Journal articles on the topic 'Henri Frédéric'

Dreams are excursions into the limbo of things, a semi-deliverance from the human prison. —Amiel's Journal: The Journal Intime of Henri-Frédéric Amiel I do not know whether I was then a man dreaming I was a butterfly, or whether I am now a butterfly dreaming I am a man. —Chuang Tzu, Zhuangzi

Ferdinand Frédéric Henri Moissan, es el prototipo del científico multifacético, que es capaz de abordar los problemas más difíciles sin desanimarse. Sus reflexiones ante las dificultades que encuentra ponen en evidencia su capacidad de recurrir a las analogías para abordar los problemas. Evidentemente que se trata de un hombre multifacético en su devenir científico y también en su deambular por la vida. La necesidad de resolver problemas químicos lo lleva a diseñar un nuevo horno eléctrico, que se convierte en el instrumento que le permite obtener elementos más puros y preparar nuevos compuestos, abriendo nuevos campos de la investigación química.

On 31 December 1870, the Swiss philosopher, Henri-Frédéric Amiel (1821–1881), petitioned the municipal authorities of Geneva on behalf of his neighbours and himself. They lived in a street called the Rue des Belles Filles (“beautiful girls' street”) and wanted to have the name of their street changed because it alluded to prostitutes. This is just one among a multitude of historical facts that have come down to us because humble (or not so humble) suppliants put them on paper in the form of a petition, and the authorities to which these petitions were addressed took care to preserve them. Writing petitions was a common human experience. “Everybody is free to write petitions and have a drink of water”, as a traditional German saying would have it. However, as opposed to drinking water, writing petitions is an act which produces historical sources, many of which have survived. The aim of this volume is to give an overview of their importance as sources for social history.

Beaumont, Maurice, Damien Lejeune, Henri Marotte, Alain Harf, and Frédéric Lofaso. Effects of chest wall counterpressures on lung mechanics under high levels of CPAP in humans. J. Appl. Physiol. 83(2): 591–598, 1997.—We assessed the respective effects of thoracic (TCP) and abdominal/lower limb (ACP) counterpressures on end-expiratory volume (EEV) and respiratory muscle activity in humans breathing at 40 cmH2O of continuous positive airway pressure (CPAP). Expiratory activity was evaluated on the basis of the inspiratory drop in gastric pressure (ΔPga) from its maximal end-expiratory level, whereas inspiratory activity was evaluated on the basis of the transdiaphragmatic pressure-time product (PTPdi). CPAP induced hyperventilation (+320%) and only a 28% increase in EEV because of a high level of expiratory activity (ΔPga = 24 ± 5 cmH2O), contrasting with a reduction in PTPdi from 17 ± 2 to 9 ± 7 cmH2O ⋅ s−1 ⋅ cycle−1during 0 and 40 cmH2O of CPAP, respectively. When ACP, TCP, or both were added, hyperventilation decreased and PTPdi increased (19 ± 5, 21 ± 5, and 35 ± 7 cmH2O ⋅ s−1 ⋅ cycle−1, respectively), whereas ΔPga decreased (19 ± 6, 9 ± 4, and 2 ± 2 cmH2O, respectively). We concluded that during high-level CPAP, TCP and ACP limit lung hyperinflation and expiratory muscle activity and restore diaphragmatic activity.

This issue of Science in Context is dedicated to the question of whether there was a “cinematographic turn” in the sciences around the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1895, the Lumière brothers presented their projection apparatus to the Parisian public for the first time. In 1897, the Scottish medical doctor John McIntyre filmed the movement of a frog's leg; in Vienna, in 1898, Ludwig Braun made film recordings of the contractions of a living dog's heart (cf. Cartwright 1992); in 1904, Lucien Bull filmed in slow motion a bullet entering a soap bubble. In 1907 and 1908, respectively, Max Seddig and Victor Henri recorded Brownian motion with the help of a cinematograph (Curtis 2005). In 1909, the Swiss Julius Ries was one of the first to film fertilization and cell division in sea urchins (Ries 1909). In that same year in Paris, Louise Chevroton and Frédéric Vlès used a film camera to observe cell division in the same object (Chevroton and Vlès 1909). As early as 1898, the Parisian surgeon Eugène-Louis Doyen began filming several of his operations, among them the spectacular separation of the Siamese twins Doodica and Radica (Bonah and Laukötter 2009). And in England, the scientist and zoologist Francis Martin Duncan produced an array of popular-scientific films for Charles Urban: “The unseen world: A series of microscopic studies” was presented to the public in the Alhambra Theatre in London for the first time in 1903 (see Gaycken in this issue).

El señor Frédéric Siordet, ex miembro del CICR y ex vicepresidente de la Institutión, falleció el 30 de enero de 1991. Con su muerte desaparece una de las grandes figuras del Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja.Su amigo Melchior Borsinger, ex delegado general del CICR para Europa y América del Norte, galardonado con la medulla Henry Dunant, rinde homenaje, en las líneas que siguen, a este gran servidor de la Cruz Roja. En ellas sabe expresar los sentimientos de admiratión y de afecto que comparten hoy todos los que, en el CICR o en el Movimiento Internacional de la Cruz Roja y de la Media Luna Roja, reconocieron y apreciaron la gran competencia y las cualidades de corazón y de espíritu de Frédéric Siordet.

