically transform society. Instead, he asked those with means to assume what he believed should be their moral and financial responsibilities towards the less fortunate. He still believed in the hierarchy of classes. He emphasized the importance of honest businessmen holding positions of potential authority, stressing that the key to a better society resided in the establishment of a professional, accountable, and "scientific" municipal government made up of men like himself. His attempt at professionalizing the municipal government should be seen as a first effort at creating a bureaucracy. Ames should be remembered as a paternalist philanthropist businessman who advocated political reforms.

A questão “por quê ser moral”, que foi formulada expressamente no contexto do debate filosófico acadêmico por Francis Herbert Bradley, divide os leitores quando buscam sua resposta em Kant. Uns acham, como Gerold Prauss, que Kant negue a possibilidade de tal resposta e diga que a moral precisa ser aceita como um fato simplesmente dado, o “fato da razão”. Contudo, como tal imediatismo ou “decisionismo transcendental” parece insatisfatório, um outro grupo defende a assim chamada “interpretação do agente racional”, onde este último apresenta o valor supremo, absoluto, que fundamenta a moral e, com isso, apresenta a razão em virtude da qual devemos agir moralmente. Mas tal valor absoluto ou já é moral, mas então a resposta dada à questão “por quê ser moral” entra num círculo vicioso. Ou tal valor faz a moral depender de algo fora da moral o que, conforme Kant, destruiria toda moral. A solução do problema é a seguinte: Kant não deriva a moral de um pressuposto extramoral nem pressupõe a própria moral como simplesmente dada, mas explica o originar da moral. Ela origina da razão prática pela volta dessa razão sobre si mesma que constitui sua autonomia. Por este seu originar, a moral não é uma mera derivação de algo pressuposto, mas algo radicalmente novo, original, autónomo. Pelo outro lado, existe, sim, uma fundamentação da moral, i.e., um processo compreensível de sua constituição. Com isso, Kant evita o imediatismo: a moral não precisa ser simplesmente aceita como um fato puro, mas pode ser compreendida pela razão.

