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Journal articles on the topic 'Hellenism'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Toroczkai, Ciprian Iulian, and Olivia Andrei. "The Philosophia perennis of Hellenistic Christianity: Theological and Ecumenical Implications of Fr. Georges V. Florovsky’s View." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 9, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 36–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ress-2017-0004.

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Abstract This article presents the features and meaning of the phrase „Christian Hellenism”, as it has been elaborated in the thinking of the Russian patrologist Georges V. Florovsky. He has based his thesis, namely that of the “radically Christianized” or “Churchified,” “New Hellenism” on three main points: 1) faith is always asserted in a “philosophical system”; 2) Semitic thinking is not radically opposed to Hellenism, because Judaism itself in Jesus’s time was a Hellenised Judaism; 3) Greek philosophy was the fertile, even providential environment in which Christianity could formulate and express its own experience. The result was a philosophia perennis, „something eternal and absolute in the thinking” of the Church. As closure of the study we briefly reflect upon the actuality, and the possibilities and limitations which are implied today in the notion of “Christian Hellenism”. The implications of Florovsky’s vision are thus assessed, both in what concerns the relationship between theology and culture, and in what concerns the ecumenical dialogue.

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2

Conev, Blagoj. "Byzantinism as a Fundament of Balkanism." Hiperboreea 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.5.1.0017.

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Abstract Byzantinism, a not sufficiently explored field, is still today a fundament of the pejorative explanation of the terms “Balkanization” and “Balkanism”. Byzantinism, the Hellenic one, actually represents the whole idea for the Balkans; the idea of how, due to the hegemonization of an ethnic identity, an empire that persisted for about a millennium could collapse. The idea of this text is to show the connection between Byzantinism and Balkanism and by using synthesis and comparative analysis to prove the thesis that: The hegemonization of the Byzantine-Greek identity in the past contributed to the birth of today's Balkan nationalism - Balkanism. In this text, the author analyses the appearance of Byzantium as a par excellence addition to ancient Hellenism, especially its conversion into hegemonic Hellenism, which was intended to submerge and assimilate all the other non-Greek identities in Byzantium. In fact, the author will prove that Byzantinism, which is a product of Hellenism, is the source of Balkanism, which itself leads to the idea that the fundament of today's Balkan nationalism, that is, Balkanism, is nothing but the hegemonic Hellenism during the Byzantine Empire.

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3

Hionidis, Pandeleimon. "British Hellenism and British Philhellenism: The Establishment of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, 1879." Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 4 (December 20, 2020): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v4i1.64.

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The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, established in 1879, provided arguments for the bridging of the gap that separated British Hellenism from British philhellenism for the most part of the nineteenth century. For academics and scholars interested in Greek civilization sympathy with modern Greece was always a matter of choice, which might be influenced by classical reading but did not constitute an indispensable part of it. The necessity to visit Greece, study on the spot and, when possible, bring to light the material remnants of Hellenic civilization, and to trace among the people living evidence of the classical age emerged with the introduction of historicity as a concept and archaeology as a practice into British Hellenism. The formation of the Society represented a single but important step in this process. Its rules, on the other hand, “officially” sanctioned the assumption of the continuity of the Greek race.

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4

Allen, Pauline. "Some Aspects of Hellenism in the Early Greek Church Historians." Traditio 43 (1987): 368–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012605.