Este libro es como Hamlet sin el príncipe. Economics in two lessons: Why markets work so well, and why they can fail so badly, de John Quiggin, se anuncia como una respuesta al aclamado La economía en una lección (2008 [1946]), de Henry Hazlitt, un tratado popular sobre economía de libre mercado. Hazlitt desarrolla el análisis de «lo que se ve y lo que no se ve» de Frédéric Bastiat con una descripción popularizada de la economía política de Philip Wicksteed y la economía austriaca en la tradición de Ludwig von Mises (Hazlitt 2008 [1946], p. xii).

Abstract The first Nobel Peace Prize was awarded a century ago to Henry Dunant and Frédéric Passy, thus honouring two different aspects of the struggle against war: the endeavour to limit the suffering of war victims through humanitarian action, in particular the creation of the Red Cross; and the fight against war itself, or pacifism. The article traces the history of Dunant's candidacy and the uneasiness to which it gave rise in Geneva. Indeed, while recognizing the merits of Henry Dunant for promoting the idea of what subsequently became the Red Cross Movement, the ICRC with Gustave Moynier as its President considered that the International Committee itself should be a candidate for the Peace Prize. The attempt to put forward the institution (and not the person of Henry Dunant) failed, as did the candidacy of Moynier in the following year. The ICRC did, however, receive the Nobel Peace Prize in 1911, 1944 and, together with the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, in 1963 (the centenary of the Red Cross).

-Barbara Watson Andaya, Susan Blackburn, Love, sex and power; Women in Southeast Asia. Clayton VIC: Monash Asia Institute, 2001, iv + 144 pp. [Monash papers on Southeast Asia 55.] -Kathryn Gay Anderson, Juliette Koning ,Women and households in Indonesia; Cultural notions and social practices. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2000, xiii + 354 pp. [Nordic Institute of Asian studies, studies in Asian topics 27.], Marleen Nolten, Janet Rodenburg (eds) -Greg Bankoff, Takeshi Kawanaka, Power in a Philippine city. Chiba: Institute of developing economies, 2002, 118 pp. [IDE Occasional papers series 38.] -René van den Berg, John Lynch ,The Oceanic languages. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2002, xvii + 924 pp., Malcolm Ross, Terry Crowley (eds) -H.J.M. Claessen, Douglas Oliver, Polynesia in early historic times. Honolulu: Bess Press, 2002, 305 pp. -Harold Crouch, Andrew Rosser, The politics of economic liberalisation in Indonesia; State, market and power. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 2002, xv + 232 pp. -Hans Hägerdal, Arend de Roever, De jacht op sandelhout; De VOC en de tweedeling van Timor in de zeventiende eeuw. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2002, 383 pp. -Fiona Harris, Lorraine V. Aragon ,Structuralism's transformations; Order and revision in Indonesian and Malaysian societies; Paper written in honor of Clark E. Cunningham. Tempe AZ: Arizona State University Press, 1999, lxii + 402 pp., Susan D. Russell (eds) -David Henley, Christiaan Heersink, Dependence on green gold: A socio-economic history of the Indonesian coconut island Selayar. Leiden: KITlV Press, 1999, xviii + 371 pp. [Verhandelingen 184.] -David Hicks, James T. Siegel ,Southeast Asia over three generations; Essays presented to Benedict R.O'G. Anderson 2003, 398 pp. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Southeast Asia program. [Studies on Southeast Asia 36.], Audrey R. Kahin (eds) -Janny de Jong, L. de Jong, The collapse of a colonial society; The Dutch in Indonesia during the second world war. With an introduction by Jeroen Kemperman. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, 570 pp. [Verhandelingen 206.] -Gerry van Klinken, Grayson Lloyd ,Indonesia today; Challenges of history. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies, 2001, 359 pp., Shannon Smith (eds) -Johanna van Reenen, Frédéric Durand, Timor Lorosa'e, pays au carrefour de l'Asie et du Pacifique; Un atlas géo-historique. Marne-la-Vallée: Presses Universitaires de Marne-la-Vallée, 2002, 208 pp. -William R. Roff, Mona Abaza, Debates on Islam and knowledge in Malaysia and Egypt; Shifting worlds. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002, xix + 304 pp. -Mariëtte van Selm, Chr. van Fraassen ,G.E. Rumphius, De Ambonse eilanden onder de VOC, zoals opgetekend in 'De Ambonse landbeschrijving'. Utrecht: Landelijk Steunpunt Educatie Molukkers, 2002, 254 pp., H. Straver (eds) -K. Thirumaran, Prema-Chandra Athukorala, Crisis and recovery in Malaysia; The role of capital controls. Cheltenham: Elgar, 2001, xii + 159 pp. -K. Thirumaran, John Hilley, Malaysia; Mahathirism, hegemony and the new opposition. London: Zed books, 2001, xiii + 305 pp. -Reina van der Wiel, Damien Kingsbury ,Foreign devils and other journalists. Clayton VIC: Monash Asia Institute, 2000, vi + 277 pp. [Monash papers on Southeast Asia 52.], Eric Loo, Patricia Payne (eds) -Jennifer Fraser, Philip Yampolsky, Music of Indonesia. Washington DC: Smithsonian Folkways recordings, 1991-2000, 20 compact discs plus a CD of selections from the series, Discover Indonesia. All with accompanying booklets. -Robert Wessing, Nicola Tannenbaum ,Founders' cults in Southeast Asia; Ancestors, polity, and identity. New Haven CT: Yale University Southeast Asian studies, 2003, xi + 373 pp. [Yale Southeast Asia studies Monograph 52.], Cornelia Ann Kammerer (eds) -Robert Wessing, Henri Chambert-Loir ,The potent dead; Ancestors, saints and heroes in contemporary Indonesia. Crows Nest, New South Wales: Allen and Unwin, Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002, xxvi + 243 pp. [Southeast Asia publications series.], Anthony Reid (eds)