Na de schipbreuk van het Verdinaso, maakte Jef Van Bilsen (1913-1996) nog kortstondig deel uit van de groep Dinaso's rond Paul Persijn en diens alternatieve Verdinaso-directorium. Ondertussen ging hij ook op zoek naar andere manieren om aan betekenisvolle politiek te doen onder het bezettingsregime. Vanuit de overtuiging dat Duitsland nog lange tijd heer en meester over Europa zou blijven, raakte Van Bilsen in 1941 verwikkeld in een kluwen van nationalistische en royalistische Nieuwe Orde-initiatieven. In die middens ondernamen ook socialistisch voorman Hendrik De Man en de industrieel Tony Herbert afzonderlijke pogingen om iets zinvols te ondernemen in afwachting van het oorlogseinde.Tijdens Van Bilsens reis naar Berlijn in oktober 1940 was de idee ontstaan om een soort eenheidsbeweging rond Hendrik De Man op te zetten. Concreet moest De Man, in de hoedanigheid van een soort kanselier, een kabinet vormen met Dinaso’s. Dit op basis van een gemeenschappelijk programma waarin de Dinaso-ideologie centraal stond. Van Bilsen stond echter alleen met zijn enthousiasme want andere Dinaso's zagen een mogelijke samenwerking met De Man niet zitten. Bovendien stond ook De Man zelf bijzonder sceptisch tegenover het hele opzet. Verder dan een introductiegesprek tussen Van Bilsen en De Man is het aanvankelijk niet gekomen.Pas begin februari 1941 vond een eerste weerzien plaats tussen Van Bilsen en De Man. Deze laatste toonde zich toen bijzonder geïnteresseerd in de ontbinding van het Verdinaso en op 1 maart volgde een tweede ontmoeting in verband met de De Mans voorbereidingen voor de uitgave van Le Travail, dagblad van de Unie voor Hand- en Geestesarbeiders. De Man was op zoek naar enthousiaste medewerkers voor zijn krant en hengelde daarom naar Van Bilsens hulp. Van Bilsen negeerde dit en stelde voor om een Nederlandstalig dagblad 'met standing' uit te geven, los van de Unie voor Hand- en Geestesarbeiders en qua programma vergelijkbaar met dat van het Rexistische Le Nouveau Journal. Een bezoek van Otto Abetz (Duits ambassadeur in bezet Frankrijk en oud-leerling van De Man) aan Brussel, bracht dit voornemen in een stroomversnelling. Met de steun van Abetz zou het mogelijk zijn om een Vlaams dagblad uit te geven dat 'de Belgische thesis' verdedigde. Van Bilsen ging mee in die redenering en werkte alvast een voorstel uit. Van Bilsen wilde een 'politiek, cultureel, economisch informatie- en leidingsblad' uitgeven met als taak het 'negatieve nationalisme, zoals het 'anti-Fransch, anti-Waalsch en anti-Hollandsch', te bestrijden. Het 'België van morgen' zou volgens de ontwerpnota georiënteerd zijn op de vereniging van de Nederlanden en om dit alles te realiseren moest na de bezetting een 'Orde-revolutie van bovenaf' worden doorgevoerd. Er moesten echter nog heel wat praktische zaken geregeld worden vooraleer tot een daadwerkelijke uitgave kon overgegaan worden. In het bijzonder de financiering van het project en het vinden van een geïnteresseerde drukker bleek al snel onmogelijk. Door een gebrek aan middelen is er van een dagblad dan ook niets in huis gekomen.Toch had Van Bilsen de ontwerpnota niet voor niets opgesteld. Tijdens het voorjaar van 1941 vond De Man inspiratie in een initiatief van Robert Poulet en Raymond De Becker, de respectieve hoofdredacteurs van Le Nouveau Journal en de 'gestolen' Le Soir. Zij brachten alle rechtse Waalse groeperingen samen onder de noemer 'Parti Unique des Provinces Romanes de Belgique'. Eind mei 1941 voerde De Man van zijn kant een aantal gesprekken met als doel een soortgelijke organisatie aan Vlaamse kant uit te bouwen. Daartoe werd ook Van Bilsen opnieuw ingeschakeld. Eind mei 1941 werd hem verzocht om de voornoemde ontwerpnota aan De Man over te brengen. Waarschijnlijk hoopte deze de ontwerpnota nu te kunnen gebruiken als politiek-ideologische fundering voor een eventueel blad ter ondersteuning van de nog op te richten nieuwe formatie.Tijdens een eerste samenkomst op 6 juni 1941 deed De Man zijn plannen uit de doeken aan een achttal genodigden, onder wie ook Van Bilsen. De Man wilde samen met de Parti Unique een alternatieve eenheidsbeweging vormen voor de taalgrensoverschrijdende collaboratiecoalitie tussen het VNV en Rex. Daarvoor moest eerst en vooral een Vlaams pendant van de Parti Unique opgestart worden met een aantal 'Vlaamse personaliteiten'. De politiek-ideologische agenda van de op te richten beweging werd voorgesteld in een 'Schets van een Programma voor een Vlaamsche Beweging in het kader van een Belgisch Federale Staat'. De beweging zou zich niet profileren als een nieuwe partij. Het zou louter gaan om een groepering van 'thans geïsoleerde personen, en kernvorming, als mogelijk element van een ruimere constellatie later'. Ten tweede zou de groepering nationaal-socialistisch zijn, voor een socialistische orde en een autoritaire staat. Van Bilsen struikelde echter over De Mans federalistische opvattingen voor de toekomst van het Belgisch staatsverband. Het was duidelijk dat er tussen De Man en Van Bilsen een communautair meningsverschil bestond dat voor die eerste onbelangrijk scheen, maar voor Van Bilsen van onoverkomelijk belang was. Uiteindelijk bleken Van Bilsens reserves ten aanzien van een zoveelste samenwerking met De Man overbodig. De oprichting van een Nationale Bond-Vlaanderen (NBV), zoals het project ondertussen heette, werd namelijk verboden door de Duitse militaire overheid.Voor Van Bilsen was het na deze laatste poging met De Man duidelijk dat een zinvolle aanwezigheidspolitiek onmogelijk was onder de bezetting. Hij sloot zich