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Studies dealing with the attitudes of various writers of the patristic period towards Hellenism, including the aspect ofpaideia, have tended to concentrate, up to the present, on a specific writer or time-span. It is no accident that fourth-century writers have loomed large in recent investigations in this area, since the fourth century was pivotal in determining Christian attitudes to pagan literary traditions. Here it is my aim to draw attention not to a single writer or period but rather to the representatives of a Christian literary genre, and to discuss their stance with regard to Hellenism, in particularpaideia. My choice falls on the Greek ecclesiastical historians; although they have been scrutinised increasingly in the past twenty years, their collective attitude to Hellenic culture or Greek letters has not yet received a separate study. Those early Greek historical works that have survived to us more or less intact — the histories of Eusebius of Caesarea, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Evagrius Scholasticus — provide us with a more reliable overall picture of the Hellenism of their composers than, for example, the fragmentaryChurch Historiesof Philostorgius and Theodore Lector; taken together, they give us at the same time a useful chronological spread from the early fourth to the late sixth century. The crucial questions to be posed are to what extent these writers deemed Hellenism to be compatible with ecclesiastical historiography, and how typical their perspective on Hellenism was of their own times. Where appropriate, we shall also try to ascertain how these church historians stand with regard to using classical citations and references in their narratives, how they view the classical past, and what their attitude is towards non-Greek culture.

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5

VAN DER VLIET, Jacques. "Perennial Hellenism!" Eastern Christian Art 4 (December 31, 2007): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/eca.4.0.2024667.

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6

Orzikulova, Gulbakhor, and Diyorbek Turaev. "GRECO-BACTRIA DURING HELLENISM." Oriental Journal of Social Sciences 02, no. 05 (September 1, 2022): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojss-02-05-05.

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7

Fraser, Robert, and G. W. Clarke. "Rediscovering Hellenism: The Hellenic Inheritence and the English Imagination." Yearbook of English Studies 21 (1991): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3508509.

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8

Vasilakis, Dimitrios. "Hellenism and Christianity: Petros Brailas-Armenis on the Constituents of Modern-Greek Identity." Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 3 (December 8, 2019): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v3i0.38.

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In this paper I examine how Brailas conceives of Modern-Greek identity. After an introduction, I look at Brailian texts where it is emphasized that Hellenism and Christianity are the two components of Greek national identity. Does this mean, though, that for Brailas these two elements express a similar mode of being? There are passages that can support this claim. Still, Brailas’ reader should not suppose that the Corfiote philosopher uncritically assumes a linear transition from Hellenism to Christianity. But if Christianity denotes the emergence of something new in history, how can it be compatible with Hellenism? Brailas’ answer is that as with the Mosaic Law, Christianity did not come to abolish Hellenism, but to fulfill it. Furthermore, the association of Christianity with Hellenism enabled the latter to survive throughout history both in the West and the East. Besides, for Brailas variety has always constituted the “harmony of Hellenism”.

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9

Filigenzi, Anna. "Orientalised Hellenism versus Hellenised Orient:Reversing the Perspective on Gandharan Art." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 18, no. 1 (2012): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005712x638663.

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Abstract Studies on Gandharan art have not yet produced an unbiased interpretation of its participation in the wide phenomenon of ‘Hellenism’. This incertitude is mirrored by ambiguous and debatable definitions such as ‘Hellenised Orient’ or ‘Gréco-bouddhique’, which contain an implicit, though mostly unintentional, notion of civilising influence. The emphasis on Hellenistic forms may mislead our interpretative efforts, especially when, as in the case of India, art history is based on weak historical grounds. Indeed, in order to develop more effective analytical tools we have to draw upon methodical and scientific archaeology. The aim of the present work is to offer an overview of the most important achievements of the IsIAO’s Italian Archaeological Mission in Pakistan with regard to the vexata quaestio of the inception of Gandharan art and, implicitly, the inclusion of Hellenistic elements into the local figurative languages. In the course of over fifty years of field research the Italian Archaeological Mission has created a repository of data that enables us to bring vis-à-vis the single site and the regional environment, as well as the religious settlement and the lay world around, thus providing reliable grounds for a better understanding of the historical, political and social framework of Gandharan art and its Hellenistic components.

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10

Fauzan, Pepen Irpan, and A. Khoirul Fata. "HELLENISM IN ISLAM." Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman 13, no. 2 (December 16, 2018): 381–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/epis.2018.13.2.381-406.

