Relevant bibliographies by topics / Henry VII and the power of the crown

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Academic literature on the topic 'Henry VII and the power of the crown'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Henry VII and the power of the crown"

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Luckett, D. A. "The Rise and Fall of a Noble Dynasty: Henry VII and the Lords Willoughby de Broke." Historical Research 69, no. 170 (October 1, 1996): 254–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01857.x.

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Abstract A study of the first two lords Willoughby de Broke. The career of Robert, the first baron, is traced from his service under Edward IV, through rebellion against Richard III and subsequent exile. His part in the Bosworth campaign of 1485 and the rewards he subsequently received from Henry VII are examined, as is his later career as a leading Crown agent in Wiltshire, Devon and Cornwall. The article then looks at how the family fared after Robert's death in 1502. The most striking aspect of this is the way in which Henry VII attempted to undermine the power of Robert's son and heir through harsh fines and other (apparently unjustified) impositions. In doing so, the article concludes, Henry was betraying his growing feelings of political insecurity by striking against an apparently innocent young man.
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DAVIES, C. S. L. "TOURNAI AND THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1513–1519." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007620.

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The English occupation of Tournai has recently generated far-reaching claims about its importance; allegedly Tournai provided a foretaste of certain developments of the Henrician Reformation. This article argues that Tournai was treated as an integral part of Henry VIII's ‘kingdom of France’ and its status consistently distinguished from that of the English kingdom. It was not, as has been suggested, granted representation in the English parliament. The argument that advanced ideas of ‘sovereignty’ derived from fifteenth-century French thought entered into English political discourse through Tournai is also countered. Important jurisdictional points were raised, notably over the administration of the bishopric, involving three powers, England, France, and the Habsburg government of Flanders. But Henry's insistence on his rights as a sovereign prince were directed against France, not, as has been claimed, against the papacy. Nothing in Henry's dealings with Tournai transcended well-established English doctrine and practice about the relationship between the political authority and the church. Nor did Henry's treatment of the conquered town evoke novel doctrines of royal power; it followed closely precedents set by Henry V. The conquest of Tournai increased the self-confidence of Henry VIII's government in both domestic and international affairs; but largely through Henry's belief that he was successfully emulating the military achievement of Henry V, not through any input of novel political doctrine.
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Bergeron, David M. "Francis Bacon's Henry VII: Commentary on King James I." Albion 24, no. 1 (1992): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051240.

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Francis Bacon wrote his The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh during 1621 after his fall from power and during his initial period of disgrace. He had, of course, contemplated some such history for a long time; and his exile from the Jacobean court allowed him time to complete this project. Exactly how much “research” he did remains a matter of debate. But this history of Henry VII exists as an exceptional example of Tudor-Stuart historical writing. Given Bacon's fascination with questions of history, broached in The Advancement of Learning (1605) and expanded in De Augmentis Scientiarum (1623), one might reasonably expect to find an example of Bacon's practice of history. The History of Henry VII exists as Bacon's only finished full-scale history of an era, although other fragments survive.A favorite scholarly pastime, at least since the late nineteenth century, has been to detect Bacon's “errors” in his history—that is, how and where he got things wrong. Sometimes, for example, he apparently duplicated the error of a source. He does not, however, stand alone among historians on this score. In any event, modern historical research affords a clearer view of the accuracy of Bacon's account. None of this detracts, however, from Bacon's considerable achievement. Part of the recognition of his accomplishment derives from understanding the different influences that impinge on Bacon's writing Henry VII. I intend, for example, to assess the indebtedness to the life of the Jacobean court as a model or influence on Bacon's portrait of King Henry's relationship with his wife Queen Elizabeth.
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Liu, Qiang, Longfei Xie, and Fengri Li. "Dynamic Simulation of the Crown Net Photosynthetic Rate for Young Larix olgensis Henry Trees." Forests 10, no. 4 (April 10, 2019): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/f10040321.