vervolgens aan bij de clandestiene beweging van Tony Herbert, maar eigenlijk maakte Van Bilsen de mentale overstap al vroeger. Herberts beweging vond zijn wortels in een netwerk van kleine 'morele weerstandsgroepen'. Herbert was een van de weinige figuren die nooit heeft willen twijfelen aan een geallieerde eindoverwinning en vond dat men, gezien 'een Duitse overwinning voor ons land en volk een katastrofe zou zijn, slechts in één hypothese moest werken'. Hij zag het daarom als zijn plicht om tijdens de bezetting een eensgezinde groep mensen klaar te stomen om, onmiddellijk na de bevrijding, de eenheid van het land te verzekeren om zo de economische, sociale en politieke problemen van de naoorlogse periode het hoofd te bieden. De grootste uitdaging hierbij zou volgens Herbert de integratie van Walen en Vlamingen in een nieuw België zijn.Concreet begon Herbert tijdens het najaar van 1940 voordrachten te geven 'over de nationale betekenis van de Vlaamse Beweging'. Toenadering tussen Waalse en Vlaamse elites en de vervlaamsing van de Franstalige Vlamingen stonden hierbij telkens centraal. Met dit 'werk van nationale vernieuwing' oogstte hij al snel succes, ook omdat het patriottisme hoogtij vierde in de middens die hij aandeed. Begin 1941 kon Herbert al een beroep doen op een bescheiden netwerk van geëngageerde studiegroepen, al was het toen nog te vroeg om van een georganiseerde beweging te spreken. Vanaf maart 1941 vertakte dit netwerk zich ook tot in Wallonië en op 19 juni dat jaar, exact een week voordat de oprichting van de NBV verboden werd, had Van Bilsen een beslissend gesprek met Herbert. Qua politiek-ideologische instelling sloot de ultraroyalistische en antiparlementaire actie van de Herbert-beweging goed aan bij Van Bilsens discours. Bovendien was attentisme niets voor iemand met een innerlijke gedrevenheid als die van Van Bilsen. De concrete aanpak van de clandestiene Herbert-groepen moet, na de resem Duitse weigeringen tot erkenning, een heuse verademing geweest zijn.Het staat vast dat Van Bilsen zich vanaf september 1941 volledig aan de Herbert-beweging wijdde. Van Bilsens 'schamele' advocatenpraktijk bleek de ideale dekmantel om 'herbertianen' te ontvangen, vergaderingen te houden en de werking van de beweging te stuwen. Bovendien liet zijn registratie bij de balie hem toe om afspraken te regelen in het Justitiepaleis en de vredegerechten. Herbert zorgde aldus voor een nieuw kantoor op een centrale locatie in Brussel waar Van Bilsen daarna, van september 1941 tot februari 1944, het hart van de Herbert-beweging leidde. Mede omdat zich onder de Herbertianen een groot aantal verzetslieden bevonden, verzeilde ook Van Bilsen geleidelijk in de wereld van het actieve verzet.________Jef Van Bilsen between Hendrik De Man and Tony Herbert. The political search by a former DinasoAfter the failure of the Verdinaso party, Jef Van Bilsen (1913-1996) briefly joined the Dinaso Group led by Paul Persijn with his alternative Verdinaso-directory. Meanwhile he also started searching for different ways of being involved in significant politics during the regime of the Occupation. Based on the conviction that Germany would continue as lord and master of Europe for a long time to come, Van Bilsen was caught up in a tangle of nationalistic and royalist New Order initiatives. The socialist leader Hendrik De Man and the industrialist Tony Herbert also started separate initiatives in that environment to undertake something meaningful while awaiting the end of the war. During his trip to Berlin in October 1940, Van Bilsen conceived the idea of starting a kind of unity movement centred around Hendrik De Man. This meant in fact that De Man, as a kind of chancellor was to constitute a cabinet together with the Dinaso members, based on a common programme focused on the Dinaso-ideology. However, Van Bilsen was isolated in his enthusiasm, for the other Dinaso members did not consider it feasible to cooperate with De Man. Moreover, De Man himself was very sceptical towards the whole concept. At first, Van Bilsen and De Man did not get beyond an introductory conversation. Not until the beginning of February 1941 Van Bilsen and De Man met again. At that time, De Man was very interested in the dissolution of the Verdinaso party and on 1 March, a second meeting took place in view of De Man’s preparations for the publication of Le Travail, a daily paper of the Union of Manual and Intellectual Workers. De Man was searching for enthusiastic collaborators for his paper and he therefore angled for the assistance of Van Bilsen. Van Bilsen ignored this attempt and proposed instead to publish a daily paper ‘of standing’ in the Dutch language that would be separate from the Union of Manual and Intellectual Workers and whose programme would be comparable with that of the Rexist Le Nouveau Journal. A visit by Otto Abetz (the German Ambassador in occupied France and a former student of De Man) to Brussels gave impetus to this intention. With the support of Abetz it would be possible to publish a Flemish daily paper that would defend the ‘Belgian proposition’. Van Bilsen agreed with this line of thinking, and immediately drafted a proposal. Van Bilsen wished to publish a ‘political, cultural, economic informative and leading newspaper that would have the mission to combat ‘the negative nationalism ‘like ‘the anti-French, anti-Walloon and anti-Dutch’ types of nationalism. According to the draft note, the ‘Belgium of tomorrow’ would be geared towards the reunion of the Netherlands, and in order to bring all of