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Journal articles on the topic 'Herbert Butterfield'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Steber, Martina. "Herbert Butterfield, der Nationalsozialismus und die deutsche Geschichtswissenschaft." Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 55, no. 2 (April 15, 2007): 269–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/vfzg.2007.55.2.269.

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Vorspann Der Cambridge-Historiker Herbert Butterfield, bekannt geworden vor allem durch seinen 1931 erschienenen Angriff auf „The Whig Interpretation of History“, galt Zeit seines Lebens als ausgesprochen deutschfreundlich. Viele sahen in dem stark von Rankes Historismus geprägten, christlich und antiliberal orientierten Wissenschaftler sogar einen Sympathisanten des nationalsozialistischen Deutschland. Beruhte dieses Urteil nur auf Missverständnissen? War die Ausbildung einer konservativen Schule der britischen Nachkriegsgeschichtsschreibung von Butterfields wechselvoller Auseinandersetzung mit dem deutschen Weg in die Katastrophe beeinflusst? Und wie war das Verhältnis zwischen Butterfield und den nationalkonservativen Historikern in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland der 1950er und 1960er Jahre?

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2

Hay, William Anthony. "Reconsidering Herbert Butterfield." Historically Speaking 6, no. 3 (2005): 37–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2005.0024.

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3

Hall, Ian. "History, Christianity and diplomacy: Sir Herbert Butterfield and international relations." Review of International Studies 28, no. 4 (October 2002): 719–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502007192.

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Sir Herbert Butterfield, Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge (1955–68), Regius Professor of History (1963–68), and author of The Whig Interpretation of History (1931), was one of the leading historians of the twentieth century. A diplomatic historian and student of modern historiography, Butterfield was deeply concerned too with contemporary international relations, wrote much on the subject and, in 1958, created the ‘British Committee on the Theory of International Politics’. Drawing upon published and unpublished material, this article seeks to sketch an outline of Butterfield's career and thought, to examine his approach to international relations, and to reconsider his reputation in the field.

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4

Feske, Victor H. ":Herbert Butterfield: Historian as Dissenter." American Historical Review 110, no. 3 (June 2005): 873–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.3.873.

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5

Derry, John. "Review: Herbert Butterfield: Historian as Dissenter." English Historical Review 120, no. 486 (April 1, 2005): 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei233.

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6

Wilson, Adrian, and T. G. Ashplant. "Whig History and Present-centred History." Historical Journal 31, no. 1 (March 1988): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00011961.

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Of the many books written by the late Herbert Butterfield, the most influential by far was The whig interpretation of history. The importance of that essay is not just that it attained the status of a classic in Butterfield's own lifetime, and has continued to be reprinted for over fifty years. Its main significance is that the historical profession in Britain came to accept its polemical terminology. The phrase ‘whig history’ has long been used as a term of historiographical criticism, in such a way as to imply, firstly, that everyone knows what it means, and secondly, that nobody wants to be ‘whiggish’. This usage is much in accordance with Butterfield's intentions: he succeeded in implanting the term in the professional language of historians.

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7

Sewell, Keith C. "The "Herbert Butterfield Problem" and Its Resolution." Journal of the History of Ideas 64, no. 4 (October 2003): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654223.

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8

Derry, John. "Herbert Butterfield and the Interpretation of History." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 490 (February 1, 2006): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cej039.

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9

BENTLEY, MICHAEL. "HERBERT BUTTERFIELD AND THE ETHICS OF HISTORIOGRAPHY." History and Theory 44, no. 1 (February 2005): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2303.2005.00308.x.

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10

SMYTH, JAMES. "Lewis Namier, Herbert Butterfield and Edmund Burke." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 35, no. 3 (September 6, 2011): 381–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.2011.00417.x.

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11

Sewell, Keith C. "The "Herbert Butterfield Problem" and its Resolution." Journal of the History of Ideas 64, no. 4 (2003): 599–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2004.0010.

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12

Noll, Mark A. "Comptes rendus / Reviews of books: Herbert Butterfield: Historian as Dissenter." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 35, no. 2 (June 2006): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980603500222.

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13

Green, S. J. D. "HERBERT BUTTERFIELD: CHRISTIAN HISTORIAN, LIBERAL INTERNATIONALIST AND SON OF OXENHOPE." Northern History 49, no. 1 (March 2012): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174587012x13230354351861.

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14

Jardine, Nick. "Whigs and Stories: Herbert Butterfield and the Historiography of Science." History of Science 41, no. 2 (June 2003): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327530304100201.

