To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Hegemony; US; International relations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Hegemony; US; International relations'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Hegemony; US; International relations.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Markakis, Dionysius. "US democracy promotion in the Middle East : the pursuit of hegemony?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/576/.
Full textAbstract:
The promotion of 'democracy' abroad has been a feature of US foriegn policy since the early part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of capitalism and state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy. Countries as diverse as the Philippines, Chile and Poland have all been subject to US democracy promotion initiatives. In the Middle East though, the US traditionally engaged authoritarian governments as a means of ensuring its core interests in the region. However the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the G. W. Bush administration's perception of the Middle East's 'democratic deficit' as underlying cause, initiated a significant departure in the traditional direction of US policy. Democracy promotion subsequently emerged as a central tenet of US policy to the Middle East. This thesis argues that, as part of the strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East, the US has sought to gradually replace proxy authoritarian governments with elite-based democracies. From a neo-Gramscian perspective, this strategic shift can be seen as a move from coercive to consensual forms of social control, the underlying aim being to ensure a more enduring form of stability in the states concerned. This is part of a long-term US strategy, evidences prior in other regions such as Latin America, which ultimately aims at the achievement of a Gramscian hegemony; that is the internalisation by other societies of the US interpretation of 'democracy', and associated norms and values, as the natural order. Utilising an analytical framework derived from the neo-Gramscian approach, the thesis focuses in the main on the Clinton (1993-2001) and G. W. Bush (2001-2008) administrations, and uses the following case studies - Egypt, Irag and Kuwait - to examine the US strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East,
2
Patrick, Stewart McLellan. "Forging hegemonic consensus : America, France and the making of the postwar order, 1945 - 1954." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308868.
Full text
3
Prifti, Bledar. "Continuation in US Foreign Policy: An Offensive Realist Perspective." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5384.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation is a study of US foreign policy that aims at maintaining its regional hegemonic status and preventing the emergence of another regional hegemon by implementing the offshore balancing strategy. US intervention during the 2003 Iraq War, strained US-Iran relationship, and the establishment of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in early 2014 compel a reevaluation of US foreign policy. Two major claims of this dissertation include: (1) US foreign policy is consistent with offensive realist theoretical claims; and (2) US foreign policy is characterized by continuity when it comes to issues related to America's strategic interests. Utilizing a case study and comparative case study methodology, this dissertation outlines the following findings.
The first finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy actions under the Bush Doctrine, which led to the 2003 Iraq War, were dictated by the anarchic status of the international system, the possession by Iraq of military capabilities that could harm or destroy America, fear from and suspicion of Iraq's intentions, the need to ensure survival in an anarchic system, and the need to maximize relative power vis-à-vis other states. All these factors led to three main pattern of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. Because there was no other regional great power capable and willing to balance Iraq, the US was forced to rely on direct balancing by threatening Iraq to take military actions, creating an anti-Iraqi alliance, and maximizing its relative power by destroying Iraq's military capabilities.
Second, US foreign policy under the Bush Doctrine was a continuation of the 20th century foreign policy. US foreign policy during the 20th century was dictated by three major patterns of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. In realizing its foreign policy goals, the US had to rely on buck-passing and balancing strategies. Whenever there was no regional great power able and willing "to carry the buck", the US would rely on direct balancing by either threatening the aggressor, creating alliances with other regional states, or utilizing additional resources of its own. Four major presidential doctrines and related occurrences were utilized to test the claim: the Roosevelt Corollary, the Truman Doctrine, the Carter Doctrine, and the Reagan Doctrine.
The last finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy toward Iran constitutes continuity and is dictated by US need to maintain regional hegemony by acting as an offshore balancer. In addition, the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests in several occasions, and a strategic win or loss for one state is a win or loss for the other. Like that of the US, Iran's foreign policy is guided by rationality. The Iran-Contra affair, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, and the Russia-Chechnya conflict support the claim that Iran's foreign policy is based on rationality instead of religious ideology as argued by many scholars. Also, the 2001 Afghanistan war, the 2003 Iraq war, and the establishment of the ISIL support the claim that the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests. Cooperation is often desirable and in some cases inevitable. Despite this strong claim, US-Iran relationship has its own limitations because neither the US nor Iran would accept a too powerful other that could establish absolute dominance in the region.
4
Mahabir, Lakshana. "A Neoconservative Theory of International Politics?" Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37655.
Full textAbstract:
Neoconservatism has long had a tenuous relationship with International Relations theory. Despite an abundance of explanatory material and its influence in US foreign policy, few works in IR have attempted to build a stand-alone theory out of it. Furthermore, previous work on the topic has resulted in an under-developed and poor understanding of the movement’s core ideas. The thesis redefines neoconservatism as a trifecta of i) a set of explanatory ideas on world politics, ii) an approach to foreign policy, and iii) an ideology that stems from the European Enlightenment, all the way to the present day. Using this expanded conceptualization, the thesis builds a theory out of what can broadly be considered an ideology. The theory takes the form of an ideal-type construct and emphasizes hegemony in the international system. It offers an explanation for the causes of alliances, as well as regional and systemic conflicts. The theory also adopts a prescriptive function and offers an account of foreign policy analysis. It is highly recommended that the assumptions of the theory that are laid out here be tested in future work.
5
Plant, Tanya. "Prospects for international free trade : the WTO, beef and US hegemony." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273315.
Full text
6
Underwood, Jasmine. "Feminist International Relations and “Epistemic Blank Spots”: Entrenching Hegemony?" Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1484344418762762.
Full text
7
Muniz, Blanca P. "EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.
Full text
8
Moody, George. "The renovation of Western hegemony : European alternatives in international relations." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/54594/.