this about it would be necessary to carry out a ‘top-down Order-revolution’ after the occupation. However, a large number of practical matters needed to be resolved before a factual publication could be produced. It soon proved that in particular the financing of the project and finding an interested printer was impossible. Because of a lack of finances, the daily paper never saw the light of day. However, Van Bilsen had not composed the draft note in vain. During the spring of 1941, De Man was inspired by an initiative by Robert Poulet and Raymond De Becker, the respective chief editors of Le Nouveau Journal and the 'stolen' Le Soir. They united all right-wing Walloon factions under the common denominator of the 'Parti Unique des Provinces Romanes de Belgique'. At the end of May 1941, De Man had a number of conversations in his turn in order to set up a similar organisation for the Flemish side. Van Bilsen became involved again for this purpose. At the end of May 1941, he was asked to hand over the previously mentioned draft note to De Man. The latter probably hoped to make use of the draft note as a politico-ideological foundation for a future publication for the as yet to be founded formation. During a first meeting on 6 June 1941, De Man revealed his plans to eight invited guests including Van Bilsen. De Man wanted to start an alternative unity movement together with the Parti Unique to achieve a collaboration coalition across the language boundaries between the VNV and Rex. A preliminary to this end was to start up a Flemish counterpart to the Parti Unique that would include a number of ‘Flemish personalities’. The politico-ideological agenda of this future movement was presented in an ‘Outline of a programme for a Flemish movement in the framework of a Belgian Federal State’. The movement was not to be profiled as a new party. It would only concern a grouping of ‘persons that were isolated at present, and could form a core, which might be a possible element of a larger constellation later on’. Secondly, the grouping would be national-socialist, propagating a socialist order and an authoritarian state. However, Van Bilsen considered the federalist concepts of De Man an obstacle for the future of the Belgian Union of state. It was clear that De Man and Van Bilsen had different opinions about the communities. The former considered this of little importance, but for Van Bilsen it was an insurmountable problem. In the end, Van Bilsen’s reservations about yet another attempt of cooperation with De Man proved to be superfluous, as the German military authorities forbade the foundation of a National Union-Flanders (NBV) as the project was called by then. After this last attempt with De Man, Van Bilsen concluded that a meaningful politics of presence was impossible during the occupation. Consequently, he joined the clandestine movement of Tony Herbert, though he really had already switched his allegiance earlier on. Herbert’s movement was based on a network of small ‘moral resistance groups’. Herbert was one of the few people who never wanted to doubt the eventual victory of the Allies and he considered that in view of the fact that ‘a German victory would constitute a catastrophe for our country and our people, you could really only act based on one hypothesis’. Therefore, he considered it his duty to prepare a group of like-minded people during the occupation in order to be able to ensure the unity of the country and thereby confront the economic, social and political problems of the post-war period immediately after the liberation. Herbert considered that the main challenge would then be the integration of the Walloons and the Flemings into a new Belgium. During the autumn of 1940, Herbert started in fact to give lectures about the ‘national significance of the Flemish Movement’. He always focalised on the rapprochement between Walloon and Flemish elites and the process of converting French speaking Flemings into Flemish speakers. He quickly became successful with this ‘work of national renewal’, in part because patriotism reigned supreme among the circles he visited. At the beginning of 194l, Herbert could already call on a modest network of committed study groups, even if it was too early to call it an organised movement. From March 1941, this network also started spreading into Wallonia and on 19 June of that year, exactly one week before the foundation of the NBV was forbidden, Van Bilsen had a decisive discussion with Herbert. The politico-ideological views of the ultra-royalist and anti-parliamentarian action of the Herbert Movement fitted in well with the discourse of Van Bilsen. The concrete approach of the clandestine Herbert-groups must have provided great relief, after the series of German refusals for recognition. It has been established that Van Bilsen dedicated himself completely to the Herbert Movement from September 1941. Van Bilsen’s 'humble’ lawyer’s office proved to be the ideal cover for receiving the members of the Herbert Movement, to organise meetings and to promote the operation of the Movement. Moreover, his registration at the bar allowed him to organise meetings in the Justice Palace and the justice of the peace courts. Thus, Herbert provided a new office in a central location in Brussels, from where Van Belsen led the core of the Herbert Movement from September 1941 until February 1944. In part, because the Herbert Movement counted a large number of members of the resistance, Van Bilsen gradually also ended up in the world of active resistance.