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15

Hall, Ian. "A Man and his Past: The Lives of Herbert Butterfield." International History Review 34, no. 2 (June 2012): 423–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2012.697335.

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16

Sharp, Paul. "Virtue Unrestrained: Herbert Butterfield and the Problem of American Power." International Studies Perspectives 5, no. 3 (August 2004): 300–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1528-3577.2004.00175.x.

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17

Sewell, Keith C. "The history of science in the thought of Herbert Butterfield." Metascience 22, no. 3 (May 15, 2013): 691–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-013-9814-2.

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18

Cabral, Regis. "Herbert Butterfield (1900–1979) as a Christian Historian of Science." Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 27, no. 4 (December 1996): 547–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3681(96)00007-6.

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19

Sharp, Paul. "Herbert Butterfield, the English School and the Civilizing Virtues of Diplomacy." International Affairs 79, no. 4 (July 2003): 855–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00340.

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20

Paul, Herman. "The Life and Thought of Herbert Butterfield: History, Science and God." International Studies in the Philosophy of Science 26, no. 2 (June 2012): 232–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02698595.2012.703485.

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21

Moro-Abadía, Oscar. "Thinking about ‘Presentism’ from a Historian's Perspective: Herbert Butterfield and Hélène Metzger." History of Science 47, no. 1 (March 2009): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327530904700104.

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22

Fogelson, Raymond D. "La etnohistoria de los eventos y de los eventos nulos." Desacatos. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 7 (November 20, 2014): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.29340/7.1396.

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Desde una perspectiva tradicional, los eventos han sido considerados como los elementos primarios en el estudio de la historia. En su calidad de unidades mínimas en el discurso histórico, los eventos deben ser descritos, analizados, ordenados, e interpretados. Herbert Butterfield (1981) y otros han demostrado que el registro de eventos es fundamental para la historia de la historia. Frecuentemente se hace una distinción entre eventos naturales e históricos. Ambos tienen que ver con el azar —un encuentro o accidente único—aunque, mientras que los eventos naturales pueden influir o determinar los eventos históricos, éstos deben ser considerados principalmente como hechos culturales.

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23

Bentley, Michael. "Methodism, Science and the Natural World: Some Tensions in the Thought of Herbert Butterfield." Studies in Church History 46 (2010): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000735.

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It is no longer a name that everyone knows. At the height of his fame as historian and broadcaster, Herbert Butterfield (1900–1979) reached into homes and schools through his varied activities and established a public reputation far beyond Cambridge University, where he spent the entirety of his working life from 1923 to his retirement in 1968, and among people who knew nothing of his small and idiosyncratic college, Peterhouse, to which he had arrived as an undergraduate in 1919 and with which he would be associated for the rest of his career. The Chair of Modern History at Cambridge, which he held from 1944 to 1963, and the Regius Chair to which he was relocated for the remaining five years of his professional life, offered major platforms for one determined to communicate to a wider audience. His tenure of the Mastership of his college after 1955 offered another by lending him the possibility of hosting individuals and colloquia. Through less than a dozen major works of history — The Whig Interpretation of History (1931) and Christianity and History (1949) come at once to mind as the best-regarded — Butterfield established a persona considerably more influential than a fairly modest literary production might imply. Only when one stands back from that oeuvre and examines its internal consistencies does it become clear that it engenders in the reader a certain discomfort. For if his thought does not often become mired in outright contradiction, it frequently displays moments of inner tension.

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24

Robbins, Keith. "The wisdom of statecraft: Sir Herbert Butterfield and the philosophy of international politics." International Affairs 62, no. 2 (1986): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618370.

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25

STAPLETON, JULIA. "MODERNISM, THE ENGLISH PAST, AND CHRISTIANITY: HERBERT BUTTERFIELD AND THE STUDY OF HISTORY." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 547–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006821.

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26

McIntire, C. T., and Albert R. Coll. "The Wisdom of Statecraft: Sir Herbert Butterfield and the Philosophy of International Politics." American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (April 1986): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858201.

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27

Stack, D. "The Life and Thought of Herbert Butterfield: History, Science and God, by Michael Bentley." English Historical Review CXXVII, no. 525 (February 24, 2012): 496–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ces028.

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28

Schweizer, Karl, and Jeremy Black. "The Value of Diplomatic History: A Case Study in the Historical Thought of Herbert Butterfield." Diplomacy & Statecraft 17, no. 3 (September 2006): 617–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290600867776.