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The early Muslim society took much of the scientific treasures from other civilizations, especially from ancient Greek. One of the scientific traditions taken from Greek is Hellenism. Using a historical approach, this article tries to assess the contiguity of Islam with the Hellenism. There are three points will be discussed: When has Islam met to the Hellenism in first time? What are the factors that support the scientific contact between both of the civilizations? To what extent Hellenism influenced the development of scientific tradition in early Muslim community? Our study shows that the Muslims have known the Hellenistic tradition since the 7th century in Ummayyad era, not the 8th century as some scholars claim. Second, there are three factors underlying early Muslim studied Hellenism (1) Support from Qur’anic teachings, (2) The need to argue with both of other Muslim groups and Non-Muslims community, (3) The need of the Caliphs to legitimize their power. Third, when Muslims have known the Hellenism, they did not only adopt the Hellenism ideas, but also provide reviews, critical notes, and further more developed its own scientific tradition combined with the qur’anic teachings.

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11

Hamilakis, Yannis. "Museums of oblivion." Antiquity 85, no. 328 (May 2011): 625–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00068010.

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The relationship between antiquity, archaeology and national imagination in Greece, the sacralisation of the Classical past, and the recasting of the Western Hellenism into an indigenous Hellenism have been extensively studied in the last 15 years or so (see e.g. Hamilakis 2007, 2009). In fact, Greece has proved a rich source of insights for other cases of nation-state heritage politics. The new Acropolis Museum project was bound to be shaped by the poetics of nationhood right from the start, given that its prime referent is the most sacred object of the Hellenic national imagination, the Acropolis of Athens. This site is at the same time, however, an object of veneration within the Western imagination (you only have to look at the UNESCO logo), a pilgrimage destination for millions of global tourists, with all its revenue implications, and an endlessly reproduced and modified global icon (in both senses of the word).

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12

Rusli, Ris'an. "DISKURSUS KEILMUAN: Hellenisasi Pemikiran Islam Atau Islamisasi Berbagai Tradisi Keilmuan?" ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam 19, no. 1 (June 25, 2018): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ua.v19i1.4804.

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<p><em>In the classical period, the scholars built the division of science into two groups namely, the science of religion called “al-‘ulûm al-dîniyah”, and the science of non-religious or “al-‘ulûm al-dunyawiyah”. In the science of religion, they have the science of exegesis, the science of <em><span lang="IN">ḥ</span></em></em><em>adîth, the science of kalâm, the science of fiqh, and the science of tasawuf. While on non-religious sciences, they have history, medicine, astronomy, chemistry, mathematics, optic, physics, cosmography, and many more. On that time, the scholars were imbued with high appreciation of tought, so they succeeded in making rapid progress in various fields of life, including the field of knowledge and philosophy. The peak of progress occurred at the time of the ‘Abbâsids, the previous Khalîfah al-Ma’mûn. In the view of Greek or Hellenic thought there were two expert views, rejecting Hellenism or accepting it. The differences lied in the views of Islam, Islam as ‘aqîdah (creed) and Islam as a civilization. Those who reject Hellenism view Islam as a creed with revelation as the source of knowledge. While those who accept Hellenism view Islam as not a creed, but Islam as civilization.</em></p>

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13

Markovich, Slobodan. "Eleftherios Venizelos, British public opinion and the climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915-1920)." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 125–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849125m.

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The paper analyses the construction of a more than favourable image of Eleftherios Venizelos in Britain in 1915-1920. Although Venizelos was highly praised and popular in Britain since at least 1913, his effort to bring Greece to the side of the Entente in 1915 made him exceptionally popular in Paris and particularly in London. Traditions of British philhellenism have been analysed, particularly the influence of two associations: the Hellenic Society founded in 1879 and, especially, the Anglo-Hellenic League established in 1913. The latter helped boost Venizelos?s image in Britain, but it also paved the way for Anglo-Hellenism, the belief of some influential Britons that the fate of modern Greece is inseparably linked with Britain. The Times leaders/editorials and key articles on Venizelos in 1915-1920 have been analysed to demonstrate the level of support and admiration that Venizelos gradually attained. The role of Ronald Burrows and the group of experts around The New Europe is particularly analysed in terms of how the image of Venizelos and Venzelist Greece was constructed. The degree of admiration for Venizelos in Britain has been dealt with through a number of periodicals and newspapers published in Britain during the Great War and through Venizelos?s biographies published in Britain with an aim to show how he became a widely respected super-celebrity. The views of leading British statesmen and opinion makers also indicate a quite high degree of identification with both Venizelos and Greek war aims in Britain in 1915-1920. The climax and the collapse of Anglo-Hellenism in 1919-20 are analysed at the end of the paper. When Venizelos lost the elections of November 1920, Anglo-Hellenism disappeared as a relevant factor in British politics, journalism and diplomacy.