Full textAbstract:
European intellectual production on international relations is central to the renovation of Western hegemony in the post-Cold War, ‘post-American' world. This includes both policy and academic discourses and a focus of this work is an account of the fields in which these discourses are generated that relates them at a deep level. Working within ‘Amsterdam School' accounts of European integration, I develop the focus on class formation and the internal relation between class and the international for the post-Cold War era. The ‘shift to Europe' within the previously Anglo-centric Atlantic transnational capitalist class alongside developments in the EU's ability to cohesively project power means that a developing bi-polar West must be considered within any understanding of attempts to maintain and reformulate Western hegemony. I consider the EU policy field in this context, focusing on the EU think tank field, as it relates to the ‘global power Europe' discourse; this discourse concerned with harnessing the international legitimacy of the concept of ‘civilian power Europe' for military interventions. I map the ‘global power Europe' think tank network, and assess its position within the formation of a hegemonic bloc. Turning to the field of IR I give a novel reading of the principal salient features of the field's development, as well as allowing an exploration of the field's limitations and possibilities through tracing the trajectories of European approaches to security, seen as the operationalization of European difference within IR. This methodology, focusing on trajectories rather than paradigms, allows an understanding of the effects of IR theories, as well as the limits and possibilities inherent from their conditions of production, beyond that which can be gleaned from the surface of theoretical debates and configurations. Approached from these two different directions – through policy institutes as a capital-policy nexus, and academic discourse as related to its social conditions of production – and exploring the homologies across them gives a non-reductive grasp on the interaction of the ideational and material in the renovation of Western hegemony.
9
Gortzak, Yoav. "How great powers rule order enforcement in international politics /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1134632756.
Full text
10
Akhtar, Shakil. "US politics of betrayal : the Urdu press on Pakistan-US relations since the 1971 War." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2016. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/16626/.
Full textAbstract:
This research examines the history and structure of the Urdu press discourse on Pakistan-US relations since the 1971 War in order to understand its perceptions of US betrayal. Two of the most popular Urdu newspapers in Pakistan have been studied with reference to three alleged cases of US betrayal. These are: the US failure in the 1971 War to provide sufficient military support to Pakistan to prevent its disintegration; US opposition to Pakistan's nuclear program and ignoring of the security concerns of its ally in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s; and the unilateral US operation conducted on 2 May 2011 targeting Osama bin Laden which violated Pakistan’s sovereignty. The Urdu press has not only been identifying examples of US betrayal of Pakistan since the 1971 War, but also has developed a structure for that discourse. The dominant voices of the discourse generally argue that the US not only betrays but also conspires against Pakistan's security. The discourse offers certain modalities of US conspiracy, such as pressurising tactics like sanctions and attaching conditions onto economic and military aid to Pakistan, or interfering in Pakistan's domestic affairs through diplomatic or undiplomatic means. Further, US conspiracy and betrayal is also rationalised by mainly offering three types of causes. First, it is argued that the US betrays Pakistan in order to pursue its own strategic interests in South Asia. Second, it is argued that the US is a hegemonic, capitalistic force, which conspires against Pakistan in collaboration with the Pakistani ruling elite and betrays it in order to protect its own material interests. Third, it is argued that the US is an anti-Islamic force, which conspires against and repeatedly betrays a Muslim country. Interviews with some of the prominent journalists and politicians conducted for this research also identified some excluded voices within Pakistan which did not agree with this discourse of a US politics of betrayal. Thus, this study analyses the history of the Urdu press discourse which contributes to the social construction of the idea of a US politics of betrayal, but in so doing, it also builds understanding of its structure, and helps to rationalise the perception of a US politics of betrayal since the 1971 War.
11
Roden, Mark Allan. "The international political economy of contemporary US-China relations." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14814/.
Full textAbstract:
This book investigates the changing nature of US power at the level of world order using US relations with the People's Republic of China in the 1990s as a case study. It is argued that US hegemony has given way to a period of dominance in which the neo-liberal policy objectives of the US state are increasingly realised via the structural power of global institutions and the ideological preferences which underpin them; the cultivation of regional trading blocs; and the material power of the US state as conceived in more traditional terms. This neo-Gramscian assessment of US power is accompanied by the idea that political agency is required to satisfy policy goals under conditions of globalisation. State policy is thereby understood as the product of a political process involving US civil society and non-state actors rather than a given entity. The chapters of the book flesh out the methods by which the US has sought to promote a liberal trading order in the light of China's emergence as a global power and the various areas of consensus and disagreement between the two nations. This takes the form of analysing five major thematic areas of the relationship which include assessments of the historical evolution of US-China relations; the political economy of US-China trade; the role of social forces (civil society) in US-China relations; environmental aspects of the relationship; and the impact of regionalism on US-China relations. Overall, the intention is to problematise the view that the relationship can still be broached in conventional state-centric terms which play down new structural conditions underpinned by the onset of economic globalisation and more multilateral forms of power. In many senses, the thesis entails a novel approach to the political economy of relations between two of the world's foremost powers by placing analysis within the context of neo Gramscian critical theory. It concludes by noting that though US structural power remains considerable in the post-hegemonic era of the 1990s and beyond, the rise of China may induce moves, for better and perhaps worse, to a more multilateral world order.
12
Choukri, Ezz-Edine. "The concept of world hegemony and the understanding of international cooperation and regulation: A critical reading of the current conceptualizations of world hegemony." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9580.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis questions the utility of the concept of "world hegemony" in understanding world politics. In doing so, it reviews the ways in which both Realist and Marxist traditions used that concept to study three examples of international regulation: the GATT, the global environmental negotiations, and the Coordinated Aid to Russia. This review shows the limited explanatory power of both Realist and Marxist conceptions of hegemony. Based on the analysis of modernity presented by Karl Polanyi and Anthony Giddens, the thesis presents a new conception of world hegemony that refers to the centuries-long build-up of consensus and consent around a modern and global historic bloc. The latter includes market-economy, interstate system, individualism and human emancipation. The analysis of the interactions between actors and this multidimensional global historic bloc provides better understanding of the three examples of international regulation used in the thesis.
13
Kijima, Joji. "Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony : a genealogy of 'returning virtue for malice'." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28950/.
