Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hellenistic kings

Contents

Journal articles
Dissertations / Theses
Books
Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Hellenistic kings'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Hellenistic kings.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Hellenistic kings"

1

ITGENSHORST, T. "Roman Commanders and Hellenistic Kings." Ancient Society 36 (October 1, 2006): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.36.0.2017828.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Erskine, Andrew. "Hellenistic Monarchy and Roman Political Invective." Classical Quarterly 41, no. 1 (May 1991): 106–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880000358x.

Full text

Abstract:

The origins of the well-known hatred for the nomen regis at Rome are in this way explained by Cicero in the De Republica, written in the late 50s b.c. Tarquinius Superbus, Rome's last king, so traumatised the Roman people that the term rex still had a potent effect almost five hundred years after his downfall. Many modern scholars would accept that the Roman hatred of kings was deep-rooted and intense, and it is often called upon to explain Roman behaviour. This approach finds clear expression in the latest edition of the Cambridge Ancient History, where one scholar in his discussion of the overthrow of Tarquinius writes: ‘Forever after the Romans hated the very idea of a king’. Yet an examination of Latin writings from the Republican period, rather than confirming this, reveals much that is at odds with this interpretation of the Roman attitude towards kings and the concept of kingship. Surprisingly, even their own kings are generally treated favourably. While there is no doubt that there was hostility to kings in the first century b.c., it is necessary to reconsider its origins and nature. I wish to argue that it was neither as long-standing nor as intense as is traditionally assumed. Its origins should be sought not in the distant obscurity of the last years of the regal period, but in Rome's encounters with the hellenistic kings of the East in the second century b.c.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Austin, M. M. "Hellenistic kings, War, and the Economy." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (December 1986): 450–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012180.

Full text

Abstract:

My title links together kings, war, and the economy, and the linkage is deliberate. I do not of course wish to suggest that Hellenistic kings did nothing but fight wars, that they were responsible for all the wars in the period, that royal wars were nothing but a form of economic activity, or that the economy of the kings was dependent purely on the fruits of military success, though there would be an element of truth in all these propositions. But I wish to react against the frequent tendency to separate topics that are related, the tendency to treat notions relating to what kings were or should be as something distinct from what they actually did, and the tendency to treat political and military history on the one hand as something separate from economic and social history on the other.A number of provisos should be made at the outset. The title promises more than the paper can deliver; in particular, more will be said about kings and war than about kings and the economy. The subject is handled at a probably excessive level of generalization and abstraction. I talk about Hellenistic kings in general, but in practice it would obviously be necessary to draw distinctions between different dynasties, different times and places, and individual rulers, and some of those distinctions I shall indicate. Conclusions are provisional and subject to modification and considerable expansion in detail. Finally, two points of terminology. I use the word ‘Hellenistic’ for no better reason than out of the force of acquired habit, but of course the word and the concept are modern inventions that were unknown to the ancient world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

O'Neil, James L. "Royal authority and city law under Alexander and his Hellenistic successors." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 424–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.424.

Full text

Abstract:

When the Macedonians had conquered Greece, city-states continued to exist along-side the more powerful kingdoms, and were often forced to accommodate their policies to the wishes of the powerful kings who were, in theory, their allies. If kings and cities were to co-operate effectively, there would need to be some way of adapting the authority of royal wishes to the theoretical rights of the cities to self-determination.The contrast between the powers of a king, theoretically all-powerful within his kingdom, and the autonomy of a city did not need to be total. Aristotle, who was acquainted with the Macedonian kingdom, made a clear distinction between kingship and tyranny, between rule by the law and autocracy. He listed Macedonia alongside Sparta and Epirus as kingdoms which were ruled in the interests of all.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Caneva, Stefano G. "KINGS AND ELITES IN AN INTERCULTURAL TRADITION: FROM DIODORUS TO THE EGYPTIAN TEMPLES." Greece and Rome 66, no. 2 (September 19, 2019): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000032.