Les recherches de Natalie Depraz sur l’intersubjectivité rejoignent ici celles de Frédéric Mauriac, particulièrement dans les cas dits « d’urgence psychiatrique ». La question est ainsi de savoir comment poser et penser le rapport fulgurant de la force vitale à ce désir tout humain de vouloir en finir. En ces cas, quelles paroles faut-il oser et quel mode de relation convient-il d’instaurer ? La contribution entend offrir des perspectives théoriques et pratiques, essentiellement thérapeutiques, en mettant d’abord en évidence, d’une part, la situation de la phénoménologie henryenne devant la phénoménologie historique et, d’autre part, sa situation devant une praxis fondée sur la singularité de l’approche en deuxième personne.

Sarah Moss’s novel The Fell (2021), set during the second lockdown in Britain, is an instance of fiction’s engagement with the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Written in the midst of the calamity, the novel presents events from the limited perspective of an individual whose personal crisis is intensified by her enforced isolation and confinement. Spanning only one night, the story recounts the protagonist’s quarantine-breaking walk on the hills of the nearby Peak District as her way of coping with the overwhelming situation. This article analyses the character’s retreat into nature as her instinctive reaction to societal pressures. Drawing on Frédéric Gros’s A Philosophy of Walking and Henry David Thoreau’s essay Walking, this article centres on the trope of walking in Moss’s novel, positing that the heroine is an incarnation of Thoreau’s “walker errant.” It is argued that for Kate communing with nature, perceived as a site of otherness and an ever-renewing cycle of life and death, is vital for her spiritual balance, but it has also become a survival strategy during the current crisis.

Background:Spondyloarthropathies (SpA) including ankylosing spondylitis are characterized by inflammatory arthritis involving the spine and peripheral joints. Bone SPECT/CT is in the spotlight as it can reflect the current level of inflammation.Objectives:We aimed to investigate the diagnostic performance of bone SPECT/CT for axial SpA (axSpA) at the level of sacroiliac joints.Methods:Patients with low back pain who had undergone SPECT/CT of the SI joints were selected for inclusion in this study through a retrospective review of medical records from August 2016 and July 2018. We used semi-quantitative scoring methods for SPECT/CT. For visual scoring, a score of 0 was assigned when tracer uptake in the sacroiliac joint was less than that in the sacrum; a score of 1, when equal to that in the sacrum; and a score of 2, when greater than that in the sacrum. A score of 2 was considered positive for the diagnosis of sacroiliitis on SPECT/CT (Figure 1). The diagnosis of axSpA was retained when patients fulfilled the Assessment of SpA International Society criteria.Results:A total of 164 patients were enrolled (34 patients with axSpA). The remaining 130 patients had non-axSpA rheumatic inflammatory disease (n=24), vertebral disk herniation (n=13), avascular necrosis (n=11), and others such as bursitis, and fracture (n=85). The mean age of aSpA (37.8±15.6 years) was lower than controls (49.8±16.4 years) (p<0.001), and axSpA (64.5 %) had more male than others (42.1 %) (p=0.024). The sensitivity, specificity, positive and negative predictive values of bone SPECT/CT for axSpA were 83.9%, 63.2%, 34.7%, and 94.4%, respectively. The bone SPECT/CT maximal score and BASDAI score has positive correlation (r=0.481, p=0.007). The bone SPECT/CT compared with MRI is marginal correlation (k=0.369, p<0.001).Conclusion:In patients with low back pain, the bone SPECT/CT has a high negative predictive value that can exclude AS. In addition, when contraindication in MRI the bone SPECT/CT can be an alternative test.References:[1]Rahul V. Parghane, Baljinder Singh, Aman Sharma, Harmandeep Singh, Paramjeet Singh, and Anish Bhattacharya. Role of 99mTc-Methylene Diphosphonate SPECT/CT in the Detection of Sacroiliitis in Patients with Spondyloarthropathy: Comparison with Clinical Markers and MRI. J Nucl Med Technol 2017; 45:280–28[2]Anuj Jain, Suruchi Jain, w A n i l A g a r w a l, Sanjay Gambhir, Chetna Shamshery, and Amita Agarwal(2015). Evaluation of Efficacy of Bone Scan With SPECT/CT in the Management of Low Back Pain. A Study Supported by Differential Diagnostic Local Anesthetic Blocks. Clin J Pain 2015;31:1054–1059[3]Yong-il Kim, Minseok Suh, Yu Kyeong Kim, Ho-Young Lee and Kichul Shin. The usefulness of bone SPECT/CT imaging with volume of interest analysis in early axial spondyloarthritis. BMC Musculoskeletal Disorders (2015) 16:9[4]Jennifer Saunders, Mel Cusi, and Hans Van der Wall. What’s Old Is New Again: The Sacroiliac Joint as a Cause of Lateralizing Low Back Pain. Tomography (2018) VOLUME 4 NUMBER 2[5]Satoshi Kato, Satoru Demura, Hidenori Matsubara, Anri Inak2, Kazuya Shinmura, Noriaki Yokogawa, Hideki Murakam1, Seigo Kinuya and Hiroyuki Tsuchiya. Utility of bone SPECT/CT to identify the primary cause of pain in elderly patients with degenerative lumbar spine disease. Journal of Orthopaedic Surgery and Research (2019) 14:185[6]Romain De Laroche, Erwan Simon, Nicolas Suignard, Thomas Williams, Marc-Pierre Henry, Philippe Robin, Ronan Abgral, David Bourhis Pierre-Yves Salaun, Frédéric Dubrana, Solène Querellou. Clinical interest of quantitative bone SPECT-CT in the preoperative assessment of knee osteoarthritis. De Laroche et al. Medicine (2018) 97:35[7]Inki Lee, Hendra Budiawan, Jee Youn Moon, Gi Jeong Cheon, Yong Chul Kim, Jin Chul Paeng, Keon Wook Kang, June-Key Chung, and Dong Soo Lee. The Value of SPECT/CT in Localizing Pain Site and Prediction of Treatment Response in Patients with Chronic Low Back Pain. J Korean Med Sci 2014; 29: 1711-1716Disclosure of Interests:None declared.