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14

Balakhvantsev, Archil. "Disputes about Hellenism." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2020): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080010805-2.

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15

Morray-Jones, C. R. A. "Paul and Hellenism." Journal of Jewish Studies 43, no. 1 (April 1, 1992): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1641/jjs-1992.

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16

Cohen, Martin. "Nietzsche, Hebraism, Hellenism." International Studies in Philosophy 26, no. 3 (1994): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil19942636.

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17

Collins, Nina L., and Hyam MacCoby. "Paul and Hellenism." Novum Testamentum 34, no. 3 (July 1992): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1561299.

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18

Lyons, Sara. "Aestheticism and Hellenism." Women: A Cultural Review 22, no. 2-3 (September 2011): 270–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574042.2011.587247.

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19

Henry, Martin. "Christianity and Hellenism." Irish Theological Quarterly 70, no. 4 (December 2005): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114000507000407.

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20

Levine, Amy-Jill, and Hyam Maccoby. "Paul and Hellenism." Jewish Quarterly Review 86, no. 1/2 (July 1995): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454842.

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21

Ruprecht, Louis A. "Hellenism on Display." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 15, no. 2 (1997): 247–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1997.0041.

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22

Gill, D. "Review. Topographies of Hellensim. Topographies of Hellenism. Mapping the homeland. A Leontis." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.312.

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23

Gómez-Jeria, Juan Sebastián. "About Alfred Baeumler’s Nietzsche. 4. ‘Hellas and Germania’." Journal of Advances in Education and Philosophy 7, no. 11 (November 19, 2023): 486–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/jaep.2023.v07i11.006.

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The article ‘Hellas and Germania’ by Alfred Baeumler explores the relationship between ancient Greece and modern Germany. Baeumler discusses Nietzsche's relationship with Winckelmann in his work on the conquest of German Hellenism. He notes that Nietzsche was deeply influenced by Winckelmann's insights into the Hellenic world and saw himself as continuing Winckelmann's work. Baeumler argues that Nietzsche believed that subsequent scholars had failed to fully appreciate the essence of the Hellenic spirit, and that he saw himself as carrying on Winckelmann's legacy in this regard. He also notes that Nietzsche believed that the Germans had a special affinity with the Hellenic world, and that he saw Winckelmann and Goethe as examples of this connection.

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24

Schnabel, Eckhard J. "Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered." Bulletin for Biblical Research 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26423739.

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25

Schnabel, Eckhard J. "Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered." Bulletin for Biblical Research 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/bullbiblrese.18.1.0145.

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26

Sheridan, Jennifer A., and G. S. Bowersock. "Hellenism in Late Antiquity." Classical World 85, no. 2 (1991): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351038.

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27

Held, Dirk T. D. "Hellenism, Romanticism, and Subjectivity." Helios 34, no. 2 (2007): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hel.2008.0005.

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28

Attridge, Harold W. "Beyond Judaism and Hellenism." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 6, no. 1 (September 1999): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02689210.

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29

Melnikienė, Danguolė. ""Modern Hellenism": the pragmatem." Verbum 10 (December 20, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/verb.11.

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30

Mâche, F. B. "The Hellenism of Xenakis." Contemporary Music Review 8, no. 1 (January 1993): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07494469300640271.

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31

Hirsch, David H. "Postmodernism, hellenism, and hebraism." Academic Questions 9, no. 3 (September 1996): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02683062.