Full textAbstract:
Much of Chiang Kai-shek's 'returning virtue for malice' (yide baoyuan) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of 'returning virtue for malice' facilitated Japan's diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse-that of moral reciprocity-as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the 'returning virtue for malice' trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo's recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. After tracing the emergence of Chiang's postwar Japan policy as discourse, this thesis first delves into the rise of 'returning virtue for malice' as it demonstrates how the discursive formation of Tokyo's recognition of Taipei constituted US hegemony in East Asia at the inception of the Cold War. Second, this study then highlights the heyday of 'returning virtue for malice' as it shows how a powerful coalition formed around the discourse in the domain of Japanese politics, thereby reproducing the recognition of Nationalist China as well as consolidating American hegemony at the height of the Cold War. Third, this research sheds light on the decline of 'returning virtue for malice' as it depicts the erosion of the Japanese discourse coalition and US hegemony due to the lack of consent between Tokyo, Taipei, and Washington as the nature of the Cold War dramatically changed in East Asia. In short, the discourse of Chiang Kai-shek's 'returning virtue for malice' postwar Japan policy represented Chiang as the benefactor to whom the Japanese should repay their 'debt of gratitude', thereby making Japan's recognition of the Republic of China on Taiwan possible. In effect, this thesis presents a way of reading bilateral relations as it mainly shows how recognition can be constructed by the political actors who draw on hegemonic practices from the past-such as moral reciprocity-under hegemony.
14
Cheng, Jessica A. "Chinese Soft Power: Implications on US-China Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/362.
Full textAbstract:
This senior thesis is an exploration of Chinese soft power and the implications on the future of US-China relations. The first chapter looks into the objectives/goals to attain by using soft power set by the Chinese government followed by the exploration of methods that the Chinese have used to further their goals. The second chapter takes a look at the implicit and explicit successes of soft power in the peripheral regions of China and neighboring countries. The third chapter explores the negative and positive results that have come from China's soft power efforts. And the final chapter covers the fluctuation in American soft power and the effect China's soft power will have on global stability. The paper concludes with policy suggestions for the United States if it wants to protect national interests against China's soft power in the future.
15
Ganji, Babak. "From regional hegemony to revolutionary turmoil : an examination of policy currents in US relations with Iran." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405356.
Full text
16
Cope, Jonathan. "Constructions of neoliberal hegemony : an ideology critique and critical discourse analysis of neoliberalism in the late 20th century." Thesis, Keele University, 2018. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/5434/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the role of ideas in relation to institutional change. It develops a critical constructivist analysis, drawing on neo-Gramscian political economy perspectives in IR, in order to understand how ideational factors such as beliefs, values and interests intertwine with material factors in order to understand processes of institutional transformation. It argues that ideology and hegemony, concepts sometimes associated with a structuralist position, can be usefully re-invigorated by introducing them into a socio-cultural constructivist analysis. The critical elements of the Marxist/Gramscian legacy and its strong credentials in analysing the development of capitalist social forms and modes of production provide its key contribution. Constructivism on the other hand can act as a corrective to the structuralist tendencies of some historical materialism as well as offering new methods of analysis which emphasize the importance of ideational and cultural factors. Following a discussion of the idealism/materialism and structure/agency dichotomies, the thesis argues that a discourse-historical approach presents a fruitful methodology to interrogate the transformation from Keynesian social democracy to neoliberal deregulation, privatisation and monetarism during the closing decades of the twentieth century. In addition, analysis of how neoliberal discourse represents those agents who oppose or question its fundamental principles and policy prescriptions gives an insight into the way in which a dominant discourse remains dominant in the face of growing evidence to counter its claims.
17
Uzgoren, Elif. "Globalisation, the European Union and Turkey : rethinking the struggle over hegemony." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12745/.
Full textAbstract:
The research approaches Turkish membership question to the European Union as an open-ended struggle among social forces. It aims to address whether there is a hegemonic pro-membership perspective and if any, which social forces are supporting it. Is there any alternative contesting and resisting membership and neo-liberal restructuring? Can disadvantaged groups from globalisation form a united struggle, and if not, how can we account for the lack of an alternative? At the theoretical level, it dismisses mainstream integration theories as debate is mainly stuck to the dichotomy between membership or not (form of integration), that in return is a non-debate. It introduces Gramscian historical materialist framework that paves the way to account for socio-economic content and power relations underpinning ongoing integration process. The argument proceeds by delving into a debate on theoretical coordinates regarding hegemony in Gramscian analyses and the theory of discourse introduced by Laclau and Mouffe in the Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Ultimately, it dismisses theory of discourse and conceives class struggle in relation to discipline of capital over society within social relations of production. The empirical data relies on semi-structured interviews conducted with capital and labour, political parties, state officials and women rights/feminist groups and human rights groups. Additionally, particular sectors, textile, automotive and agriculture are examined in parallel with Gramscian historical materialist coordinates on intra-class struggle. I shall argue that pro-membership perspective, whose socio-economic content is consolidation of neo-liberal restructuring, is hegemonic. It is pioneered by internationally oriented capital and conveyed as the means to stimulate competitiveness and economic growth and to consolidate democracy. It draws support from nationally oriented capital analogous with delocalization of production and integration to transnational production via outsourcing and contract manufacturing. Yet, it is possible to identify two rival class strategies that contest neo-liberal pro-membership project, neo-mercantilism that is supported by nationally oriented labour, nationalist political parties, centre-left political parties and Ha-vet (No-Yes) that is underpinned by internationally oriented labour, social democratic fraction among the Left, particular women rights groups and human rights groups. On the one hand, position of social forces underpinning neo-mercantilism is weakened in economy and ideas that echo import-substitution policy under Keynesian welfare state regime and developmentalist state in periphery are defeated analogous with globalisation and neo-liberal restructuring. The only criticism of neo-mercantilist project remains on national sensitivities. Put bluntly, the critique is anti-imperialist though not anti-capitalist. At the final analysis, membership is interpreted in relation to modernization and westernization with a populist discourse. On the other hand, although social forces within Ha-vet read European Union as a capitalist economic integration model, they conceive internationalisation of labour and European Social Model as the only viable mechanism to struggle against globalization and transnationalisation of production. Moreover, European integration is received positively as a democratization project. Ultimately, neither neo-mercantilism that supports ‘membership on equal terms and conditions’, nor Ha-vet that adopts the motto of ‘another globalisation and Europe is possible’, stands as an overall alternative.