Cet article est un compte-rendu du livre : Michel Foucault, Discours et vérité, précédé de La Parrêsia, édition établie par Henri-Paul Fruchaud et Danièle Lorenzini, préface de Frédéric Gros, 2016, Paris : Vrin, Collection Philosophie du présent, 314 pages, EAN : 9782711626564.

Ireland’s harpers were part of an ancient culture and they left behind an unique and important legacy of indigenous art. The harpers’ airs enjoyed renewed popularity during the nineteenth century when visiting virtuosi to Ireland extemporized on the best-known melodies. Among these musicians were some of the most highly regarded pianist-composers of the era, including Frédéric Kalkbrenner, Ignaz Moscheles and, later still, Henri Herz, Franz Liszt and Sigismund Thalberg. In addition, a substantial number of pieces were published for the drawing-room market. This article charts the rise and fall in popularity of Irish airs in nineteenth-century piano literature and aims to provide reasons for these trends. It shows that Thomas Moore’s almost universally-known drawing-room songs, the Irish Melodies, exerted an influence. But, while these songs may have prompted significant activity among nineteenth-century Irish and Continental musicians, Moore’s role was by no means exclusive. Irish airs were in vogue in the eighteenth century, and even earlier. A catalogue of around 500 works published between c1770 and c1940, included as an appendix to the article, demonstrates the diversity and surprisingly wide-ranging nature of this virtually unknown repertoire.

Depuis 1901 jusqu’à nos jours, La France avec ses seize nobélisés occupe la première place des pays sélectionnés. La présente étude s’appuie sur l’analyse de l’approche esthétique et intertextuelle des discours de l’écrivain égyptien arabe Naguib Mahfouz et des lauréats français : Sully Prudhomme, Frédéric Mistral, Romain Rolland, Anatole France, Roger Martin du Gard, François Mauriac, Albert Camus, Saint-John Perse, Claude Simon, Gao Xingjian (écrivain chinois naturalisé français trois ans avant son obtention du Nobel), Jean-Marie Gustave Le Clézio et Patrick Modiano. Il est intéressant de noter qu’avant A. France, il n’y avait pas de discours. Jean-Paul Sartre et Samuel Beckett ayant refusé le prix. Pour des raisons de santé, André Gide n’ayant pu assister à la cérémonie, c’est l’ambassadeur français Gabriel Puaux qui l’a représenté. Tout comme Henri Bergson, à demi paralysé par un rhumatisme déformant, et représenté par Armand Bernard, ministre de l’époque. Depuis les années 1990, le développement d’une « analyse du discours littéraire » soulève des difficultés épistémologiques et institutionnelles, pour les spécialistes de littérature comme pour les analystes du discours . De fait, les discours des lauréats prononcés au mois de décembre (date anniversaire d’Alfred Nobel) à l’Académie suédoise sont tous rédigés sur un ton presque didactique pour toutes les générations. Cet héritage culturel et international résume de grandes périodes, des expériences et des espoirs pour un futur distingué. Mais quels en sont les éléments constitutifs à l’approche esthétique ? Les discours des lauréats du prix Nobel n’appartiennent-ils à la littérature d’idées ? Comment se forme l’image de chaque écrivain entre le jeu de l’analepse et de la prolepse ? Ces discours contiennent-ils une mise en abîme ? Comment l’intertextualité participe-t-elle à l’acte de l’écriture et à la richesse de ces discours adressés à un public très varié dans le monde entier ? Quelles sont les caractéristiques de ces discours littéraires conversationnels ? À quel style ces discours appartiennent-ils : narratif, descriptif, argumentatif ou explicatif ?