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29

Bevir, Mark, and Ian Hall. "The English school and the classical approach: Between modernism and interpretivism." Journal of International Political Theory 16, no. 2 (January 11, 2020): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088219898883.

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This article analyses the evolution of the English school’s approach to international relations from the work of the early British Committee in the late 1950s and early 1960s to its revival in the 1990s and afterwards. It argues that the school’s so-called ‘classical approach’ was shaped by the crisis of developmental historicism brought on by the First World War and by the reactions of historians like Herbert Butterfield and Martin Wight to the rise of modernist social science in the twentieth century. It characterises the classical approach, as advanced by Hedley Bull, as a form of ‘reluctant modernism’ with underlying interpretivist commitments and unresolved tensions with modernist approaches. It argues that to resolve some of the confusion concerning its preferred approach to the study of international relations, the English school should return to the interpretivist commitments of its early thinkers.

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30

Watson, Adam. "Systems of States." Review of International Studies 16, no. 2 (April 1990): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112549.

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One aspect of international relations which interested Martin Wight particularly was the functioning of what are called systems of states. That has also been an area of my especial interest since the late 50s. It was the focus of the discussions of the British Committee on the Theory of International Politics. The committee was organized in the late fifties to bring, together people from different disciplines, practitioners as well as scholars. Herbert Butterfield and Martin were the founders and guiding spirits of the early years of the committee, and I was one of the original members. It was a collective enterprise: members submitted papers which left as questions those points on which the author did not feel certain of the answers. Martin told me that the most stimulating and interesting work he did during the 60s was writing papers for the committee and taking part in its discussions.

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31

Wilkes, M. V. "Historical studies in science and technology and the uses to which they can be put." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 53, no. 1 (January 22, 1999): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1999.0060.

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I was fortunate as a young man to attend, soon after the end of the Second World War, a course of lectures delivered in Cambridge by Herbert Butterfield, a distinguished modern historian of the time. 1 The subject of his lectures was the scientific revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries. It was in this period that the modern theory of inertia began to take shape and the medieval world picture gave place to the modern one. One thinks of Galileo, Descartes and, above all, of Newton. While medievalists will wish to study the earlier period, most people interested in scientific history will confine themselves to the science that has resulted from that scientific revolution and I will do this here. The revolution began with physics, but was not followed immediately, as many expected it would be, by a revolution in biology. That came later and some would say that, in important aspects, it has only just begun. Scientific history is part of history as a whole and Butterfield had no hesitation in asserting that it is an important part. In a characteristic flight of rhetoric he declared that ‘It outshines everything since the rise of Christianity and reduces the renaissance and reformation to the rank of mere episodes, mere internal displacements, within the system of medieval Christendom’. The scientific historian is not often privileged to operate at this high level. Nevertheless, it will be appropriate if I start with some discussion of general history as a professional study.

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32

Warren, Donald. "American Indian Histories as Education History." History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 3 (August 2014): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12067.

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Choosing between “studies” and “stories,” as Herbert Butterfield couched the alternatives in 1959, has aggravated historians for years. He preferred an exit. With structure and narrative combined, Butterfield thought, “one may gain a profounder insight into both the ways of men and the processes of time.” Difficult as that approach may be, Karl Jacoby cautioned, it only balances a false dichotomy. Like the event in Apache history he reconstructed, some episodes lie hidden, wholly or in part, in silences not broken by documents or statistics. Adding American Indians to the mix of U.S. history, he argued, illustrates ways to resolve the dilemma and lead “toward a deeper revisioning of the American past.” Jacoby proposed “spotlighting the fraught relationship between storytelling and historical evaluation” to loosen the stubborn knot of history. The essential aim is not merely to fill a knowledge gap, an easier undertaking, but to evoke an episode's meanings, then and later. Undeniably, the past has legs, its tracks detected or hypothesized along divergent, sheltered, and sometimes surprising courses. Historians happen upon them more often along the way than at the outset, however careful and comprehensive the research design. Leaving room for possible interpretations tests its adequacy for reducing unknowns and finding new ones. They may use a compass of sorts to begin, if only to chart a general direction, but other research tools are essential for exploring details of unfamiliar territories. There, enhanced capacities for seeing and listening can help avoid unfounded claims and other epistemological disasters. For Jacoby, such are the risks historians run upon entering the places of American Indians' pasts.

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Stapleton, Julia. "Kenneth B. McIntyre: Herbert Butterfield: History, Providence, and Skeptical Politics. (Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, 2011. Pp. xv, 238.)." Review of Politics 74, no. 4 (2012): 689–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670512000812.