Democratization has become the unknowingly accepted moral ideal of cultural policy. It is more or less consciously based on Pierre Bourdieu’s postulate to abolish the Kantian distinction between pure and barbaric taste. A closer analysis of theoretical assumptions and cultural practice shows that the ideal expressed and applied in this form is internally contradictory, and it certainly cannot be universally applied in all areas of culture. The correct articulation of the ideal of democratization cannot be based on negating the Kantian aesthetics, but, on the contrary, requires its rehabilitation in the direction that was set, among others, by Herbert Marcuse. The article presents non-dogmatic arguments for maintaining the elitist nature of the activities of legitimate institutions of artistic culture. If democratization is to constitute a real (i.e. consistent with its concept) moral ideal, then the autonomy of high culture works in its favor.

The aim of the text is a hermeneutic analysis of two Austrian dramas: the one-act play by Herbert Berger from the year 1970 and Peter Turrini's play from the year 2018. Both works are examples of a contemporary variation of the genre "Volksstück" with a hybrid tradition in German-language literature and theater dating back to the 18th century. The comparative analysis of both works focuses on the mechanisms of actions and the role of the characters' moral instinct, while the diagnoses of important social and political problems made by playwright writers may be the key to a better understanding by the reader.

La difusión de la literatura filosófica en inglés en España durante el último cuarto del siglo XIX conlleva necesariamente el estudio detallado de algunas de las obras de Herbert Spencer. Sus posicionamientos más radicales no pasaron desapercibidos para una élite de intelectuales españoles que pronto tradujeron sus obras para así introducir tales ideas en el contexto español. A tenor de ello, este trabajo se centra en la traducción Fundamentos de la moral (1881) vertida por Siro García del Mazo a partir de The Data of Ethics (1879) de Spencer para, desde un punto de vista descriptivo, ofrecer una rigurosa revisión crítica y un análisis de la traducción de una obra filosófica representativa a finales del siglo XIX.

Recently, in the American literature concerning the justification of civic correction, two views have been presented in defence of paternalism as a proper basis for punishing wrongdoers. The first of these was introduced in Herbert Morris’s paper “A Paternalistic Theory of Punishment” and the second in Jean Hampton’s “The Moral Education Theory of Punishment”. Both views are strongly opposed to the therapeutic, or rehabilitative, theories of correction, and both stress the personal autonomy of human beings and aspects of punishment which are supposed to respect that autonomy. The opposition to the ideology of therapy is mainly based on its inherent paternalism which is both deleterious and wrongful as far as autonomy is concerned.

Abstract The view that music can have a positive or negative effect on a person’s character has been defended throughout the history of philosophy. This paper traces some of the history of the ethos theory and identifies a version of the theory that could be true. This version of the theory can be traced to Plato and Aristotle and was given a clear statement by Herbert Spencer in the nineteenth century. The paper then examines some of the empirical literature on how music can affect dispositions to behave and moral judgement. None of this evidence provides much support for the ethos theory. The paper then proposes a programme of research that has the potential to confirm the ethos theory.

Resumo Hoje, o estudo da decisão nas organizações apresenta uma considerável diversidade de abordagens epistemológicas, teórico-conceituais e metodológicas. Todavia, poucas ideias tiveram impacto tão profundo e duradouro no pensamento gerencial sobre as decisões quanto aquelas relacionadas à racionalidade limitada. Apresentada por Herbert Simon no final dos anos 1940, a racionalidade limitada supostamente contesta os pilares fundamentais da racionalidade plena, propondo um caminho mais “realista” para descrever como as escolhas são feitas pelos indivíduos nas organizações. A despeito dos avanços em relação ao modelo da racionalidade plena, será que a racionalidade limitada realmente representa uma mudança de paradigma na interpretação da decisão gerencial? Este ensaio teórico busca demonstrar que a teoria da racionalidade limitada não rompe substancialmente com a teoria da racionalidade plena, uma vez que ainda está longe de abordar os aspectos efetivamente relevantes da decisão gerencial, a saber, seus aspectos morais. O artigo também apresenta e discute elementos conceituais úteis para a edificação de uma teoria moral da racionalidade, a fim de demonstrar como uma verdadeira ruptura com a concepção de racionalidade de Simon pode ser articulada e quais seriam os avanços e as vantagens que tal ruptura traria à investigação dos processos decisórios nas organizações.

Quotation is ubiquitous in American legal discourse, whether in academic scholarship, legal briefs or judicial opinions. And yet, although quotation is a common object of scholarly attention, there is very little scholarship on quotation in legal discourse. This article addresses this lack by exploring the United States Supreme Court’s quotation practices. Applying Herbert Clark’s model of joint activities, I argue that quotation in judicial opinions is one of the most important mechanisms by which the Supreme Court negotiates legal meaning and preserves its moral authority. Judicial quotation both allows the justices to make rhetorical claims that do not match legal substance and provides a site for the justices to negotiate the meaning of existing language and, therefore, the law itself.