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Numerical integration of the instantaneous net photosynthetic rate (An) is a common method for calculating the long-term CO2 uptake of trees, and accurate dynamic simulation of the crown An has been receiving substantial attention. Tree characteristics are challenging to assess given their aerodynamically coarse crown properties, spatiotemporal variation in leaf functional traits and microenvironments. Therefore, the variables associated with the dynamic variations in the crown An must be identified. The relationships of leaf temperature (Tleaf), the vapor pressure deficit (VPD), leaf mass per area (LMA) and the relative depth into the crown (RDINC) with the parameters of the photosynthetic light-response (PLR) model of Larix olgensis Henry were analyzed. The LMA, RDINC and VPD were highly correlated with the maximum net photosynthetic rate (Amax). The VPD was the key variable that mainly determined the variation in the apparent quantum yield (AQY). Tleaf exhibited a significant exponential correlation with the dark respiration rate (Rd). According to the above correlations, the crown PLR model of L. olgensis trees was constructed by linking VPD, LMA and RDINC to the original PLR equation. The model performed well, with a high coefficient of determination (R2) value (0.883) and low root mean square error (RMSE) value (1.440 μmol m−2 s−1). The extinction coefficient (k) of different pseudowhorls within a crown was calculated by the Beer–Lambert equation based on the observed photosynthetically active radiation (PAR) distribution. The results showed that k was not a constant value but varied with the RDINC, solar elevation angle (ψ) and cumulative leaf area of the whole crown (CLA). Thus, we constructed a k model by reparameterizing the power function of RDINC with the ψ and CLA, and the PAR distribution within a crown was therefore well estimated (R2 = 0.698 and RMSE = 174.4 μmol m−2 s−1). Dynamic simulation of the crown An for L. olgensis trees was achieved by combining the crown PLR model and dynamic PAR distribution model. Although the models showed some weakened physiological biochemical processes during photosynthesis, they enabled the estimation of long-term CO2 uptake for an L. olgensis plantation, and the results could be easily fitted to gas-exchange measurements.
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Broce, Gerald, and Richard M. Wunderli. "The Funeral of Henry Percy, Sixth Earl of Northumberland." Albion 22, no. 2 (1990): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049597.

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The staging of aristocratic funerals was among the variety of ideological controls and display employed by Henry VIII to reduce the great magnate families of the north and place the country under central authority. An examination of the funeral of Henry Percy (1502/03?–1537) may be especially instructive because of the important and unusual relationship between the Crown and Percy. In fact, the sixth earl's funeral is worth examining in detail because it clearly reflected not only this personal and family relationship but also one step in the transfer of power from the north to the court.It was not at all unusual that the College of Arms should have been a main instrument by which Henry VIII manipulated the ceremony. As marshalls of aristocratic Tudor funerals and prominent participants in them, the heralds of the College customarily used the occasions to convey an abundance of political information whose display was intended to serve the interests of the Crown. This included information about the rank of the deceased, his or her relation to the Crown, and the enduring authority of the elite, all of which could be represented in symbols so conventional that their array and magnificence would communicate clear meaning. Henry VIII's subordination of the College and his support for it — increased prestige and employment for the heralds, for example, and their expansion from registrars to regulators of armorial bearings or insignia — may therefore be seen as attempts to help manage the aristocracy in a time of rapid social change.
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Steinmetz, David C. "Luther and the Ascent of Jacob's Ladder." Church History 55, no. 2 (June 1986): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167419.

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On the west front of Bath Abbey there are carved two stone ladders stretching from heaven to earth on which twelve angels are climbing, six on each ladder. A tourist who sees the west front of the abbey for the first time is told that the carvings represent the dream of Oliver King, Bishop of Bath and Wells under Henry VII and his former chief secretary. The bishop had a nocturnal vision of angels climbing ladders to heaven. As he stood before the ladders in amazement, he heard voices saying that an olive should establish the crown and that the king should restore the church. He took the reference to olives and kings to be an allusion to his own name and concluded that he, Oliver King, should support the Tudor monarchy and rebuild the ruined abbey at Bath.
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Crooks, Peter. "Factions, feuds and noble power in the lordship of Ireland,c. 1356–1496." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 140 (November 2007): 425–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005101.