18
Maslo, Ron. "The Armenian Diaspora Influencing International Relations." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43342.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the Armenian diaspora’s behavior concerning the issue of recognition of the Armenian genocide through lobbying within the US and EU. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to grasp a deepened understanding of diasporic lobbying, while focusing on the Armenian case, as a case enabling further scholarly deepening for the field of IR. In order to achieve an understanding of the Armenian diaspora, the appropriated behavior through lobbying and the trajectorial changes concerning the recognition of the Armenian genocide, the paper puts forward historical process tracing, comparative research and qualitative content analysis. These methods are utilized as a means for tracing the events contributing to the construction of the diaspora. They also establish the lobby’s influence on ‘host-states’ and the understanding of internalized norms granting policy changes for the cause of recognizing the Armenian genocide, this is done through the concepts of identity, norms and recognition.
19
Adamson, Timothy. "China's Response to the US Asia-Pacific "Rebalance" and Its Implications for Sino-US Relations." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1540562.
Full textAbstract:
The rise of nationalism and the proliferation of foreign policy actors in China has contributed to increasing levels of distrust between China and the Asia-Pacific region, and contributed to a significant decline in the stability of the US-China relationship. The overblown reaction from China's civil society to the US' strategic "rebalance" to the Asia-Pacific, initiated in November 2011, demonstrates that Beijing's traditional foreign policy pragmatism is being threatened by hostile factions in China's society. This is further evidenced by China's provocative actions in the East China and South China Seas, which have led to heightened regional tensions. Calls for a more confrontational Chinese foreign policy among China's civil society have been exacerbated by a more diffuse foreign policy decisionmaking structure which Beijing now struggles to manage. While official rhetoric toward the rebalance has been characterized largely by restraint, the elites are being forced to cater to a nationalist civil society with greater freedom to pursue self-interested policies independent of central control.
Crucially, however, caution and restraint remains essential for ongoing Chinese Communist Party (CCP) legitimacy. As a result, stability with the US and with its regional partners still forms the core of Beijing's policy. While China's rhetoric, and to some extents its actions, has become more forceful, a conflict on its periphery would pose enormous challenges which could overwhelm the Party and potentially cause internal implosion. In order to maintain CCP rule, Beijing may be forced to rein in overtly competitive elements within China, even if this comes at significant cost to its legitimacy.
As a result, the ebb and flow of Chinese policy is likely to continue as the leadership struggles to accommodate new and divergent interests within its civil society. Beijing must take steps to restructure its poorly managed bureaucracy, particularly its maritime agencies, to ensure it can rein in competing interests which threaten its ability to preserve stability. For Xi Jinping, China's new leader, balancing China's nationalist factions against the continuing need for stability may define his tenure. It will also play a central role in stabilizing US-China relations, which are increasingly characterized by distrust.
20
Cully, Marie-Hélène. "The strategy of regionalism: Perceptions surrounding United States hegemony in the era of globalization." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/8841.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the perceptions of American policy-makers of U.S. hegemony. In particular, it looks at the effect globalization on that hegemony and the role that regionalism in the Western hemisphere is expected to play in the future of that hegemony. The thesis first examines the theoretical links in the literature between globalization American hegemony, and regionalism in the Western hemisphere. Once done, this thesis turns to understanding the perceptions of American policy-makers with respect to the perception of a threat to continuing U.S. hegemony. Finally, this thesis exposes the perceptions of American policy-makers as to the nature and role of regionalism as a response to the perceived threat to U.S. hegemony. From this work, we can conclude that the U.S. is potentially employing regionalism as a strategy to offset the perceived threat to its continuing hegemony. This perceived threat can be traced to globalization and its effect on the ability of the U.S. to maintain a preponderant level of control over the factors of hegemony.
21
Williamson, Martin Charles. "How has the United States leveraged economic crises into its hegemony? : a case study of the Bretton Woods regime's demise and replacement, 1969-76." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33282.
Full textAbstract:
International monetary and financial crises have punctuated US hegemony since 1945. With US hegemony likely to endure and crises likely to recur, we need to understand how the US reacts to such events: benevolently or exploitatively? Using a case study of US behaviour during the 1969-76 international monetary crisis, this thesis challenges narratives that interpret events in terms of the concentration or deconcentration of power in the US hegemon, and favours an explanation of US behaviours based on the interplay of US domestic politics and international security imperatives. Using a Constructivist definition of hegemony and a neoclassical realist theoretical framework, I analyse the crisis from the perspectives of the international monetary order and system, respectively. I introduce a novel division of Strange’s concept of structural power into its negative and positive components (the power to disrupt or create international structures, respectively). Using these analytical tools, I analyse documents held in the UK and US National archives, President Nixon’s White House tapes and the Bank of England archive. Key and original findings include: - US tactics veered between hegemony by consent and, when that failed to yield the desired results, hegemony through domination; - domination tactics could be brutal, as when President Nixon and his National Security Advisor, Kissinger, tried to wreck European integration by destroying its first attempt at monetary union. Their intention was to advance the US’ security agenda by weakening EEC states; - Kissinger intervened in the Committee of Twenty’s negotiations to delay agreement on international monetary reform (despite the US being on the verge of achieving its objectives) until European states had acceded to what he wanted on security in the “Year of Europe” negotiations. Delay killed US plans to return to fixed exchange rates; - hegemonic stability theory-based explanations of events are challenged by the US terminating its Bretton Woods regime, persuading follower states to introduce generalised floating and blocking international monetary reform; - structural Realist and Marxist narratives of the crisis are challenged, inter alia, by President Ford abandoning Nixon’s attempts to strengthen US hegemony in favour of a laissez-faire solution to the international monetary crisis; - the decisions creating the basis of a neoliberal international monetary order (the introduction of floating exchange rates and free capital mobility) were taken for US international security or domestic political reasons, as neoclassical realism theory would predict. These decisions had profound economic consequences, but were not taken for economic reasons.