Frédéric Bastiat was a great economist1 and writer, but most of all, he deserves everlasting fame as an educator. His 1850 essay «The Broken Window»2 teaches an unforgettable lesson. Unforgettable, on the one hand, because it is humiliating: humiliating to realize that one had not grasped an idea so simple yet so crucial for a basic understanding of economics. Unforgettable, on the other hand, be-cause once we have learned to «turn the mind’s eye to those hid-den consequences of human actions, which the bodily eye does not see» (Bastiat [1850] 2011a, 43), an intriguing journey of discovery begins. It has rightly been called «the one lesson»3 to which all economics can be reduced: to think through not only the visible and immediate consequences of human action and interaction, but also the unseen effects: those which are not yet seen, and those which will never be seen because they would follow only from an alternative course of action.4 Another sign of Bastiat’s excellence is that he was the first econ-omist to make extensive use of thought experiments with one or a few actors only, named, and sometimes ridiculed as, «Robinson Crusoe economics». In the imaginary laboratory of the desert is-land, we are free to set arbitrary conditions. In particular, we can construct the simplest version of any problem, where the essential features stand out most clearly. Simple scenarios, as Henry Hazlitt ([1946] 2008, 91) notes, «are ridiculed most by those who most need them, who fail to understand the particular principle illustrated even in this simple form, or who lose track of that principle com-pletely when they come to examine the bewildering complications of a great modern economic society». These complications can be mastered best by extending the analysis step by step from one ac-tor to a higher number, until real-world complexity is sufficiently approximated.5 When Bastiat was writing his last work That Which is Seen, and That Which is Not Seen, he was suffering from a terminal illness closing in on him. We can only speculate what form it might have taken and how much more he could have achieved, had he been granted more time. But what is obvious in the work he did is the importance of Crusoe scenarios and of that which remains unseen. The thought experiments presented in what follows merely com-bine these two ideas. Thus, this essay is deeply inspired by Basti-at’s way of thinking, and hopes to do honor to his inspiration.

LUSSIER, ANDRÉ. Le nationalisme québécois sur le divan. Par Frédéric Boily 666THéRIAULT, JOSEPH YVON. Critique de l'américanité. Mémoire et démocratie au Québec. Par Guy Lachapelle 668LEMIEUX, VINCENT. L'étude des politiques publiques. Les acteurs et leur pouvoir, 2e édition. Par Christian Poirier 670MCKENZIE, JUDITH. Environmental Politics in Canada: Managing the Commons into the Twenty-First Century; and PARSON, EDWARD, ed. Governing the Environment: Persistent Challenges, Uncertain Innovations. By Debora L. Vannijnatten 673SAVITCH, HANK V. AND PAUL KANTOR. Cities in the International Marketplace. By Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly 674MILNER, HENRY. Civic Literacy: How Informed Citizens Make Democracy Work. By Gregg M. Olsen 676ISBESTER, KATHERINE. Still Fighting: The Nicaraguan Women's Movement, 1977-2000; and KAMPWIRTH, KAREN. Women and Guerrilla Movements: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chiapas, Cuba. By Jeffery R. Webber 679ROY, OLIVIER. Les illusions du 11 septembre. Le débat stratégique face au terrorisme. Par Dany Deschênes 682FONTAINE, JOSEPH ET PATRICK HASSENTEUFEL, sous la direction de. To change or not to change? Les changements de l'action publique à l'épreuve du terrain. Par Anne Mevellec 684LAUVAUX, PHILIPPE. Destins du présidentialisme. Par Mariette Sineau 685LUCIAK, ILJA A. After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala. By Monica Escudero 687RAMEL, FRéDéRIC, avec la collaboration de DAVID CUMIN. Philosophie des relations internationales. Par Philippe Constantineau 689CHAMBERS, SIMONE AND WILL KYMLICKA, eds. Alternative Conceptions of Civil Society. By Shaun P. Young 690PLANINC, ZDRAVKO, ed. Politics, Philosophy, Writing: Plato's Art of Caring for Souls. By Dana Jalbert Stauffer 692LACASCADE, JEAN-LOUIS. Les métamorphoses du jeune Marx. Par étienne Cantin 693OTTESON, JAMES R. Adam Smith's Marketplace of Life. By Laurent Dobuzinskis 694HAYDEN, PATRICK. John Rawls: Towards a Just World Order. By Ernie Keenes 696MORIN, EDGAR. Pour une politique de civilisation. Par Yves Laberge 698KITCHING, GAVIN. Seeking Social Justice through Globalization: Escaping a Nationalist Perspective; and HELLIWELL, JOHN F. Globalization and Well-Being. By Philip G. Cerny 699BRUNEL, GILLES et CLAUDE-YVES CHARRON, sous la direction de. La communication internationale : mondialisation, acteurs et territoires socio-culturels. Par Radu Dobrescu 701