Full text

Abstract:

The study of Hellenistic Egypt, as it has been jointly carried out by Hellenists and Egyptologists in recent decades, is a remarkable example of the efficacy of interdisciplinary endeavours bringing together different media and cultural traditions. Based on the premises of these studies in social and cultural history, this article focuses on a neglected aspect of the encounters between the Graeco-Macedonian and Egyptian elites in the Ptolemaic kingdom: the role played by self-stylization in cultural encounters in general and, more precisely, in intercultural negotiations for legitimacy and privilege. The focus will be on the strategy by which one party – in this case, the Egyptian elite – could consciously shape a representation of its traditions and values that was meant to gain more prestige and contractual power in diplomatic exchanges with the Ptolemaic establishment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Brovkin, Vladimir V. "On the Role of Greek Philosophy in the Formation of Hellenistic Monarchies." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/7.

Full text

Abstract:

The article deals with the question of the influence of Greek philosophy on the formation of Hellenistic monarchies. According to one point of view, theories of Greek philosophers on kingship played an important role in the formation of absolutism in the Hellenistic monarchies. It is believed that it is in the classical Greek philosophy that the ideas on absolute monarchy as the best state structure and on the legal rights of an outstanding person to royal power were developed. In the course of the study, the author infers that Greek philosophy did not have a significant impact on the formation of absolutism in Hellenistic monarchies. The Greek philosophers’ doctrines of kingship were significantly different from the type of power that was characteristic of the Hellenistic monarchies. Leading political philosophers of the IV century BC Plato and Aristotle were supporters of two types of monarchy: a moderate monarchy in which the royal power is limited by law and an absolute monarchy based on the exceptional virtue of the king. In the Hellenistic monarchies, the unlimited power of the king was originally associated with military-political power. At the same time, the author finds that Greek philosophy had an indirect influence on the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism. This influence consisted in the fact that Greek philosophers criticized the sociopolitical system of Greece and the main types of polity of the state – democracy and oligarchy. Plato and Aristotle sharply criticized extreme forms of oligarchy and democracy in their works. At the same time, as the author has established, philosophers were supporters of moderate democracy and oligarchy. The sophists, the cynics and the Cyrenaics also actively criticized the values and traditions of polis. Thus, Greek philosophers unwittingly contributed to the weakening of the polis and the formation of absolute monarchies. The author has also found that Greek philosophers influenced the formation of the enlightened character of the rule of individual Hellenistic kings. Philosophers contributed to the upbringing of high moral qualities in the Hellenistic kings. This influence was especially evident in Alexander the Great, Ptolemy I Soter, Ptolemy II Philadelphus and Antigonus II Gonatas. In the final part of the article, the author comes to the conclusion that the main role in the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism was played by the ancient Eastern political traditions, as well as by the nature of the formation of Hellenistic kingdoms and their ethnic composition.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

KOSMETATOU, Elizabeth. "Pisidia and the Hellenistic Kings from 323 to 133 BC." Ancient Society 28 (January 1, 1997): 5–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.28.0.630067.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Fulińska, Agnieszka. "Mature Heracles and youthful kings. Theocritus 17 and Hellenistic iconography." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 17, no. 17 (2013): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.17.2013.17.13.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Cournarie, Paul. "Authority between Mask and Sign: The Status of the Royal Body in Ancient Greece (Fourth to Second Centuries BCE)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 71, no. 03 (September 2016): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568218000055.