22
Waheed, Ahmed Waqas. "Sovereignty, failed states and US foreign aid : a detailed assessment of the Pakistani perspective." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8971.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the international politics of Pakistan’s conditional sovereignty through a comparative analysis of Pakistan-US relations during the Cold War (1979-88) and the War on Terror (2001-08). The thesis seeks to understand whether the end of the Cold War restructured, reshaped and reconfigured US attitudes towards Pakistan when caught up in a new geo-political conflict, namely the War on Terror. The thesis is constructed around three main arguments focusing on Pakistan’s sovereignty, US foreign assistance to Pakistan and Pakistan’s state failure. Firstly, the thesis demonstrates that US conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty fluctuate according to whether or not the US is strategically interested in Pakistan. In both cases, different sets of conditions are applied to Pakistan’s sovereignty. The thesis also details Pakistan’s response to these conditions on its sovereignty. Secondly, the thesis argues that given the importance of the normative value of state failure in the post-9/11 US policy and its absence in the War on Terror as a condition on Pakistan’s sovereignty, it is expected that Pakistan’s state failure status will come to dominate the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty when the US is not strategically interested. Thirdly, the conditions on Pakistan’s sovereignty are a means to secure Pakistan’s compliance to US demands, by either withholding foreign assistance or disbursing it. In that case then, given the centrality of human rights and state failure in post-9/11 international relations, the thesis demonstrates that US statebuilding efforts remain pivoted on US political interests rather than human rights and development. The qualitative research includes elite interviews, unclassified documents and builds on existing literature, while the quantitative portion involves statistical data.
23
Cader, Ishan. "The aesthetics of hegemony : Sloanism and mass persuasion in the United States, 1900-1930." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/45566/.
Full textAbstract:
Theories regarding the power of the United States in the International Political-Economic order conventionally treat issues of culture and aesthetics as functional aspects of the system of mass production created in the early 20th century. The ‘hegemony' of the United States is attributed to the ability of its political-economic elites to create and maintain ‘consensus' amongst other nations. Cultural manifestations of American hegemony are regarded as ‘soft' signposts of this power, serving to entrench the values of American capitalism at a global level. Yet critical theories of international political economy have evaded analysing the ‘appeal' of this cultural power, prioritizing materialist aspects of consensus formation such as the compromises made between capital and labour during the early 20th century during the rise of the mass production society. The task of this thesis is to provide the theoretical tools which allow critical evaluations of American hegemony to move beyond these materialist conceptions of cultural power. It is argued that an aesthetic approach to hegemony can fully realize the enduring power of American culture in political-economic terms. It does so by critically re-situating the terms of hegemony in Sloanism, which provides a more adequate template for realizing the power and meaning of mass consumption for non-elite social agents. Sloanism's focus on branding and stylistic obsolescence demonstrates that the ‘aesthetics' of hegemony can be grasped by evaluating the role of style and design in a mass production, mass consumption society. It therefore places epistemological priority on the contestations over cultural meanings of style, and the rise of ideals of upward social mobility which upset materialist expectations of a clearly discernable characteristics for different social groups. This in turn allows a questioning of the stability of norms, values and interests of ruling elites. It also restores the social agency of non-elite groups who contribute to ‘hegemony' through the provision of styles, techniques and designs that represented challenges to received ideas of cultural order. Furthermore in the context of early 20th century, new techniques of mass persuasion in advertising and public relations provide a ‘site ‘ in which the discordant and antagonistic aesthetic values of different social groups resolve in an uneasy tension- one that is nonetheless powerful enough to hold a durable cultural power, celebrating both upward social mobility and aspirations of abundance.
24
Meibauer, Gustav. "Doing something : neoclassical realism, US foreign policy and the no-fly zone, 1991-2016." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3655/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the continuous use of no-fly zones across different US administrations. In doing so it seeks to advance theories of international relations and foreign policy, conceptualizations of foreign policy executive decision-making processes, and the empirical study of US administrations from 1991 to 2016. No-fly zones were ostensibly employed both for the protection of civilians in intra-state conflict and/or for coercive diplomacy. However, based on theoretical accounts as well as empirical observations, the no-fly zone is not in fact suited for these purposes. As the existing literature on coercive diplomacy, air strategy and no-fly zones is frequently grounded in rationalist and (structural) realist thought, it cannot easily account for continuous “sub-optimal” choices. Therefore, this thesis turns to neoclassical realism, and demonstrates the compatibility of ideational variables with realist ontology, epistemology and methodology. It employs ideas as an intervening variable in the transmission belt from systemic conditions to foreign policy choice to explain no-fly zone use in US foreign policy. In a permissive international environment, decision-makers use ideas to guide their interpretation of systemic conditions, and to wield them as tools of persuasion in foreign policy deliberations. Decision-making in the US foreign policy executive is then conceptualized as a competition between diverging ideas about systemic incentives and constraints, as well as about appropriate strategies to mobilize state power. Absent agreement or presidential leadership and under pressure to act quickly, decision-makers use the no-fly zone to patch over ideational divides in the foreign policy executive and “do something”. This suggested causal mechanism is investigated in three detailed case studies on US foreign policy towards northern Iraq, Bosnia, and Libya. Three deviant case studies on decision-making vis-à-vis Kosovo, South Sudan/Darfur, and Syria delineate scope conditions and illustrate the causal primacy of systemic factors in determining US foreign policy.
25
Metheekul, Snomnart. "GMPCS regulations in the US and Thailand." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20223.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis will examine the utilization of the Low Earth Orbit (LEO) regime by Global Mobile Personal Communications by Satellite Systems (GMPCS) operators and the requirements that governments must fulfill in order to acquire orbit/spectrum resources from the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) for the purpose of deploying GMPCS. In addition, it will study the administrative obligations to consult and notify the International Satellite Organizations (ISOs) of the proposed LEO-based satellite systems so as to prevent technical incompatibility and economic harm to existing ISO systems. The regulations of three ISOs, namely the International Satellite Organization (INTELSAT), the International Maritime Satellite Organization (INMARSAT) and the European Telecommunications Satellite Organization (EUTELSAT) will be examined in this context. Also included is an examination of United States regulations (as exemplar of regulations in a developed country) and regulatory recommendations for GMPCS consumer countries, in particular, less developed countries (LDCs), such as Thailand.