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On 17 September 1496 Gerald, eighth earl of Kildare (the ‘Great Earl’), landed at Howth, County Dublin, after a lengthy and troubled voyage from England. One of the earl’s fellow travellers gave thanks to God for his safe arrival. If Kildare did likewise, his gratitude probably sprang less from his delivery from the natural elements than from his survival of a hostile political climate at court. Since the battle of Bosworth in 1485 not one but two Yorkist pretenders had found support in Ireland. The first of them — Lambert Simnel — was crowned in May 1487 as ‘King Edward VI’ in Christ Church cathedral, Dublin, after which a parliament was held in his name. Kildare was chief governor of Ireland during both conspiracies. More recently he had faced allegations of treason during the expedition of Sir Edward Poynings (1494-5). Despite this dubious record of loyalty to the newly established Tudor dynasty, on 6 August 1496 Henry VII appointed the Great Earl lord deputy of Ireland.
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Kiryukhin, Dmitriy V. "Images of Power in Political Prophecies and Astronomy: Henry VII’s “The Book of Astrology” as a Visual Source." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 1 (2020): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-1-41-46.

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Warnicke, Retha M. "The Eternal Triangle and Court Politics: Henry VIII, Anne Boleyn, and Sir Thomas Wyatt." Albion 18, no. 4 (1986): 565–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050130.

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The opinion of modern scholars is divided about the nature of Anne Boleyn's relationship to Sir Thomas Wyatt, the Tudor poet. On the basis of a few of his verses and three Catholic treatises, some writers have concluded that Anne and he were lovers. In these analyses not enough attention has been paid to the role of Henry VIII, the third member of this alleged lovers' triangle, who guarded his own honor and inquired into that of his wives, before, during, and after their marriages to him. A comment on the way in which the king viewed and defended his honor will be useful to this examination of the evidence customarily accepted as proof of Anne and Wyatt's love affair.A gentleman's honor, as Henry's contemporaries perceived it, was a complicated concept. First and foremost it was assumed that a man's birth and lineage would predispose him to chivalric acts on the battlefield where, in fact, only one cowardly lapse would stain his and his family's reputation forever. Secondly, the concept embodied the notion that it bestowed upon its holder certain social privileges and respect. During Henry's reign, moreover, the “realm and the community of honour” came to be viewed as “identical” with the sovereign power of the king at its head. One result of this “nationalization,” was that the behavior of crown dependants and servants affected the king's good name in both a personal and a public sense, and his ministers took care to do all that was appropriate to his reputation in settling disputes and in negotiating treaties.
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Wicks, Frank. "The Blacksmith's Motor." Mechanical Engineering 121, no. 07 (July 1, 1999): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.1999-jul-8.

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This article illustrates engineering developments by a self-educated but impoverished blacksmith in Forestdale, Vermont, named Thomas Davenport. Thomas Davenport, inventor of the electric motor, was a self-educated blacksmith with a passion for reading. Davenport's model of an electric train is described in this article. The circular track is 4 feet in diameter. Power was supplied from a stationary battery to the moving electric locomotive, using the rails as conductors for the electricity. Soon after he learned of the Henry magnet, Davenport travelled the 25 miles to Crown Point on a horse to witness the wonders of magnetic lifting power. In one of the incidence, Davenport mounted one magnet on a wheel; the other magnet was fixed to a stationary frame. The interaction between the two magnets caused the rotor to turn half a revolution. He learned that by reversing the wires to one of the magnets he could get the rotor to complete another half-turn. Davenport then devised what is now known as a brush and commutator. Fixed wires from the frame supplied current to a segmented conductor that supplied current to the rotor-mounted electromagnet. This provided an automatic reversal of the polarity of the rotor-mounted magnet twice per rotation, resulting in continuous rotation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Henry VII and the power of the crown"

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Luckett, Dominic. "Crown patronage and local administration in Berkshire, Dorset, Hampshire, Oxfordshire, Somerset and Wiltshire, 1485-1509." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317743.

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Harper, Samantha Patricia. "London and the Crown in the reign of Henry VII." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6261/.