Full text

Abstract:

What kind of body was the body of a Hellenistic king? To consider kings in antiquity is to necessarily reach back beyond Ernst Kantorowicz's schema and explore the body before the concept of the “king's two bodies.” An analysis of Xenophon's Cyropaedia sheds light on this configuration, in which the problem was not so much the (unachievable) conformation of a royal super-body as the obscure point at which the natural encountered the ceremonial, the latter absolutely essential to the former in the context of a sprawling empire, but nevertheless threatening to engulf it in the luxury with which the sovereign surrounded himself. Neither transparent nor opaque, at once a sign and a mask, this model was further honed by Alexander the Great. While his persona was bound up with the same alternative, the criticisms that he faced obliged Alexander to make a tactical distinction between his person and ceremonial luxury. This separation in no way implied a duality but rather depended on shifting boundaries, sometimes insisting on his naturally royal body, sometimes on the luxury reconfigured by the sovereign's extreme mastery. The Hellenistic kings inherited these questions, and alternated between a symbolization of their natural being and a naturalization of the symbolic in a constant interplay that resisted stabilization. Only the rise of Rome would bring an end to this vision of the royal body in a process of perpetual construction, as though the incarnation of royalty itself was inconceivable.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Giszczak, Mark. "The quest of the king in the Wisdom of Solomon." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 31, no. 1 (September 2021): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09518207211032890.

Full text

Abstract:

Historians largely agree that Hellenistic kingship was founded, not primarily on heredity, but on military achievement (MacDonald, 2015). The right to rule was thus militarily meritocratic, but philosophically unsteady, so kings felt the need to propagandize by commissioning writings peri basileias. Diogenes Laertius gives evidence that this type of kingship literature was widely produced in this era, though only fragments of these texts survive. The tracts attributed to Ecphantus, Diotogenes, and Sthenidas, along with the Letter of Aristeas, reveal that Hellenistic kingship was supported by a mythos that viewed obtaining kingship as a kind of moral achievement. The king’s virtues are emphasized as godlike and worthy of imitation by his subjects, as he embodies the law in his person. The Wisdom of Solomon reworks this kingship tradition by “democratizing” kingship (Newman, 2004) to all to call his readers to imitate Solomon’s choice of wisdom over folly. Solomon’s search for and embrace of wisdom (7:7; 8:2) takes the place of militaristic emphases and establishes a universalizable pattern for the moral quest of the individual. Wisdom domesticates a Hellenistic pattern of seeking wisdom and thus achieving kingly rule, which eventually allows one to be a benefactor of others. Wisdom is beneficent (7:23) and, rather than becoming a god, the wise Solomon benefits others with his wise and just rule (Wis 8:10–15; 9:12). Even the wise Israelites become benefactors to others (19:14). Thus, the quest of the king for wisdom follows a familiar outline of the journey of a king from obscurity, to conquest, to rule, to beneficence.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hellenistic kings"

1

Winzor, Christine Elizabeth. "The architectural patronage of the Attalids and Ptolemies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360004.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Larguinat, Turbatte Gabrièle. "Construire la Polis : l'évolution des villes d'Ionie et de Carie de la fin du IVe au milieu du Ier s. a.C." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30049.

Full text

Abstract:

L’époque hellénistique est le moment où les villes d’Ionie et de Carie changent peu à peu d’aspect. Dans chaque ville ou presque, quantité de monuments publics nouveaux façonnent progressivement un paysage urbain inédit qui se présente comme un miroir de la cité qui l’a créé. C’est cette transformation sans précédent des centres urbains durant l’époque hellénistique que cette thèse se propose d’étudier, en portant attention aux villes d’Ionie et de Carie dans toute leur diversité. Elle cherche à dégager le sens des changements dans deux régions à l’hellénisation ancienne et fortement urbanisées, caractérisées par des interactions entre cités et rois hellénistiques. Cette étude propose des pistes pour mieux comprendre les sociétés civiques au travers d’un lieu de vie : la ville. L’approche privilégie ce que la ville a de plus remarquable, ses édifices publics. Dans une première partie consacrée aux fortifications urbaines, aux lieux qui abritent les activités politiques, et aux espaces de la vie culturelle au sens large, les monuments publics sont évoqués en tant qu’espaces de la vie civique, et l’on s’interroge sur les raisons de la construction de tant de bâtiments nouveaux. Dans un second temps, une étude plus transversale de l’espace urbain décrit comment se met en place à cette époque un cadre de vie véritablement urbain, avec un paysage, des aménagements et une organisation de l’espace bien spécifique. La troisième partie consacrée aux thématiques économiques montre comment la prospérité des cités se traduit dans la pierre : la construction de bâtiments pour abriter les activités économiques témoigne autant du souci des cités de développer et d’encadrer ces activités que de la richesse de la vie économique des poleis. Ce dynamisme contribue aussi à expliquer une activité de construction soutenue, rendue possible par l’existence de ressources abondantes et variées à la disposition des cités. La réflexion porte pour finir sur la dimension politique et sociale des transformations de l’espace urbain. Cette dernière partie se place dans une perspective historique plus large, celle de l’évolution de la cité hellénistique
The Hellenistic period is the time when the aspect of the cities of Ionia and Caria is changing gradually. In almost each city, an amount of new public buildings progressively shaping a new urban landscape that looks like a mirror of the city that created it. It is this unprecedented transformation of urban centers during the Hellenistic period that this thesis studies, with attention to the cities of Ionia and Caria in all their diversity. We aim at making sense of the changes in these two regions, which experienced hellenisation and urbanisation early ; they are also characterized by interactions between cities and Hellenistic kings. This study suggests ways of understanding civic societies through the city. We are looking at t the most remarkable features of the city : its public buildings . In the first part devoted to urban fortifications, buildings housing political activities , and areas of cultural life , public monuments are mentioned as spaces of civic life , and we search for the reason why many new buildings were built. Then, the study describes how urban space becomes a place of truly urban life, with a landscape, facilities and a specific spatial organization. In a third section, we show how the cities’ economic prosperity is reflected in stone buildings – some of them housing economic activities – reflects the will of cities to develop and oversee economic activities and the wealth of the poleis. This also helps explain a sustained construction activity made possible by the existence of abundant and varied resources available to cities. Finally, the reflection deals with political and social aspects of the evolution of urban space. This last part is placed in a broader historical perspective, that of the evolution of the Hellenistic city

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

de, Lisle Christopher. "Agathokles of Syracuse : Sicilian tyrant and Hellenistic king." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:527d1dac-c70e-4de0-a3be-5cd9b07ef7eb.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis discusses Agathokles of Syracuse (r. 317-289), arguing that he should be understood in both the context of local Greek Sicilian traditions and contemporary Hellenistic developments, whereas previous studies have represented him as remaining apart from the Hellenistic world as a Sicilian dead end or embracing the Hellenistic world so enthusiastically that he abandoned his Sicilian context altogether. Thus this is a thesis about chronological continuity at the beginning of the Hellenistic period and geographical continuity between Sicily and the wider Mediterranean region. The thesis is tripartite. The first part deals with literary and numismatic source material, arguing for a shift away from source criticism in order to emphasise the coherence and agency of the surviving literary texts and the relationship of characterisations of Agathokles to broader Greek representations of autocracy. I discuss the chronology, iconography, and circulation of Agathokles' coinage, as evidence for the combination of Sicilian and Hellenistic elements. The second part discusses Agathokles' rulership style, arguing that the assumption of the royal title did not transform his rule and identifying substantial parallels with his predecessors and his contemporaries. This suggests that Sicilian tyranny and Hellenistic monarchy were aspects of a single Greek tradition of autocracy. The third part of the thesis looks at Agathokles' interactions with Sicily, Carthage, Italy, Mainland Greece and the Diadochoi, identifying the dynamics which drove these interactions and showing how they continued older models of interaction and were shaped by contemporary developments. This demonstrates the degree to which Agathokles and his local Sicilian context were part of the wider Hellenistic world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Taylor, Richard William James. "The king and the army in the Hellenistic world." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334807.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Chassanite, Christophe. "L'idéologie et les pratiques monarchiques des rois grecs en Bactriane et en Inde." Thesis, Besançon, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BESA1009/document.