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34

GOLDIE, MARK. "THE ANCIENT CONSTITUTION AND THE LANGUAGES OF POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 62, no. 1 (November 5, 2018): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000328.

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AbstractHistorians of political thought speak of ‘languages’ of politics. A language provides a lexicon, an available resource for legitimating positions. It is looser than a ‘theory’, because protean, and not predictive of particular doctrines. Some languages attract considerable scholarly attention, while others languish, for all that they were ambient in past cultures. In recent scholarship on early modern European thought, natural law and civic humanism have dominated. Yet prescriptive appeals to national historiographies were equally pervasive. Many European cultures appealed to Tacitean mythologies of a Gothic ur-constitution. The Anglophone variant dwelt on putative Saxon freedoms, the status of the Norman ‘Conquest’, whether feudalism ruptured the Gothic inheritance, and how common law related to ‘reason’, natural law, and divine law. Whigs rooted parliaments in the Saxonwitenagemot; though, by the eighteenth century, ‘modern’ Whigs discerned liberty as the fruit of recent socio-economic change. Levellers and Chartists alike talked of liberation from the ‘Norman Yoke’. These themes were explored from the 1940s onwards under the stimulus of Herbert Butterfield; one result was J. G. A. Pocock's classicAncient constitution and the feudal law(1957).

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35

McBride, Ian. "The Shadow of the Gunman: Irish Historians and the IRA." Journal of Contemporary History 46, no. 3 (July 2011): 686–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411403343.

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This article explores the ways in which Irish historiography has been shaped by paramilitary violence, counter-insurgency and the intimate, close-quarter killings that characterized the Troubles. Irish historiography, as a professional or academic enterprise, had long been committed to ideals of impartiality influenced by Herbert Butterfield and Michael Oakeshott. It was also acutely conscious of its proximity to violent political upheaval, and during the 1970s would display a heightened sense of the urgency of dispassionate historical inquiry. Prominent scholars believed that professional research would dispel the ‘myths’ that sustained the gunmen of the Provisional IRA. In the aftermath of the Good Friday Agreement, however, historians face the challenge of explaining the militant republicanism which they had previously sought to defuse. This article considers several recent analyses of the Provisional movement. It reveals the extent to which the most vociferous criticism of the Provisionals descends from the far Left of republicanism itself — from those who belonged to the Official IRA or its successor organization the Workers’ Party, or from the ‘dissident’ republicans of the 1990s.

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36

Falk, Seb. "The scholar as craftsman: Derek de Solla Price and the reconstruction of a medieval instrument." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 68, no. 2 (February 5, 2014): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2013.0062.

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The Royal Society Conversaziones were biannual social evenings at which distinguished guests could learn about the latest scientific developments. The Conversazione in May 1952 featured an object that came to be called King Arthur's Table. It was a planetary equatorium, made in Cambridge's Cavendish Laboratory at the behest of Sir Lawrence Bragg. Conceived by the historian of science Derek de Solla Price as a huge, tangible realization of Chaucerian astronomy, it was displayed at the new Whipple Museum of the History of Science, discarded, stored incognito, catalogued with that whimsical name, and finally re-identified in 2012. This article examines the biography of that object and, through it, the early, inchoate years of the discipline of history of science in Cambridge. The process of disciplinary establishment involved a range of actors beyond well-known figures such as Herbert Butterfield and Joseph Needham; the roles of Price and Bragg are highlighted here. Study of these individuals, and of the collaboration that brought about the reconstruction, reveals much about the establishment of a discipline, as well as changing scholarly and curatorial attitudes towards replicas.

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37

Dintenfass, Michael. "Herbert Butterfield: Historian as Dissenter. By C. T. McIntire. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004. Pp. xxv+499. $45.00." Journal of Modern History 78, no. 2 (June 2006): 460–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/505806.

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38

MIRONOV, VICTOR. "DIPLOMACY AS AN INSTITUTION OF INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY IN ENGLISH SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." History and modern perspectives 3, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-1-12-19.