The present article proposes to reflect on the process of internalization of moral values as the primary objective of Education, through historical and philosophical sources, analyzing, for this, theoretical frameworks of Pedagogy, such as: Comenius, Pestalozzi, Herbart and Durkheim. Our methodology was based on the bibliographic and authorial writings of these theorists and we try to question the logic established in pedagogical discourses, starting from the critic of moral values formulated by Friedrich Nietzsche, emphasizing aspects present in the referred theories and their reverberations in singularities and collectivities. The process of internalizing moral values had as its priority making education an instrument for the ordering of subjects, making it useful to the interests of state culture. It is understood that subjectivities are constituted inside and outside for the moral field and that the same is not alien or should be non-existent in school. However, it has been attempted to demonstrate in this article, how the moral field has been reduced to a process of disciplining and ordering, according to pre-determined models, virtues and values, which shows the limited pedagogical perspective in the vision of the moral field, which from its conception responds to interests and prioritizes the maintenance of the status quo.

The science fiction genre in all types of media is often neglected in the serious discussion of the scientific public. According to the established opinion, its origin is connected with the writings of Jules Verne and Herbert George Wells at the end of the19th century, and it is often not seriously analyzed from the perspective of social influence. However, the science fiction genre arisesas a response to the great social changes of industrialization and the development of new technologies, showing the possibilities of development ass well asthe new moral, psychological and social problems that accompanytechnological development. With the advent of film, and especially television,thegenregained in expressive power by dealing with some of the very complex and significant social problems of modern society through the prism of fiction

Análise do pensamento do intelectual Herbert Marshall McLuhan (1911-1980). Especificamente sobre a educação, entendida como processo de direcionamento moral e cultural em consonância com os interesses de grupos hegemônicos, nos Estados Unidos, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960. A análise foi desenvolvida a partir de um aparato crítico conceitual do pensamento marxiano e envolve autores das diversas áreas do conhecimento. Tal exigência se apresenta como própria de uma abordagem abrangente quanto aos procedimentos da pesquisa bibliográfica em História da Educação. McLuhan foi um intelectual. A partir dessa categoria de análise gramsciana, compreendemos o autor canadense em suas relações sociais, na sociedade capitalista. O objetivo da análise de suas obras, principalmente aquelas escritas e publicadas entre os anos de 1954 e 1964, foi, sobretudo, o esclarecimento do vínculo que estabelece entre educação e comunicação. Seu pensamento se construiu a partir de uma noção evolutiva da história na qual a evolução das letras aos circuitos elétricos das tecnologias de informação, desenvolvidas em sua época, corresponde à evolução humana. Essa é a tese central de sua obra primordial, A Galáxia de Gutenberg (1962). Desenvolvida e continuada em seguida, no livro, Os Meios de Comunicação como Extensões do Homem (1964). A questão sobre formação humana, mediada pelas mídias, foi o modo pelo qual McLuhan procurou elucidar a questão da educação para o seu tempo.

Herbert Marcuse, em seu livro Ideias sobre uma teoria crítica da sociedade, leva-nos a refletir sobre a concepção de autoridade em Lutero e Calvino como fundamento para se pensar a moral requerida pelo Movimento Escola Sem Partido. Para tanto, considere-se, por um lado, a concepção de liberdade desses reformistas, por outro, a concepção de educação e de escola desse Movimento. Assim, a fundamentação moral que se encontra no Movimento Escola Sem Partido funda-se na concepção de liberdade de Lutero e Calvino, quando nela está presente toda fundamentação moral que orienta o comportamento dos cristãos. Isto equivale a dizer que a orientação para a formação que se deve encontrar na escola proposta por esse Movimento segue as coordenadas do pensamento dos reformistas aqui em questão. Para se estabelecer a relação entre o que propõem este Movimento e o pensamento desses reformistas, busca-se o exposto por eles e os seus seguidores, assim como o que pensam diferentes educadores e críticos a respeito da significação para a formação humana, o que está posto em diferentes Projetos de uma escola, onde se tem que simplesmente obedecer sem questionamento o que for proposto (ou imposto) pela direção dessa escola ou gestores do ensino, considerando-se estes numa hierarquia que começa na referida direção escolar, estendendo-se à escala mais alta da administração governamental.

The 1950s debate between the British and American legal philosophers, Lon Fuller and Herbert Hart, has been a clash between the positivist and natural theories of origination of law and jurisprudence, with the former method primarily suggesting that law and morality are not necessarily interconnected, though may coincide in some occurrences, while the latter sticks to development of law that is based upon the mores and values related to human nature, which creates the standards that society should follow in order to function properly. The former approach, as it is argued, is not actually deprived of moral factors. To examine how these debates could work on practice, I decided to choose the early developments of the general right to privacy as an example of “penumbral” rights and to review the positions of various courts within adjudicating cases in respect with the general right to privacy.