IntroductionThe common origin of the adjective “corporeal” and the noun “corpse” in the Latin root corpus points to the value of mortuary practices for investigating how the human body is objectified. In post-mortem rituals, the body—formerly the manipulator of objects—becomes itself the object that is manipulated. Thus, these funerary rituals provide a type of double reflexivity, where the object and subject of manipulation can be used to reciprocally illuminate one another. To this extent, any consideration of corporeality can only benefit from a discussion of how the body is objectified through mortuary practices. This paper offers just such a discussion with respect to a selection of two contrasting mortuary practices, in the context of the prehistoric past and the Classical Era respectively. At the most general level, we are motivated by the same intellectual impulse that has stimulated expositions on corporeality, materiality, and incarnation in areas like phenomenology (Merleau-Ponty 77–234), Marxism (Adorno 112–119), gender studies (Grosz vii–xvi), history (Laqueur 193–244), and theology (Henry 33–53). That is to say, our goal is to show that the body, far from being a transparent frame through which we encounter the world, is in fact a locus where historical, social, cultural, and psychological forces intersect. On this view, “the body vanishes as a biological entity and becomes an infinitely malleable and highly unstable culturally constructed product” (Shilling 78). However, for all that the cited paradigms offer culturally situated appreciations of corporeality; our particular intellectual framework will be provided by cognitive science. Two reasons impel us towards this methodological choice.In the first instance, the study of ritual has, after several decades of stagnation, been rewarded—even revolutionised—by the application of insights from the new sciences of the mind (Whitehouse 1–12; McCauley and Lawson 1–37). Thus, there are good reasons to think that ritual treatments of the body will refract historical and social forces through empirically attested tendencies in human cognition. In the present connection, this means that knowledge of these tendencies will reward any attempt to theorise the objectification of the body in mortuary rituals.In the second instance, because beliefs concerning the afterlife can never be definitively judged to be true or false, they give free expression to tendencies in cognition that are otherwise constrained by the need to reflect external realities accurately. To this extent, they grant direct access to the intuitive ideas and biases that shape how we think about the world. Already, this idea has been exploited to good effect in areas like the cognitive anthropology of religion, which explores how counterfactual beings like ghosts, spirits, and gods conform to (and deviate from) pre-reflective cognitive patterns (Atran 83–112; Barrett and Keil 219–224; Barrett and Reed 252–255; Boyer 876–886). Necessarily, this implies that targeting post-mortem treatments of the body will offer unmediated access to some of the conceptual schemes that inform thinking about human corporeality.At a more detailed level, the specific methodology we propose to use will be provided by conceptual blending theory—a framework developed by Gilles Fauconnier, Mark Turner, and others to describe how structures from different areas of experience are creatively blended to form a new conceptual frame. In this system, a generic space provides the ground for coordinating two or more input spaces into a blended space that synthesises them into a single output. Here this would entail using natural or technological processes to structure mortuary practices in a way that satisfies various psychological needs.Take, for instance, W.B. Yeats’s famous claim that “Too long a sacrifice / Can make a stone of the heart” (“Easter 1916” in Yeats 57-8). Here, the poet exploits a generic space—that of everyday objects and the effort involved in manipulating them—to coordinate an organic input from that taxonomy (the heart) with an inorganic input (a stone) to create the blended idea that too energetic a pursuit of an abstract ideal turns a person into an unfeeling object (the heart-as-stone). Although this particular example corresponds to a familiar rhetorical figure (the metaphor), the value of conceptual blending theory is that it cuts across distinctions of genre, media, language, and discourse level to provide a versatile framework for expressing how one area of human experience is related to another.As indicated, we will exploit this versatility to investigate two ways of objectifying the body through the examination of two contrasting mortuary practices—cremation and inhumation—against different cultural horizons. The first of these is the conceptualisation of the body as an object of a technical process, where the post-mortem cremation of the corpse is analogically correlated with the metallurgical refining of ore into base metal. Our area of focus here will be Bronze Age cremation practices. The second conceptual scheme we will investigate focuses on treatments of the body as a vegetable object; here, the relevant analogy likens the inhumation of the corpse to the planting of a seed in the soil from which future growth will come. This discussion will centre on the Classical Era. Burning: The Body as Manufactured ObjectThe Early and Middle Bronze Age in Western Europe (2500-1200 BCE) represented a period of change in funerary practices relative to the preceding Neolithic, exemplified by a move away from the use of Megalithic monuments, a proliferation of grave goods, and an increase in the use of cremation (Barrett 38-9; Cooney and Grogan 105-121; Brück, Material Metaphors 308; Waddell, Bronze Age 141-149). Moreover, the Western European Bronze Age is characterised by a shift away from communal burial towards single interment (Barrett 32; Bradley 158-168). Equally, the Bronze Age in Western Europe provides us with evidence of an increased use of cist and pit cremation burials concentrated in low-lying areas (Woodman 254; Waddell, Prehistoric 16; Cooney and Grogan 105-121; Bettencourt 103). This greater preference for lower-lying location appears to reflect a distinctive change in comparison to the distribution patterns of the Neolithic burials; these are often located on prominent, visible aspects of a landscape (Cooney and Grogan 53-61). These new Bronze Age burial practices appear to reflect a distancing in relation to the territories of the “old ancestors” typified by Megalithic monuments (Bettencourt 101-103). Crucially, the Bronze Age archaeological record provides us with evidence that indicates that cremation was becoming the dominant form of deposition of human remains throughout Central and Western Europe (Sørensen and Rebay 59-60).The activities associated with Bronze Age cremations such as the burning of the body and the fragmentation of the remains have often been considered as corporeal equivalents (or expressions) of the activities involved in metal (bronze) production (Brück, Death 84-86; Sørensen and Rebay 60–1; Rebay-Salisbury, Cremations 66-67). There are unequivocal similarities between the practices of cremation and contemporary bronze production technologies—particularly as both processes involve the transformation of material through the application of fire at temperatures between 700 ºC to 1000 ºC (Musgrove 272-276; Walker et al. 132; de Becdelievre et al. 222-223).We assert that the technologies that define the European Bronze Age—those involved in alloying copper and tin to produce bronze—offered a new conceptual frame that enabled the body