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This article is devote to the analysis of one from the key institutions in the conception of international society. The aim of the article is identify historiographical aspects for the analysis diplomacy in the context of the English school’s approach to the study of international institutions. English school of International relations formed in the end 1950-1970. Some famous scientists (H. Butterfield, M. Wight, and H. Bull) took an active part in the creation of this scientific society. British Committee for the study of international politics was a main intellectual structure in the genesis of the school. Committee had worked during 25 years (1959-1985) and become a base for the development two first generations of English school of international relations. Herbert Butterfield was very famous English historian and first chief of British Committee during 1959-1967. He had conservative credo. He shared the idea of the decline of diplomacy and divided it into new and historical. During some time, his views on diplomacy in modern history came into conflict with wide interpretation international society - central concept of the school. Martin Wight saw in diplomacy as a minimal indicator of the social character of international system in any time, but he also inclined that diplomacy will not be play very much role in the future. At the same time, he did not accept the concept “international society” and preferred the idea of “system of state”. Concept “international society” become a symbol and different mark this scientific community thanks to the books by H. Bull in 1960-1970. Hedley Bull included diplomacy in his list main international institutes, but central place among them in his views played balance of power and international law. Modern adepts of the conception of international Society continue diplomatic research. The works of modern representatives of the English School are studies in the article. Main conclusion of this part of the article consist of that the functional analysis of the diplomacy become a base for the following development of British intuitionalism and an important part of the conception of international society today. The British institutionalism are highlighted general trends of the following development English school of international relations and some problems for the dialogue with American theory of International relations.

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39

Spegele, Roger D. "Three Forms of Political Realism." Political Studies 35, no. 2 (June 1987): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb01883.x.

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In the recent study of international relations, political realism has, apparently, had as many supporters as detractors. Nonetheless, there seems to be a growing tendency to treat the categories of political realism as if they were passing the way of all flesh, destined to be replaced by system theory, transnationalism, Marxist structuralism, critical theory or whatever. One difficulty with this judgement is that political realism is not a single theoretical entity which can be refuted by single disconfirming instances. Nor is it an understanding of the subject rooted in the views of such well-known exponents of this school as Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Thompson, Martin Wight, Sir Herbert Butterfield, E. H. Carr or Raymond Aron. On the contrary, political realism is a conception of politics which stretches back to the great Indian thinker Kautilya and in fact constitutes a many-mansioned tradition of thought about international relations. Three aspects of that tradition are examined in this essay: Common-sense Realism, Concessional Realism and neo-Aristotelian Realism. These reflections are only very tangentially related to the debates in the 1950s and 1960s concerning realism. This essay focuses, rather, on certain neglected features of contrasting philosophies of science. The article concludes, somewhat tentatively, that neo-Aristotelian Realism is coherent and cogent and superior in important respects to what scientific empiricism has to offer.

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40

Lothian, James. "Michael Bentley. The Life and Thought of Herbert Butterfield: History, Science and God. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Pp. 398. $85.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 51, no. 3 (July 2012): 755–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/665380.

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41

Wright, D. "KEITH C. SEWELL. Herbert Butterfield and the Interpretation of History. (Studies in Modern History.) New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2005. Pp. xii, 280. $74.95." American Historical Review 111, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.2.430.

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42

Wellings, Martin. "Herbert Butterfield: Historian as Dissenter. By C. T. McIntire. Pp. xxvi + 499. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004. isbn 0 300 09807 3. £30." Journal of Theological Studies 56, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 785–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fli229.

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43

Curtin, Nancy J. "“Varieties of Irishness”: Historical Revisionism, Irish Style." Journal of British Studies 35, no. 2 (April 1996): 195–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386104.

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In an 1989 article inIrish Historical Studies, Brendan Bradshaw challenged the current practice of Irish history by arguing that an “ideology of professionalism” associated with the modern historiographical tradition established a half century ago, and now entrenched in the academy, “served to inhibit rather than to enhance the understanding of the Irish historical experience.” Inspired by the cautionary injunctions of Herbert Butterfield about teleological history, T. W. Moody, D. B. Quinn, and R. Dudley Edwards launched this revisionist enterprise in the 1930s, transforming Irish historiography which until then was subordinating historical truth to the cause of the nation. Their mission was to cleanse the historical record of its mythological clutter, to engage in what Moody called “the mental war of liberation from servitude to the myth” of Irish nationalist history, by applying scientific methods to the evidence, separating fact from destructive and divisive fictions.Events in the 1960s and 1970s reinforced this sense that the Irish people needed liberation from nationalist mythology, a mythology held responsible for the eruption of the Troubles in Northern Ireland and which offered legitimation to the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the nightmare of history from which professional historians could rouse the Irish people. Nationalist heroes and movements came under even more aggressive, critical scrutiny. But much of this was of the character of specific studies. The revisionists seemed to have succeeded in tearing down the edifice of nationalist history, but they had offered little in the way of a general, synthetic history to replace it.