Carlos Vaz Ferreira (1872–1958) was Uruguay’s leading twentieth-century philosopher. He worked on social and political philosophy, moral philosophy, aesthetics, and feminism. Considered to be one of Latin America’s most original thinkers, Vaz Ferreira’s philosophy was nonetheless responsive to and, in some cases, influenced by the work of a number of other figures. This article explores Vaz Ferreira’s roots in the thought of Herbert Spencer, Charles Darwin, Dr. Gregorio Marañón, Benito Jerónimo Feijóo y Montenegro, Harald Höffding, Hugo Münsterberg, Wilhelm Dilthey, Miguel de Unamuno, John Stuart Mill, William James, José Enrique Rodó, and Henri Bergson. His feminist philosophy was influenced by his sister, María Eugenia Vaz Ferreira, Dr. Paulina Luisi, and other suffragists. I seek to distinguish among the influences Vaz Ferreira ultimately rejected, those he could not escape, those he adapted, and those he most favored as he developed his unique philosophy of freedom.

A partir da transferência, cada vez mais intensa, da atribuição de decidir questões importantes na área da saúde, para o Judiciário, justifica-se o interesse em investigar, identificar e compreender os principais conflitos morais experimentados por magistrados no cotidiano de sua jurisdição de saúde, buscando compreender as razões desses conflitos e o modo pelo qual têm sido deliberadas questões de saúde em face dos entes públicos. Uma vez que nestas situações, os juízes, de uma forma geral, dispõem de certa margem de liberdade na escolha dos padrões - políticas, princípios (jurídicos ou morais) ou regras – que devem utilizar, em alguns casos, para chegar a uma decisão que considerem adequada, avulta-se a questão do chamado poder discricionário do juiz. Mas até onde vai a discricionariedade dos juízes? Será que podem decidir livremente, de acordo com as regras jurídicas, princípios jurídicos, política, ou mesmo de acordo com suas convicções morais, a seu único e exclusivo talante? Este estudo busca trazer respostas para estas questões a partir da teoria de Ronald Dworkin, no contexto de suas divergências com Herbert L. A. Hart e Richard Posner, mais especificamente no que diz respeito às conexões entre a moral e o direito. Ao final, desenvolvemos uma técnica a fim de identificar conflitos morais experimentados pelos magistrados que aplicamos em casos concretos de demandas de saúde.

Legal reform sometimes has unanticipated, even ironic, results. A good example is federal legislation adopted in the 1980s that was supposed to enhance equity in sentencing. Congress, like many state legislatures in this period, reduced judicial control over sentencing by adopting presumptive sentencing guidelines for all serious criminal offenses and mandatory sentences for some specific crimes. Reformers did succeed in reducing judicial discretion in the sentencing process, but racial disparities have gotten much worse. Unprecedented numbers of minorities, particularly black men, are going to jail for long terms. The situation leaves trial judges in a difficult position. They are legally bound to implement a sentencing regime that many of them believe is racially discriminatory. Herbert Jacob's work on criminal trial courts provides a framework for investigating this problem. As Jacob's organizational approach predicts, judges were initially more troubled by the diminution of their powers than by the emerging pattern of increased minority incarceration. Nevertheless, some judges have criticized the racial implications of the sentencing law, protesting in various, resourceful ways. Judicial resistance to a law on moral grounds, though rare, is significant because it represents a break in the ranks of officialdom that enhances the moral credibility of critics of the current law.

Apocalypticism has been widely denounced as a framework that devalues the world and its history, funding moral dualism. While this is certainly true of many forms of apocalypticism, it is not an accurate understanding of ancient apocalyptic texts. This article establishes a framework of theological virtue ethics drawn particularly from Herbert McCabe, in which human rationality and Christian morality are understood as political, linguistic, narrative, bodily and sacramental. From within this framework, Anathea Portier-Young’s work is considered, relating early Jewish apocalyptic to trauma theory and describing how these texts narrated socio-political catastrophe in order to open up possibilities of resistance and hope. These considerations point us towards a constructive understanding of apocalyptic imagination and praxis within a political, linguistic, narrative, bodily and sacramental framework. Contemporary employments of Afro-pessimism in Black theology, particularly in J. Kameron Carter, then interrogate the proposed apocalyptic imagination, asking whether Christian apocalyptic praxis can cultivate hope in the face of the catastrophe of modern racism.