Full text

Abstract:

Des rois grecs ont régné sur l'Asie centrale et l'ouest de l'Inde antique du IIIème siècle av. J.C. jusqu'au début de l'ère chrétienne. Ils laissent une image belliqueuse, car le fondement de leur pouvoir fut d'abord militaire. Des indices permettent d'envisager qu'à l'instar des autres souverains hellénistiques ils diffusèrent leurs portraits, mirent en place un culte royal, associèrent parfois leur fils au pouvoir, vécurent entourés d'une cour royale itinérante. Leur gestion économique fut suffisamment efficace pour que la région ne souffrît pas des guerres fréquentes ; les voies de communication furent préservées, le commerce et l'irrigation se développèrent, le système fiscal et administratif semble comparable en efficacité à celui des Perses ou des Séleucides. L'originalité de ces souverains réside dans leur adaptation aux milieux linguistiques et religieux : s'ils défendirent la langue et la culture grecque, pour des raisons identitaires et politiques, ils usèrent parfois du bilinguisme dans les monnaies et y firent graver des dieux compatibles avec les croyances ou les habitudes picturales locales. On peut envisager qu'au tournant de l'ère chrétienne les Grecs aient été lentement absorbés dans le monde asiatique
Greek kings' domination in Central Asia and Western Antique India was effective from the IIIth Century BC till the beginning of Christian Era. The Greek kings of Central Asia image appears warlike, because their power was at the beginning and mainly a military one. We may suppose that, according to the example of the other Hellenistic sovereigns, these kings spread their sculptured portraits, organized a royal cult, and sometimes ruled with their son ; a royal itinerant court escorted them. The economic management of Greek Central Asia was so effective that the area prospered in spite of wars : the roads were protected, trade and irrigation developed, their fiscal and administrative system is similar to the Persian or Seleucid efficiency. These kings were remarkable because they adapted to the linguistic and religious environments : they defended the Greek language and culture, for political reasons and to preserve their identity ; the coins they engraved were sometimes bilingual, and we identify on it the image of Gods who are compatible with local faiths or pictorial habits. We may suppose that, circa Christian era, after defeat or disappearance of their kings, Greeks were slowly absorbed into the Asian world

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Ryu, Bobby Jang Sun. "Knowledge of God in Philo of Alexandria with special reference to the Allegorical Commentary." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3a849607-f23b-4d0f-b25f-51e084795c83.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis is a context-sensitive study of key epistemological commitments and concerns presented in Philo’s two series of exegetical writings. The major conclusion advanced in this thesis is that two theological epistemologies, distinct yet related, can be detected among these writings. The first epistemology is specific to the Allegorical Commentary. The second epistemology is specific to the ‘Exposition of the Law.’ The epistemology of the Allegorical Commentary reflects a threefold conviction: the sovereignty of God, the creaturely contingency of the human mind and its inescapable limitations. In conversation with key epistemological notions of his day, Philo develops this threefold conviction in exegetical discourses that are grounded in Pentateuchal texts portraying the God of Moses as both possessing epistemic authority and aiding the aspiring mind to gain purification and perfection in the knowledge of God. Guided by this threefold conviction, Philo enlists key metaphors of his day – initiation into divine mysteries and divine inspiration, among others –in order to capture something of the essence of Moses’ twofold way of ascending to the divine, an approach which requires at times the enhancement of human reason and at other times the eviction of human reason. The epistemology of the ‘Exposition’ reflects Philo’s understanding of the Pentateuch as a perfect whole partitioned into three distinct yet inseverable parts. Philo’s knowledge discourses in the ‘creation’ part of the ‘Exposition’ reflect two primary movements of thought. The first is heavily invested with a Platonic reading of Genesis 1.27 while the second invests Genesis 2.7 with a mixture of Platonic and Stoic notions of human transformation and well-being. Philo’s discourses in the ‘patriarchs’ segment reflect an interest in portraying the three great patriarchs as exemplars of the virtues of instruction (Abraham), nature (Isaac), and practice (Jacob) which featured prominently in Greek models of education. In the ‘Moses’ segment of the ‘Exposition,’ many of Philo’s discourses on knowledge are marked by an interest in presenting Moses as the ideal king, lawgiver, prophet and priest who surpasses Plato’s paradigm of the philosopher-king. In keeping with this view, Philo insists that the written laws of Moses represent the perfect counterpart to the unwritten law of nature. The life and laws of Moses serve as the paradigm for Philo to understand his own experiences of noetic ascent and exhort readers to cultivate similar aspirational notions and practices.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Ramsey, Gillian Catherine. "Kingship in Hellenistic Bactria." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/541.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Hellenistic kings"