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The reign of Henry VII suffers from academic neglect, partly as a consequence of its existence on the threshold of the traditional divide between the medieval and the early modern periods. These are frequently regarded as distinct areas of study, each with its own historiographical traditions shaped by the differing nature of the sources for each. Consequently a significant gap exists in the historiography of the development of both the City of London as a capital city and the English monarchy, and in particular the relationship between them. This thesis seeks to address this lacuna. Using the records of the Crown, the City government and its institutions, this study focuses on the political interaction between the Crown and the City. The first two chapters explore the themes of expectation and political affiliation at the start of the reign and assess the changes and continuities from the Yorkist period. It is argued that Henry’s unfamiliarity with the capital and vice versa led to mutual mistrust which resulted in a confrontation which shaped Henry’s perception of the capital for the rest of the reign. Chapters Three to Five are thematic examinations of key aspects of the City-Crown relationship. Chapter Three explores the financial connections and argues that the relationship fundamentally changed when Henry became solvent and the City lost its leverage with the monarch, as medieval kings had traditionally relied upon finance from the capital. Chapter Four discusses the triangular relationship between the City, Crown and the livery companies. It is demonstrated that Henry favoured some livery companies and suggested that in so doing he sought to dilute the power of the mercantile elite. The mediums and means of communication between the Crown and the City are the subject of Chapter Five, with particular emphasis on key individuals within both the court and the City who facilitated communication between the two. The deaths of these individuals within a few years of each other arguably changed the character of City-Crown negotiations at the turn of the century and helped Edmund Dudley, a man with insider knowledge of the government of London, rise in the king’s service. The final chapter is an examination of the last years of the reign, with particular reference to the key question of the extent of Henry VII’s alleged ‘tyranny’. This thesis reappraises the traditional view that London was particularly targeted in the fiscal 4 exactions perpetrated by the king’s ministers, Empson and Dudley, and challenges the assumption that the subsequent persecutions were purely financially motivated. This thesis argues that this was a reign which saw the reassertion of royal prerogatives and evolution of extant administrative machinery, but little, if any, innovation, at least in the sphere of Crown-City relations. The relationship was pliable and reciprocal, built upon the foundations of mutual need and flexible enough to adjust to the changing demands of Henry and his ministers as they sought to extend the royal prerogative. Claims that London was volatile, particularly at the end of the reign, and likely to rise against the king cannot be sustained.
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Books on the topic "Henry VII and the power of the crown"

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Hibbert, Eleanor Alice Burford. To hold the crown: The story of King Henry VII and Elizabeth of York. New York: Three Rivers Press, 2008.

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Elizabeth of York Queenship and Power. Palgrave MacMillan, 2011.

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Gamberini, Andrea. The Rise of Visconti Power. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824312.003.0014.

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This chapter focuses on the affirmation of a strong lordly government in the early decades of the fourteenth century. The arrival of Henry VII and the conferring of the imperial vicariate signified a watershed in the Visconti world, which saw the lord detached, not without some initial hesitation, from bottom-up forms of legitimacy to adhere to a royal conception of authority, one that was not always coherent to itself. Its definition, from time to time, involved substantial investment in terms of munificence, the adoption of a true regimen regale, expensive marriage arrangements with the ruling houses of the time, the recovery of the tradition of the Lombard kings of Pavia and even the employment of a lexicon relating to divine providence, which made it possible to suggest links with an even higher level of majesty.
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Gunn, Steven. Henry VII’s New Men and the Making of Tudor England. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199659838.001.0001.

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The reign of Henry VII is important but mysterious. He ended the Wars of the Roses and laid the foundations for the strong governments of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I. Yet his style of rule was unconventional and at times oppressive. At the heart of his regime stood his new men, low-born ministers with legal, financial, political and military skills who enforced the king’s will and in the process built their own careers and their families’ fortunes. Some are well known, like Sir Edward Poynings, governor of Ireland, or Empson and Dudley, executed to buy popularity for the young Henry VIII. Others are less famous. Sir Robert Southwell was the king’s chief auditor, Sir Andrew Windsor the keeper of the king’s wardrobe, Sir Thomas Lovell the chancellor of the exchequer so trusted by Henry that he was allowed to employ the former Yorkist pretender Lambert Simnel as his household falconer. Some paved the way to glory for their relatives. Sir Thomas Brandon, master of the horse, was the uncle of Henry VIII’s favourite Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk. Sir Henry Wyatt, keeper of the jewel house, was father to the poet Sir Thomas Wyatt. This book, based on extensive archival research, presents a kaleidoscopic portrait of the new men. It analyses the offices and relationships through which they exercised power and the ways they gained their wealth and spent it to sustain their new-found status. It establishes their importance in the operation of Henry’s government and, as their careers continued under his son, in the making of Tudor England.
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Hartrich, Eliza. Politics and the Urban Sector in Fifteenth-Century England, 1413-1471. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844426.001.0001.