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44

SIMMONS, CLARE A. "Samuel Rawson Gardiner and the Idea of History - By Mark Nixon. The Life and Thought of Herbert Butterfield: History, Science, and God - By Michael Bentley." History 97, no. 326 (April 2012): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2012.00554_3.x.

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45

TURNER, JOHN MUNSEY. "Herbert Butterfield. Historian as dissenter. By C. T. McIntire. Pp. xxv+499+9 plates. New Haven–London: Yale University Press, 2004. £30. 0 300 09807 3." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 3 (July 2005): 632–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905414396.

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Stanley, Brian. "Christians, Muslims and the State in Twentieth-Century Egypt and Indonesia." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 412–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050324.

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Surveys of the historical relationship between Christianity and other faiths often suggest that through a process of theological enlightenment the churches have moved from crusade to cooperation and from diatribe to dialogue. This trajectory is most marked in studies of Christian-Muslim relations, overshadowed as they are by the legacy of the Crusades. Hugh Goddard’sA History of Christian-Muslim Relationsproceeds from a focus on the frequently confrontational inter-communal relations of earlier periods to attempts by Western theologians over the last two centuries to define a more irenic stance towards Islam.1 For liberal-minded Western Christians this is an attractive thesis: who would not wish to assert that we have left bigotry and antagonism behind, and moved on to stances of mutual respect and tolerance? However laudable the concern to promote harmonious intercommunal relations today, dangers arise from trawling the oceans of history in order to catch in our nets only those episodes that will be most morally edifying for the present. What Herbert Butterfield famously labelled ‘the Whig interpretation of history’ is not irrelevant to the history of interreligious relations. In this essay I shall use the experience of Christian communities in twentieth-century Egypt and Indonesia to argue that the determinative influences on Christian-Muslim relations in the modern world have not been the progressive liberalization of stances among academic theologians but rather the changing views taken by governments in Muslim majority states towards both their majority and minority religious communities. Questions of the balance of power, and of the territorial integrity of the state, have affected Christian Muslim relations more deeply than questions of religious truth and concerns for interreligious dialogue.

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Nebelsick, Harold P. "God, Creation, Salvation and Modern Science." Horizons in Biblical Theology 9, no. 2 (1987): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122087x00121.

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AbstractThe purpose of the following paper is to show that, rather than being antithetical to the faith as based on the Old and New Testaments, natural science arose in the West in relationship to and, to a certain extent, as a consequence of the biblical theology that was integral to the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century. The biblical understanding, emphasized by the reformers served to promote both a mind-set that was compatible with the development of science and a milieu in which science was enabled to evolve. The thesis is not new. As will be noted in the body of the paper, similar claims have been put forth long since by such persons as Günter Howe, Herbert Butterfield, Reijer Hooykaas and Thomas Torrance. In a real sense the thought of these scholars was anticipated by certain of the ideas propagated by Francis Bacon already at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The revival of interest in the ancient world that was the hallmark of the Renaissance served to resuscitate interest in both the writings of the ancient classical world and in the venerable sources of Christian thought as well. The rediscovery of the doctrines emphasized by the biblical documents that led to the Protestant Reformation eventually served to lead to a reorientation of the Christian mind regarding the created world. A new appreciation of the primacy of the grace of God in the biblical understanding of creation, providence, and salvation brought with it a deeper appreciation of the freedom of God in his relation with the creation, on the one hand, and of the freedom of the world in its creaturely differentiation from the Creator, on the other.

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Niemeyer, Gerhart. "History Without Blinkers - Alberto R. Coll: The Wisdom of Statecraft. Sir Herbert Butterfield and the Philosophy of International Politics. (Durham: Duke University Press, 1985. Pp. xvii, 173. $25.00.)." Review of Politics 48, no. 4 (1986): 631–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500039735.

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James, Frank A. J. L. "Michael Bentley, The Life and Thought of Herbert Butterfield: History, Science and God. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Pp. xv + 381. ISBN 978-1-107-00397-2. £50.00 (hardback)." British Journal for the History of Science 45, no. 4 (December 2012): 700–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087412001306.

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Feske, Victor H. "The Life and Thought of Herbert Butterfield: History, Science, and God. By Michael Bentley.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Pp. xvi+381. $85.00 (cloth); $68.00 (Adobe e-book); $68.00 (Mobipocket e-book)." Journal of Modern History 85, no. 4 (December 2013): 936–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/672544.

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