1

Inge, Nielsen. Hellenistic palaces: Tradition and renewal. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1994.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Inge, Nielsen. Hellenistic palaces: Tradition and renewal. 2nd ed. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1999.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Smith, R. R. R. Hellenistic royal portraits. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Clarendon Press, 1988.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

D, Grainger John. Seleukos Nikator: Constructing a hellenistic kingdom. London: Routledge, 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Lysimachus: A study in early Hellenistic kingship. London: Routledge, 1992.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Alonso, Fernando de Olaguer-Feliú. Alejandro Magno y el arte: Aproximación a la personalidad de Alejandro Magno y a su influencia en el arte. [Madrid]: Encuentro, 2000.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Luraghi, Nino. The splendors and miseries of ruling alone: Encounters with monarchy from archaic Greece to the Hellenistic Mediterranean. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2013.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Divine kings and sacred spaces: Power and religion in Hellenistic Syria (301 - 64 BC). Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 2012.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Billows, Richard A. Antigonos the One-eyed and the creation of the Hellenistic state. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Untersuchungen zu hellenistischen Kultbildern. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1999.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Hellenistic kings"

1

Strootman, Rolf. "Literature and the Kings." In A Companion to Hellenistic Literature, 30–45. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118970577.ch3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

O’Sullivan, Lara. "Kings and gods." In Cultural Perceptions of Violence in the Hellenistic World, 78–99. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa Business, [2017]: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315208329-5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Champion, Michael, and Lara O’Sullivan. "‘War is the father and king of all’." In Cultural Perceptions of Violence in the Hellenistic World, 1–20. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa Business, [2017]: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315208329-1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Hahm, David E. "Kings and constitutions: Hellenistic theories." In The Cambridge History of Greek and Roman Political Thought, 457–76. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521481366.025.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

"SIX. Athens between Rome and the Kings: 229/8 to 129 B.C." In Hellenistic Constructs, 120–44. University of California Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520918337-008.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

"GRAIN, TIMBER AND MONEY: HELLENISTIC KINGS, FINANCE, BUILDINGS AND FOUNDATIONS IN GREEK CITIES." In Hellenistic Economies, 170–77. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203995921-21.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

le Bohec-Bouhet, Sylvie. "THE KINGS OF MACEDON AND THE CULT OF ZEUS IN THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD." In The Hellenistic World, 41–58. The Classical Press of Wales, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvd58srh.7.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Thonemann, Peter. "6. Priene." In The Hellenistic Age: A Very Short Introduction, 93–112. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198746041.003.0006.

Full text

Abstract:

In the mid-4th century bc, the small Greek city of Priene was founded in the Maeander river valley in western Asia Minor. It flourished for around 250 years, before the city’s harbours were sealed by silt from the Maeander. Most of the known Greek inscriptions and public documents (civic decrees, honorific statue-bases, letters from Hellenistic kings) from Priene date from the 1st century bc or earlier and provide an exceptionally clear and vivid picture of life in the Hellenistic city. ‘Priene’ focuses on this perfectly preserved example of an ordinary small Hellenistic town. It outlines the planning of the city, the relationship that the citizens had with the Hellenistic kings, and the changing patterns of social change.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Aperghis, G. G. "Jewish Subjects and Seleukid Kings." In The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC, 19–41. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199587926.003.0002.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Ager, Sheila L. "Keeping the Peace in Ionia: Kings and Poleis." In Regionalism in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 45–52. Ausonius Éditions, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.ausonius.1184.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!