In this paper, author tries to analyze complex character of the relation between law and morality in contemporary law philosophy. There are three approaches to the issue of relation between law and morality: natural law theory (identity thesis), positivist (separation thesis) and Anglo-American analytical jurisprudence (polarity thesis). The identity thesis-law and morality are basically identical, although basic principles of morality are subordinated to the positive legal rules; the separation thesis-law and morality are quite different system of norms: positive legal rules are completely deprived of any moral content; Polarity thesis - law and morality are different systems of norms which complement to each other. The polarity thesis is exemplified in theories of Herbert Hart and Ronald Dworkin's. At the logical level, polarity thesis overcomes and specifically synthesizes abstract character and reductionism of identity and separation thesis. At the socio-historical level, the polarity thesis is result of historical development of legal and political institutions.

En 1954 el Gobierno británico, tras siglos en el que su derecho penal había reprimido multitud de comportamientos considerados inmorales e impropios de la sociedad británica, in primis la homosexualidad, decidió iniciar un debate público para evaluar su posible despenalización. Para ello se delegó en una comisión especial, cuyo informe fue el antecedente de uno de los debates jurídico-filosóficos más famosos del siglo pasado, el mantenido entre Patrick Devlin y Herbert Hart, que, partiendo de la cuestión de la despenalización del delito de homosexualidad, tuvo como objeto el papel y la función del derecho penal en general y, en particular, la oportunidad del derecho penal para imponer la moral social dominante. En otras palabras, los dos juristas se cuestionaron sobre las lógicas que estaban en la base de la criminalización penal, preguntándose, entre otras cosas, si debían servir a las instancias morales de la mayoría social o, si por el contrario, en línea con lo sostenido por el pensamiento liberal decimonónico, eran autónomas respecto a ellas y enteramente internas a una dimensión más estrictamente jurídica.

En el presente artículo pretendo analizar la concepción educativa de Theodor W. Adorno, porque nos permite entender la relevancia actual del concepto de ser humano autónomo en la era de la sociedad capitalista. Aquí recupero el pensamiento de Adorno, quien perteneció a la Escuela de Frankfurt y que al lado de sus primeros representantes, Max Horkheimer y Herbert Marcuse, criticaban el predominio de la ciencia positivista y el grado en que ésta se había convertido en un paradigma poderoso de la ideología educativa del siglo XX y del siglo XXI. En este artículo me oriento por la tesis de que la educación debe estar enfocada hacia la emancipación (autonomía moral) del ser humano, la superación de la barbarie, la concientización y la desenajenación. El texto se centra en los siguientes problemas: a) ¿cuáles son los rasgos constitutivos de la formación humanista y emancipadora? b) ¿cómo es posible argumentar a favor de que la formación emancipadora es realmente necesaria en una sociedad capitalista que pocas veces se esfuerza en reconocer la dignidad de sus ciudadanos?

O presente artigo investiga os discursos morais contidos em redações elaboradas por crianças entre nove e 11 anos de idade, publicadas no periódico “Folha da Escola” (1940), jornal editado pela Escola Complementar Duque de Caxias (1930). Os textos redigidos pelas crianças perpassam a temática da obediência, sinalizando consequências quanto ao não cumprimento das ordens. Tais discursos foram analisados partindo de dois eixos: conteúdo e publicação, tendo como base um diálogo com alguns dos grandes pensadores da educação que advogavam a importância da educação moral no desenvolvimento infantil como Durkheim, Herbart, Spencer, Condorcet e Norbert Elias. O texto está organizado de modo a contextualizar a Escola Complementar Duque de Caxias, seguido de considerações sobre a cultura escolar e cultura material escolar. Posteriormente, há o mergulho nas escritas infantis, com suas análises à luz dos pensadores supracitados.

Herbert Spencer remains an important and intriguing figure in thinking about political, social and moral matters. At present his writings in relation to idealist thought, social policy, sociology and ethics are undergoing reassessment. This article is concerned with some recent interpretations of Spencer on individuals in social life. It looks in some detail at Spencer's work on psychology and sociology as well as on ethics, seeking to establish how Spencer understood people as social individuals. In particular the neglect of Spencer's denial of freedom of the will is identified as a problem in some recent interpretations. One of his contemporary critics, J.E. Cairnes, charged that Spencer's own theory of social evolution left even Spencer himself the status of only a ‘conscious automaton’. This article, drawing on a range of past and present interpretative discussions of Spencer, seeks to show that Spencerian individuals are psychically and socially so constituted as to be only indirectly responsive to moral suasion, even to that of his own Principles of Ethics as he himself acknowledged. Whilst overtly reconstructionist projects to develop a liberal utilitarianism out of Spencer to enliven political and philosophical debate for today are worthwhile – dead theorists have uses – care needs to be taken that the original context and its concerns with the processes associated with innovation (and decay) in social life are not thereby eclipsed, the more so since in some important respects they have recently received little systematic attention even though the issues have contemporary relevance in sociology.