26
Blakeley, Ruth. "Repression, human rights, and US training of military forces from the South." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/cbdf6917-ab7b-497b-848d-70881d75aa3b.
Full textAbstract:
In order to understand whether US training of military forces from the South has resulted in the use of repression or improvements in human rights, we need to situate the training within the broader context of US foreign policy objectives and strategies. The main aims of US foreign policy are to maintain its dominant global position and to ensure control of resources and markets in the South. These objectives are being pursued through an emerging, US-led transnational state, using the instruments of legitimation at least as much as repression. This contrasts with the Cold War, during which US foreign policy strategy towards the South emphasised repression. US training of military forces from the South during the Cold War played a key role in a US-led network, through which many states in the South were connected to the US and each other by cooperation between their militaries, police and intelligence services. The training was dominated by a particular form of counterinsurgency instruction which advocated repression of groups that might potentially threaten US control of Southern economies and assets. This contributed to widespread human rights violations, particularly in Latin America. Following the end of the Cold War, reliance on coercion diminished, and it was subsumed within the emergent transnational state. In line with this shift in US foreign policy strategy in the South, some aspects of the training began to be characterised by the promotion of legitimation. In the wake of 9/11, the US has intensified both its legitimation efforts and its use of repression, and the training continues to play a significant role in the service of US foreign policy objectives.
27
Gow, John F. "The construction of hegemony a world-historical study of Australian politics and external relations 1932-1988 /." Nathan, Qld. : Division of Humanities, Griffith University, 1990. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050905.162633/.
Full text
28
Gani, Jasmine K. "Understanding and explaining US-Syrian relations : conflict and cooperation, and the role of ideology." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/348/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a study of US-Syrian relations, and the legacy of mistrust between the two states. While there has been a recent growth in the study of Syria’s domestic and regional politics, its foreign policy in a global systemic context remains understudied within mainstream International Relations (IR), Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and even Middle Eastern studies, despite Syria’s geo-political centrality in the region. The primary purpose of the thesis is to analyse and understand the driving factors in US-Syrian relations, both the continuities – distinctive in the context of the region’s dynamic political landscape – and the rarer instances of discontinuity. By analysing the causes and constituents of US-Syrian relations, the thesis will also challenge a purely realist and power-political explanation that has dominated the discourse on Middle Eastern foreign policy; without discarding the value of alternative conceptual explanations, the thesis will argue that Syria’s position towards the US has been significantly (though not exclusively) influenced by a politically embedded set of ideas and principles that have evolved from an anti-colonial Arab nationalist ideology. Though recent constructivist debates have (rightly) brought the role of identity and social structure back to the fore, ideological or value-laden motives are still at times treated dismissively as an instrument of power politics (particularly in relation to Middle Eastern regimes) or, conversely, as a sign of regime irrationality. The apparent methodological impasse in credibly connecting ideational motives with foreign policy implementation and the perceived incompatibility between ideas and pragmatic decision-making have prevented a deeper and more sophisticated exploration of ideological influences within IR. Thus the second aim of the thesis is to redress this imbalance by introducing a methodological framework of analysis for studying ideology in foreign policy-making; this will be operationalised by historically charting the development and influence of ideas on Syria’s position towards the US, drawing upon original archival material that has hitherto not been utilised in existing literature on this subject. I argue that in Syria’s case state interests and security concerns are not dichotomous to ideational values; rather the two are coterminous goals in Syrian foreign policy. In doing so the thesis employs historical analysis and FPA methods to assess the significance of the following factors in influencing Syria’s ideology, and thereby its relations with the US: Syria’s colonised past and contemporary US interventionism in the region; the policies and ideology of Israel; and finally the structure of the Syrian regime, and its connection to public opinion.
29
Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). "US-Japan Relations during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.
Full textAbstract:
During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.
30
Boke, Cem. "US foreign policy and the crises in Libya and Syria : a neoclassical realist explanation of American intervention." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7995/.
Full textAbstract:
Third-party intervention in civil wars is a phenomenon that presents a complex research puzzle in the fields of both International Relations (IR ) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA ). While intervention decisions impact the duration and result of a given conflict, they also have broader regional implications and political consequences for those that intervene. The central questions this thesis aims to address are ‘what are the dynamics behind US foreign policy choices vis-a-vis L ibya and Syria's internationalised intrastate conflicts?' and, more specifically, 'What were the components that underpinned the selection of different set of elements from the intervention spectrum at different times and scales during the Libya and Syria conflicts'. The existing literature points towards the relevance of both systemic and domestic level factors. Neo-classical realism (NCR ) is employed as the theoretical framework, and incorporates independent (threats to US interests vis-a-vis the L ibya and Syria conflicts) and intervening variables (elite Ideology/Obama Doctrine, US economic constraints, US elite perception of the opposition in Libya and Syria, congressional dynamics and public opinion) at the system and unit levels respectively. The dependent variable - US foreign policy choices – varies across three main forms: non-intervention, non-military intervention, and military intervention. NCR has proven to be a comprehensive theoretical framework to understand the rationale behind the US's suboptimal foreign policy choices. The results of the research conducted here reinforce the notion that it is problematic to explain foreign policy decisions exclusively from the perspective of a balancing against power or threats without considering the impact of intervening variables at the domestic level. The research also underpins the importance of political leaders and elites' perceptions (regarding opposition groups as well as of domestic political restraints) through which systemic incentives and constraints are filtered and the contours of interests and threats are identified.