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Since the work of K.B. McFarlane in the mid-twentieth century, political histories of late medieval England have focused almost exclusively on the relationship between the Crown and aristocratic landholders. Such studies, however, neglect to consider that England after the Black Death was an urbanizing society. Towns not only were the residence of a rising proportion of the population, but were also the stages on which power was asserted and the places where financial and military resources were concentrated. Outside London, however, most English towns were small compared to those found in medieval Italy or Flanders, and it has been easy for historians to under-estimate their ability to influence English politics. Politics and the Urban Sector in Fifteenth-Century England, 1413–1471 offers a new approach for evaluating the role of urban society inthe political culture of late medieval England. Rather than focusing on English towns individually, it creates a model for assessing the political might that could be exerted by towns collectively as an ‘urban sector’. Based on primary sources from twenty-two towns (ranging from metropolis of London to the tiny Kentish town of Lydd), Politics and the Urban Sector demonstrates how fluctuations in inter-urban relationships affected the content, pace, and language of English politics during the tumultuous fifteenth century. Chapter 1 identifies the different types of links that towns formed with one another and with other members of political society. Chapters 2–5 are arranged chronologically, demonstrating the ways in which the frequent twists and turns of fifteenth-century ‘high politics’—from the reign of Henry V to the Wars of the Roses—were a reflection of the ever-shifting relationships between towns.
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Book chapters on the topic "Henry VII and the power of the crown"

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Griffiths, Huw. "Introduction: The Baroque Body Parts of Henry VI Part Two." In Shakespeare's Body Parts, 1–34. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474448703.003.0001.

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The introduction sets up the starting premise of book: that, in the history plays, metaphors involving bodies and body parts always complicate, rather than simplify, any understanding of sovereign power. Founded on recent research into the authorship and revisions of the Henry VI plays, this chapter reveals Shakespeare’s particular contribution to the emerging genre of the history play as one of proliferating complexity. Work on the politics of the baroque in Benjamin and Foucault is used to frame an understanding of the off-kilter figuration employed in the dialogue of these plays. Key examples are taken from the Henry VI part two, where Shakespeare’s contributions to the lengthier Folio text consist almost entirely of the addition of long metaphorical speeches that contest the crown, and characters’ proximity to sovereign power.
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Ledger-Lomas, Michael. "The Crown of Sacrifice." In Queen Victoria, 205–30. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198753551.003.0008.