to be objectified in new ways. The fundamental idea explored here is that the displacement of inhumation by cremation in the European Bronze Age was motivated by a cognitive shift, where new smelting technologies provided novel conceptual metaphors for thinking about age-old problems concerning human mortality and post-mortem survival. The increased use of cremation in the European Bronze Age contrasts with the archaeological record of the Near Eastern—where, despite the earlier emergence of metallurgy (3300–3000 BCE), we do not see a notable proliferation in the use of cremation in this region. Thus, mortuary practices (i.e. cremation) provide us with an insight into how Western European Bronze Age cultures mediated the body through changes in technological objects and processes.In the terminology of conceptual blending, the generic space in question centres on the technical manipulation of the material world. The first input space is associated with the anxiety attending mortality—specifically, the cessation of personal identity and the extinction of interpersonal relationships. The second input space represents the technical knowledge associated with bronze production; in particular, the extraction of ore from source material and its mixing with other metals to form an alloy. The blended space coordinates these inputs to objectify the human body as an object that is ritually transformed into a new but more durable substance via the cremation process. In this contention we use the archaeological record to draw a conceptual parallel between the emergence of bronze production technology—centring on transition of naturally occurring material to a new subsistence (bronze)—and the transitional nature of the cremation process.In this theoretical framework, treating the body as a mixture of substances that can be reduced to its constituents and transformed through technologies of cremation enabled Western European Bronze Age society to intervene in the natural process of putrefaction and transform the organic matter into something more permanent. This transformative aspect of the cremation is seen in the evidence we have for secondary burial practices involving the curation and circulation of cremated bones of deceased members of a group (Brück, Death 87-93). This evidence allows us to assert that cremated human remains and objects were considered products of the same transformation into a more permanent state via burning, fragmentation, dispersal, and curation. Sofaer (62-69) states that the living body is regarded as a person, but as soon as the transition to death is made, the body becomes an object; this is an “ontological shift in the perception of the body that assumes a sudden change in its qualities” (62).Moreover, some authors have proposed that the exchange of fragmented human remains was central to mortuary practices and was central in establishing and maintaining social relations (Brück, Death 76-88). It is suggested that in the Early Bronze Age the perceptions of the human body mirrored the perceptions of objects associated with the arrival of the new bronze technology (Brück, Death 88-92). This idea is more pronounced if we consider the emergence of bronze technology as the beginning of a period of capital intensification of natural resources. Through this connection, the Bronze Age can be regarded as the point at which a particular natural resource—in this case, copper—went through myriad intensive manufacturing stages, which are still present today (intensive extraction, production/manufacturing, and distribution). Unlike stone tool production, bronze production had the addition of fire as the explicit method of transformation (Brück, Death 88-92). Thus, such views maintain that the transition achieved by cremation—i.e. reducing the human remains to objects or tokens that could be exchanged and curated relatively soon after the death of the individual—is equivalent to the framework of commodification connected with bronze production.A sample of cremated remains from Castlehyde in County Cork, Ireland, provides us with an example of a Bronze Age cremation burial in a Western European context (McCarthy). This is chosen because it is a typical example of a Bronze Age cremation burial in the context of Western Europe; also, one of the authors (MG) has first-hand experience in the analysis of its associated remains. The Castlehyde cremation burial consisted of a rectangular, stone-lined cist (McCarthy). The cist contained cremated, calcined human remains, with the fragments generally ranging from a greyish white to white in colour; this indicates that the bones were subject to a temperature range of 700-900ºC. The organic content of bone was destroyed during the cremation process, leaving only the inorganic matrix (brittle bone which is, often, described as metallic in consistency—e.g. Gejvall 470-475). There is evidence that remains may have been circulated in a manner akin to valuable metal objects. First of all, the absence of long bones indicates that there may have been a practice of removing salient remains as curatable records of ancestral ties. Secondly, remains show traces of metal staining from objects that are no longer extant, which suggests that graves were subject to secondary burial practices involving the removal of metal objects and/or human bone. To this extent, we can discern that human remains were being processed, curated, and circulated in a similar manner to metal objects.Thus, there are remarkable similarities between the treatment of the human body in cremation and bronze metal production technologies in the European Bronze Age. On the one hand, the parallel between smelting and cremation allowed death to be understood as a process of transformation in which the individual was removed from processes of organic decay. On the other hand, the circulation of the transformed remains conferred a type of post-mortem survival on the deceased. In this way, cremation practices may have enabled Bronze Age society to symbolically overcome the existential anxiety concerning the loss of personhood and the breaking of human relationships through death. In relation to the former point, the resurgence of cremation in nineteenth century Europe provides us with an example of how the disposal of a human body can be contextualised in relation to socio-technological advancements. The (re)emergence of cremation in this period reflects the post-Enlightenment shift from an understanding of the world through religious beliefs to the use of rational, scientific approaches to examine the natural world, including the human body (and death). The controlled use of fire in the cremation process, as well as the architecture of crematories, reflected the industrial context of the period (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 16).With respect to the circulation of cremated remains, Smith suggests that Early Medieval Christian relics of individual bones or bone fragments reflect a reconceptualised continuation of pre-Christian practices (beginning in Christian areas of the Roman Empire). In this context, it is claimed, firstly, that the curation of bone relics and the use of mobile bone relics of important, saintly individuals provided an embodied connection between the sacred sphere and the earthly world; and secondly, that the use of individual bones or fragments of bone made the Christian message something portable, which could be used to reinforce individual or collective adherence to Christianity (Smith 143-167). Using the example of the Christian bone relics, we can thus propose that the curation and circulation of Bronze Age cremated material may have