31
Campbell, Colin. "A social constructivist analysis of civil-military relations : US-Mexican bilateral military relations, 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/1189/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis looks at the nature of civil-military relations in the post-Cold War and the post-9/11 era through the theoretical lens of social constructivism. The study looks at the inter-relationship between the respective civil-military relations and US-Mexican bilateral ties from a constructivist perspective, with the aim of deconstructing the ideational structures of civil-military relations within the state and the state based international system to promote stronger organic structures for civilian control over the state agents of violence. The aim of thesis is to provide a theoretical model to both unite the theoretical rationale for the humanisation, indeed demilitarisation, of security concerns within the Western Hemisphere and in particular the US and Mexico. Hence, creating a novel theoretical model for the understanding and explanation of civil-military and bilateral relations.
32
Cao, Xiongwei. "The Dollar Hegemony and the U.S.-China Monetary Disputes." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5150.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the current disputes between the United States and China over the exchange rate of the Chinese currency renminbi using an International Political Economy (IPE) analysis. Monetary relations are not mere economic affairs, but bear geopolitical implications. Money is power. Money is politics. The pursuit of monetary power is an important part of great power politics. Based on this assertion, the thesis studies past cases of monetary power struggles between the United States and the Great Britain, the Soviet Union, Japan, and the European Union (EU), respectively. The thesis then investigates the dollar's status as the dominant international reserve currency in the current international monetary system, as well as the power that this unique status can generate and provide. The dollar's monetary hegemony has become the main characteristic of the current international monetary system and an important power source for continued U.S. hegemony. The dollar's hegemony and the asymmetrical interdependency between the dollar and the renminbi are the source and the key basis for the recent U.S.-China monetary disagreements. The U.S.-China monetary disputes reflect not only each country's respective domestic interests and perceived benefits, but also the monetary power struggle between the two biggest global economies. Predictions are also entertained for the future monetary relations between the two countries, as well as the geopolitical implications that this relationship may have for the U.S.-China bilateral relationship in coming decades.ID: 031001327; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Title from PDF title page (viewed April 8, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 118-126).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies
33
Brown, Scott Alexander William. "Power, perception and policymaking : the foreign policies of the US and the EU towards China." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5104/.
Full textAbstract:
China’s rise has put it on a trajectory to overtake the international system’s dominant powers – the United States of America (US) and the European Union (EU) – at some point this century. Some observers conclude that the historical pattern of such transitions catalysing great power conflict is likely to continue with China’s ascendancy. Power-transition theory (PTT) anticipates that the established powers will strive to maintain the status quo by extending their relative power advantage over the rising challenger and curtailing its power where possible. Yet the actual responses of the US and the EU have not conformed to these expectations; instead, they have both largely welcomed China’s rise and sought to integrate it into the international system. We can see that policymakers continually express interpretations of China’s rise which we would not expect to find if the logic of PTT prevailed. This raises a question: How have different interpretations of the ‘rise of China’ influenced the foreign policies of the US and the EU towards China? I argue that varied perceptions of the implications of China’s rise have shaped policy preferences in ways that are inconsistent with concerns over the threat of an impending power-transition. Policy discourse at key junctures in bilateral relations revealed that ‘China’s rise’ is actually a contested notion and that the different interpretations in play at that point in time affect the policymaking process in ways that cannot be accounted for from state-centric perspectives. While China’s growing power and relations with these actors have been widely studied, little attention is paid to how competing interpretations of China’s rise impact upon policymakers’ preferences and the eventual responses. Despite the growing prevalence of threat rhetoric (at least in the US), China’s rise is often conceptualised by key policymakers as presenting considerable economic and political opportunities. In the EU, perceptions of economic and political opportunities have not been challenged by threat interpretations and thus its overall approach has been informed by the former with little substantive debate amongst key actors.
34
Gayoso, Descalzi Carmen Amelia. "Russian hegemony in the CIS region : an examination of Russian influence and of variation in consent and dissent by CIS states to regional hierarchy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/322/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis studies variation in Russian hegemony in the post-Soviet region. The concept of changing hegemony is used as a starting point to examine how regional hierarchy has changed in the post-Soviet period. Russian hegemony tightens and loosens depending on the time, territory and type of power logic being exercised. This systemic condition characterised by change arises not only because the way that Russia exercises its power changes, but also because the responses of the other countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) to that power fluctuate. Depending on the consent and dissent shown by the other CIS countries to the attenuation of their sovereignty, Russia’s regional hegemony either grows or lessens in intensity. This study uncovers dissent from those who do not fit within or are unprepared to adapt to the status quo of hegemony, and consent from those who accept diminishing sovereignty. Thus, hegemonies in the context of this study are characterised by regular and open-ended dialogue between states that remain independent enough to constantly negotiate the system through their consent and dissent to hierarchy. In making these claims, this study examines concepts such as sovereignty, hierarchy and legitimacy in the context of the CIS region as well as key developments in the CIS region. Specifically, it makes conclusions on how regional hierarchy around Russia is perpetuated, the factors that determine the extent of that hegemony, how bilateral and group relationships have developed between other CIS countries and Russia, and how the CIS system of states is best classified at different periods in time.
35
Blanc, Emmanuelle. "The EU in quest for the recognition of its institutional identity : the case of the EU-US dialogues." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3784/.
Full textAbstract:
While the literature on the European Union’s foreign policy has heavily emphasized the EU’s marked preference for diplomacy and the conduct of dialogues, the rationale behind the salience of this practice has not yet been fully explored. Therefore, this thesis asks why the European Union promotes and conducts so many political dialogues with third countries in its external relations. The original contribution of this thesis is two-fold: theoretically, it contributes to the literature on the practice of dialogue in International Relations by moving away from theories stressing the rationality of the institutional actors involved in dialogical interactions. Instead, this thesis grounds itself in socio-psychology applied to institutions to conceptualize the practice of dialogue as a symbolically-framed interaction through which institutional identity is recognized and anchored. In doing so, this research demonstrates that the European Union promotes and conducts such an extraordinary number of dialogues with third countries in order to get recognition of its institutional identity as a distinct and relevant international actor. More specifically, the study sheds light on the mechanisms through which the dialogical interaction at the micro-level helps anchor the institutional identity of the EU at the macro-level. Empirically, the thesis contributes to a more nuanced and better understanding of one of the most complex and important relationships of our times – the transatlantic relationship — by presenting original findings on the multiple dialogical encounters occurring at different levels of representation: at the highest level of diplomatic meetings, at the interparliamentary level and at and the level of civil society. The present work thus departs from traditional perspectives on transatlantic relations by focusing on the micro-level of interaction and its symbolic implications at the macro-level. Through the conduct of interviews with European and American officials involved in these dialogues and several participant observations in the meetings, this study offers a fine-grained analysis of the dialogue as one of the most frequently tool of foreign policy used by the EU in its external relations.