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While a crescendo of bereavements later in life undoubtedly turned Victoria into a gloomy and retrospective person and sovereign, this chapter suggests that they also bolstered her spiritual credentials with her people. The chapter concentrates on the lavish way in which she buried and commemorated a series of male relatives—her son Leopold, the Duke of Albany; her grandsons Albert Victor, the Duke of Clarence and Christian Victor; and her son-in-law Henry of Battenberg—suggesting that this made her the Empire’s mourner in chief. The martial flourishes of their funerals aligned a feminine monarchy with the increasingly militaristic and imperial character of male elite culture. Changes in Christian eschatology meant that concern with death in late Victorian culture focused on the feelings of the living rather than the postmortem fate of the dead, and as such there was much discussion of and identification with Victoria’s feelings. In this way, royal deaths secured Victoria’s position as the head of what historians have termed an ‘empire of sentiment’, whose Christian advocates claimed it was based on sacrifice rather than power.
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"is generally compatible with the teaching of the common and vulgar pride in the power of this world’ Reformed church, and therefore with doctrines (cited Var 1.423). Readers today, who rightly query found in the Book of Common Prayer and the hom-any labelling of Spenser’s characters, may query just ilies, rather than as a system of beliefs. See J.N. Wall how the knight’s pride, if he is proud, is personified 1988:88–127. by Orgoglio. Does he fall through pride? Most cer-Traditional interpretations of Book I have been tainly he falls: one who was on horseback lies upon either moral, varying between extremes of psycho-the ground, first to rest in the shade and then to lie logical and spiritual readings, or historical, varying with Duessa; and although he staggers to his feet, he between particular and general readings. Both were soon falls senseless upon the ground, and finally is sanctioned by the interpretations given the major placed deep underground in the giant’s dungeon. classical poets and sixteenth-century romance writers. The giant himself is not ‘identified’ until after the For example, in 1632 Henry Reynolds praised The knight’s fall, and then he is named Orgoglio, not Faerie Queene as ‘an exact body of the Ethicke doc-Pride. Although he is said to be proud, pride is only trine’ while wishing that Spenser had been ‘a little one detail in a very complex description. In his size, freer of his fiction, and not so close riuetted to his descent, features, weapon, gait, and mode of fight-Morall’ (Sp All 186). In 1642 Henry More praised ing, he is seen as a particular giant rather than as a it as ‘a Poem richly fraught within divine Morality particular kind of pride. To name him such is to as Phansy’, and in 1660 offers a historical reading of select a few words – and not particularly interesting Una’s reception by the satyrs in I vi 11–19, saying ones – such as ‘arrogant’ and ‘presumption’ out of that it ‘does lively set out the condition of Chris-some twenty-six lines or about two hundred words, tianity since the time that the Church of a Garden and to collapse them into pride because pride is one became a Wilderness’ (Sp All 210, 249). Both kinds of the seven deadly sins. To say that the knight falls of readings continue today though the latter often through pride ignores the complex interactions of all tends to be restricted to the sociopolitical. An influ-the words in the episode. While he is guilty of sloth ential view in the earlier twentieth century, expressed and lust before he falls, he is not proud; in fact, he by Kermode 1971:12–32, was that the historical has just escaped from the house of Pride. Quite allegory of Book I treats the history of the true deliberately, Spenser seeks to prevent any such moral church from its beginnings to the Last Judgement identification by attributing the knight’s weakness in its conflict with the Church of Rome. According before Orgoglio to his act of ignorantly drinking the to this reading, the Red Cross Knight’s subjection enfeebling waters issuing from a nymph who, like to Orgoglio in canto vii refers to the popish captivity him, rested in the midst of her quest. of England from Gregory VII to Wyclif (about 300 Although holiness is a distinctively Christian years: the three months of viii 38; but see n); and the virtue, Book I does not treat ‘pilgrim’s progress from six years that the Red Cross Knight must serve the this world to that which is to come’, as does Bunyan, Faerie Queene before he may return to Eden refers but rather the Red Cross Knight’s quest in this world to the six years of Mary Tudor’s reign when England on a pilgrimage from error to salvation; see Prescott was subject to the Church of Rome (see I xii 1989. His slaying the dragon only qualifies him to 18.6–8n). While interest in the ecclesiastical history enter the antepenultimate battle as the defender of of Book I continues, e.g. in Richey 1998:16–35, the Faerie Queene against the pagan king (I xii 18), usually it is directed more specifically to its imme-and only after that has been accomplished may he diate context in the Reformation (King 1990a; and start his climb to the New Jerusalem. As a con-Mallette 1997 who explores how the poem appro-sequence, the whole poem is deeply rooted in the priates and parodies overlapping Reformation texts); human condition: it treats our life in this world, or Reformation doctrines of holiness (Gless 1994); under the aegis of divine grace, more comprehens-or patristic theology (Weatherby 1994); or Reforma-ively than any other poem in English. tion iconoclasm (Gregerson 1995). The moral allegory of Book I, as set down by Ruskin in The Stones of Venice (1853), remains gener- Temperance: Book II." In Spenser: The Faerie Queene, 31. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315834696-29.

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