served a role similar to tools for focusing religiously oriented cognition. Burying: The Body as a Vegetable ObjectGiven that the designation “the Classical Era” nominates the entirety of the Graeco-Roman world (including the Near East and North Africa) from about 800 BCE to 600 CE, there were obviously no mortuary practices common to all cultures. Nevertheless, in both classical Greece and Rome, we have examples of periods when either cremation or inhumation was the principal funerary custom (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 19-21).For instance, the ancient Homeric texts inform us that the ancient Greeks believed that “the spirit of the departed was sentient and still in the world of the living as long as the flesh was in existence […] and would rather have the body devoured by purifying fire than by dogs or worms” (Mylonas 484). However, the primary sources and archaeological record indicate that cremation practices declined in Athens circa 400 BCE (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 20). With respect to the Roman Empire, scholarly opinion argues that inhumation was the dominant funerary rite in the eastern part of the Empire (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 17-21; Morris 52). Complementing this, the archaeological and historical record indicates that inhumation became the primary rite throughout the Roman Empire in the first century CE. Inhumation was considered to be an essential rite in the context of an emerging belief that a peaceful afterlife was reflected by a peaceful burial in which bodily integrity was maintained (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 19-21; Morris 52; Toynbee 41). The question that this poses is how these beliefs were framed in the broader discourses of Classical culture.In this regard, our claim is that the growth in inhumation was driven (at least in part) by the spread of a conceptual scheme, implicit in Greek fertility myths that objectify the body as a seed. The conceptual logic here is that the post-mortem continuation of personal identity is (symbolically) achieved by objectifying the body as a vegetable object that will re-grow from its own physical remains. Although the dominant metaphor here is vegetable, there is no doubt that the motivating concern of this mythological fabulation is human mortality. As Jon Davies notes, “the myths of Hades, Persephone and Demeter, of Orpheus and Eurydice, of Adonis and Aphrodite, of Selene and Endymion, of Herakles and Dionysus, are myths of death and rebirth, of journeys into and out of the underworld, of transactions and transformations between gods and humans” (128). Thus, such myths reveal important patterns in how the post-mortem fate of the body was conceptualised.In the terminology of mental mapping, the generic space relevant to inhumation contains knowledge pertaining to folk biology—specifically, pre-theoretical ideas concerning regeneration, survival, and mortality. The first input space attaches to human mortality; it departs from the anxiety associated with the seeming cessation of personal identity and dissolution of kin relationships subsequent to death. The second input space is the subset of knowledge concerning vegetable life, and how the immersion of seeds in the soil produces a new generation of plants with the passage of time. The blended space combines the two input spaces by way of the funerary script, which involves depositing the body in the soil with a view to securing its eventual rebirth by analogy with the sprouting of a planted seed.As indicated, the most important illustration of this conceptual pattern can be found in the fertility myths of ancient Greece. The Homeric Hymns, in particular, provide a number of narratives that trace out correspondences between vegetation cycles, human mortality, and inhumation, which inform ritual practice (Frazer 223–404; Carney 355–65; Sowa 121–44). The Homeric Hymn to Demeter, for instance, charts how Persephone is abducted by Hades, god of the dead, and taken to his underground kingdom. While searching for her missing daughter, Demeter, goddess of fertility, neglects the earth, causing widespread devastation. Matters are resolved when Zeus intervenes to restore Persephone to Demeter. However, having ingested part of Hades’s kingdom (a pomegranate seed), Persephone is obliged to spend half the year below ground with her captor and the other half above ground with her mother.The objectification of Persephone as both a seed and a corpse in this narrative is clearly signalled by her seasonal inhumation in Hades’ chthonic realm, which is at once both the soil and the grave. And, just as the planting of seeds in autumn ensures rebirth in spring, Persephone’s seasonal passage from the Kingdom of the Dead nominates the individual human life as just one season in an endless cycle of death and rebirth. A further signifying element is added by the ingestion of the pomegranate seed. This is evocative of her being inseminated by Hades; thus, the coordination of vegetation cycles with life and death is correlated with secondary transition—that from childhood to adulthood (Kerényi 119–183).In the examples given, we can see how the Homeric Hymn objectifies both the mortal and sexual destiny of the body in terms of thresholds derived from the vegetable world. Moreover, this mapping is not merely an intellectual exercise. Its emotional and social appeal is visible in the fact that the Eleusinian mysteries—which offered the ritual homologue to the Homeric Hymn to Demeter—persisted from the Mycenaean period to 396 CE, one of the longest recorded durations for any ritual (Ferguson 254–9; Cosmopoulos 1–24). In sum, then, classical myth provided a precedent for treating the body as a vegetable object—most often, a seed—that would, in turn, have driven the move towards inhumation as an important mortuary practice. The result is to create a ritual form that makes key aspects of human experience intelligible by connecting them with cyclical processes like the seasons of the year, the harvesting of crops, and the intergenerational oscillation between the roles of parent and child. Indeed, this pattern remains visible in the germination metaphors and burial practices of contemporary religions such as Christianity, which draw heavily on the symbolism associated with mystery cults like that at Eleusis (Nock 177–213).ConclusionWe acknowledge that our examples offer a limited reflection of the ethnographic and archaeological data, and that they need to be expanded to a much greater degree if they are to be more than merely suggestive. Nevertheless, suggestiveness has its value, too, and we submit that the speculations explored here may well offer a useful starting point for a larger survey. In particular, they showcase how a recurring existential anxiety concerning death—involving the fear of loss of personal identity and kinship relations—is addressed by different ways of objectifying the body. Given that the body is not reducible to the objects with which it is identified, these objectifications can never be entirely successful in negotiating the boundary between life and death. In the words of Jon Davies, “there is simply no let-up in the efforts by human beings to transcend this boundary, no matter how poignantly each failure seemed to reinforce it” (128). For this reason, we can expect that the record will be replete with conceptual and cognitive schemes that mediate the experience of death.At a more general level, it should also be clear that our understanding of human corporeality is rewarded by the study of mortuary practices. 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