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32

Hamilakis, Yannis. "Cyberspace/cyberpast/cybernation: Constructing Hellenism in hyperreality." European Journal of Archaeology 3, no. 2 (2000): 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.2000.3.2.241.

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This paper looks at representations of antiquity in cyberspace and discusses their meaning and position in global discourses on nationalism and identities. After a critical review of some recent discussions of globalization and the informational society, it adopts the concepts of ethnoscapes, mediascapes and ideoscapes in examining the deployments of representations from antiquity in the web pages constructed by the Greek state, private organizations, and mostly Greek diasporic communities and individuals. It is suggested that organizations and individual social actors construct in cyberspace the nationaltoposof Hellenism. In this process, representations from antiquity play a central and crucial role. Many social actors, mostly away from the ‘homeland’, form modern Hellenic ethnoscapes by projecting the national narrative and constructing an imaginative heterotopia where the personal becomes national and vice versa. These representations act as the currency of the symbolic capital of antiquity, a crucial resource in the foundation of the imagined community of the Hellenic nation. At the same time, they become an effective weapon in the ritual battles and contestations around the polarity between Greece and the West. Finally, representations from antiquity become a device which contributes to the ‘domestication’ of the cyberspace, its transformation from space to place, and its ‘materialization’ through the materiality that the representations of antiquity allude to.

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33

NODES, DANIEL. "Hellenism and the Sentences-Commentary of Giles of Viterbo, 1469–1532." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 1 (January 2015): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914002012.

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Giles of Viterbo (1469–1532), cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church during the High Renaissance, was not merely a scholar influenced by the humanism and renewed Platonism of his day but a phil-Hellene according to various associations of Hellenism ranging from literary to political, ancient to modern. He embraced Hellenism in its many senses despite his belonging to the generation born after the fall of Constantinople. This is significant, for although Giles's interest in ancient Greek language and letters is generally acknowledged, insufficient scholarly attention has been paid to Giles's inclusive interest in Byzantine Hellenism and Orthodox Christian doctrine.

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34

Miller, Peter J. "The Archaeology of Hellenism: Olympia and the Presence of the Past." Journal of Olympic Studies 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2024): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/26396025.5.1.01.

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Abstract Olympia holds a central place in conceptions of modern sport, Hellenism, and the Olympic Games. This article traces the concurrent development of the site and Panhellenism and Hellenism through its landscape, built environment, and its reception over the past 3,000 years. By tying together Pierre de Coubertin's Olympism to the physical landscape of ancient Olympia, this article argues that the site itself has contributed, through multiple permutations and through several key changes in the early Iron Age, Roman period, and nineteenth century to the global Hellenism that is at the foundation of the modern Olympic Games.

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35

Song, Chang-Hyun. "Judaism and Hellenism at Qumran." Canon&Culture 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2009): 97–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.31280/cc.2009.04.3.1.97.

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36

Martindale, Charles, and Timothy Webb. "English Romantic Hellenism 1700-1824." Modern Language Review 81, no. 1 (January 1986): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3728787.

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37

Bewell, Alan, and Martin Aske. "Keats and Hellenism: An Essay." Studies in Romanticism 28, no. 2 (1989): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25600779.

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38

Stillinger, Jack, and Martin Aske. "Keats and Hellenism: An Essay." Comparative Literature 41, no. 2 (1989): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1770983.

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39

Scurlock, Joann. "167 Bce: Hellenism or Reform?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 31, no. 1-4 (2000): 125–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006300x00071.

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40

Bassi, Karen, and Peter Euben. "De-Classifying Hellenism: Untimely Mediations." Parallax 9, no. 4 (October 2003): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353464032000142327.

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41

Comet, Noah. "Letitia Landon and Romantic Hellenism." Wordsworth Circle 37, no. 2 (March 2006): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24044133.

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42

Fiske, Shanyn. "Romantic Hellenism and Women Writers." Women's Writing 21, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09699082.2014.881073.

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43

Whitmarsh, Tim. "Alexander’s Hellenism and Plutarch’s textualism." Classical Quarterly 52, no. 1 (July 2002): 174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/52.1.174.

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44

Cheeke, Stephen. "Romantic Hellenism, sculpture and Rome." Word & Image 25, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666280802260165.

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45

Williamson, Ronald. "Book Reviews : Christianity and Hellenism." Expository Times 97, no. 7 (April 1986): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468609700724.

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46

Farr, C. K. "H.D. and Hellenism: Classic Lines." American Literature 73, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 641–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-73-3-641.

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47

Hartog, Pieter B., and Jutta Jokiranta. "The Dead Sea Scrolls in Their Hellenistic Context." Dead Sea Discoveries 24, no. 3 (November 9, 2017): 339–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341442.

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Abstract This introduction aims at situating the contributions of the Thematic Issue into wider debates on Hellenism and Hellenisation and changes taking place in scholarship. Essentialist notions of Hellenism are strongly rejected, but how then to study the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Qumran site during the Hellenistic period? Each contextualisation depends on the (comparative) material selected, and themes here vary from literary genres, textual practices, and forms of producing knowledge, to material culture, networks, and social organizations. All contributors see some embeddedness in ideas and practices attested elsewhere in the Hellenistic empires or taking place because of changes during the Hellenistic period. In this framework, similarities are overemphasized, but some differences are also suggested. Most importantly, the question of Hellenism is a question of relocating Jewish and Judaean evidence in the study of ancient history.

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48

Krostenko, Brian A. "The Poetics of Naevius' ‘Epitaph’ and the History of Latin Poetry." Journal of Roman Studies 103 (June 11, 2013): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435813000063.

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AbstractAn analysis of the formal features of the ‘epitaph’ of the poet Naevius reveals the handiwork of a later author who admired the older style of poetry represented by Naevius and used the allusive features of that style to reflect on the changing character of Latin poetics and its relationship to Hellenism. The very poetics of the epigram reveal a thoughtful attempt to admit Hellenic affect without sacrificing Roman sensibilities. Especially important is the relationship between divine and mortal and the proper hierarchy of the social world. The epigram is, in short, one literary reflection of the cultural and social struggles of the mid-second century b.c.

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Wellman, Tennyson Jacob. "Making Tradition of an Ass. Zênôn the Alexandrian, a White Donkey, and Conversion to Hellenism." Religion and Theology 15, no. 3-4 (2008): 321–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430108x376564.

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AbstractModern discussions of religious change in the ancient Mediterranean have frequently focused on the steady increase in Christian authority and numbers, and the related decrease in the number of 'pagans.' This is frequently paired with a supercessionist logic that suggests Christianity is a new thing in contrast to the older, static, Jewish and pagan cultures. Looking at an invented conversion ritual (one moving from Judaism to Hellenism), we can begin to question the standard ideas of tradition and innovation in Late Antique religious cultures, and to see the ways that some Jews and Hellenes used Christian discourses to assert their own independence and agency.

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Brovkin, Vladimir. "THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIO-HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT ON GREEK PHILOSOPHY IN THE PERIOD OF EARLY HELLENISM: STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM AND BASIC APPROACHES TO ITS SOLUTION." Respublica literaria, RL. 2021. Vol. 2. No. 4 (November 29, 2021): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47850/rl.2021.2.4.52-65.

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The article deals with the problem of the influence of the political development of Greece on the early Hellenistic philosophy. The main approaches to solving this problem are shown. The traditional approach goes back to G. W. F. Hegel and E. Zeller. This approach is based on the idea of changing the nature of Greek philosophy in the conditions of the formation of Hellenistic monarchies and the decline of the polis in the period of early Hellenism. The tendency to alienation of the individual from society comes to the fore in the philosophical teachings of Hellenism. Another approach, presented in the works of P. Hadot and E. Brown, is based on the position on the preservation of the polis in the period of early Hellenism and, as a result, the tendency to political activity in Greek philosophy. The one- sidedness of these approaches is shown.

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