36
Meyer, Marius. "An exploration of the role of soft power in hegemony: the USA and China." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2391.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.How much emphasis is afforded to the role of soft power has significant implications for the study of hegemony and predictions regarding the future of US hegemony and the rise of China as a hegemon. The fact that much mainstream work (particularly neorealism) continues to neglect the role of soft power in international relations is seen as a disturbing shortcoming. This study wishes to address this perceived shortcoming by exploring the role of ‘soft power’ as an integral non-material aspect of hegemony by focusing on the perspectives of selected authors (Cox, Nye, Waltz, Keohane), and applying them to the cases of the United States of America and China. It is contended that there is a need for a shift of emphasis in International Relations (IR)- away from the hard power centric analysis towards a ‘soft power’ analysis that focuses on ideas. This study further argues that recognising the importance of the role of ‘soft power’ will result in a more effective analysis and understanding of hegemony in the international system. This is not to disregard ‘hard power’ as an aspect of hegemony, but rather to emphasise ‘soft power’ as it is often neglected or underscored by scholars in their analysis of hegemony and power structures within international relations. The United States of America is a prime example of how ‘soft power’ can help a state to prevent decline through consensus and alliance formation. The Chinese on the other hand have become increasingly aware of the importance of soft power– whilst the US have recently neglected it as a sustaining capability for hegemony. Thus China is growing and nurturing its ‘soft power’ capabilities in order to create an image of a benevolent super power, whilst the US is increasingly being perceived as malevolent- which is not conducive to hegemony in the international system. It is argued that if the Chinese can attain ideological dominance within the global structure, they could become the new hegemon.
37
Tai, Hean Cheong. "What factors determine trust between states? : the case of US-China relations." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283954.
Full text
38
Lee, Ji-Young. "The Chinese system of international relations in early modern East Asia China at the center in the eyes of the periphery /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest), 2009. http://0-pqdtopen.proquest.com.library.lausys.georgetown.edu/#abstract?dispub=3371618.
Full text
39
Méndez, Álvaro. "Negotiating intervention by invitation : how the Colombians shaped US participation in the genesis of Plan Colombia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/519/.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this dissertation is to investigate the genesis of Plan Colombia, the aid programme that transferred US$1.3 billion to Colombia during fiscal year 2000/2001 alone. It was found that President Andres Pastrana invited the intervention of the US in many aspects of Colombia’s internal affairs, from his peace process with guerrilla insurgents to his project to reassert the authority of the state over Colombia’s ‘internal periphery’. A complex, three-way negotiation between the two core Executives and the US Congress ensued, which yielded a more limited intervention than the Colombians desired. It was also found that, the vast power asymmetry notwithstanding, it was the small state that took the initiative and managed to exert influence over the great power. These findings conclusively refute the paradigmatic presumption in the IR literature that Plan Colombia was hegemonically imposed. To the contrary, the protracted (two years long) negotiation of terms showed the ‘hegemon’ decidedly reluctant to be drawn too far into its internal affairs of its ‘victim’. Plan Colombia follows a characteristic pattern in US foreign relations, which has been noted before; a unique form of ‘imperialism’ whereby subject states actually invite the intervention of the great power, in some cases even to the point of occupation. Unlike the approach typical of the IR field, which is predominantly a priori in method, the treatment herein is essentially inductive. For my fieldwork I interviewed the gamut of elite participants in the making of the Plan, from ex-President Pastrana himself to Thomas Pickering, the third-ranking officer in the US State Department. Letting the facts from all sources speak for themselves, I have arrived at counterintuitive results of interest to theorists and practitioners of international relations.
40
Svendsen, Adam D. M. "On 'a continuum with expansion' : UK-US intelligence relations & wider reflections on international intelligence liaison." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/64270/.
Full textAbstract:
Since 9/11, intelligence liaison has increased exponentially. Yet, both in international affairs and within the academic fields of international relations (IR) and intelligence studies, the phenomenon of intelligence liaison remains under-researched and under-theorised. Moreover, intelligence studies remain remarkably disconnected from IR. Accordingly, this study attempts to advance a timely understanding of both international intelligence liaison generally, and UK-US intelligence liaison specifically, in a contemporary context. Methodologically, this is accomplished through conducting a qualitative analysis of UK-US intelligence liaison focussed on two ‘critical’ and ‘intensive’ case studies. These represent the key issues over which the UK and US have liaised, namely counter-terrorism and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) non-/counter-proliferation. In practical terms, the ‘rise’ of intelligence liaison can be substantially explained. However, the phenomenon itself can only be ‘theorised’ so far. Intelligence is, by its very nature, a fragmented subject. Accordingly, cascades of complexities increasingly enter, especially at the lower/micro levels of analysis - where the details and specifics concerning particular sources and operations matter further. Therefore, intelligence liaison effectively represents the concept of ‘complex co-existence plurality’ in action. This is both at and across all its different, yet closely interrelated, levels of analysis, and also when broken down into eight systemic variables or attributes. Notwithstanding this complexity, wider conclusions can be drawn, allowing this thesis to advance the proposition that we are now witnessing the globalisation of intelligence. Overall, this trend is facilitated through the developments occurring in a web of overlapping international intelligence liaison arrangements, which collectively span the globe. Reflective of a continuously evolving attempt for ‘optimum outreach’, these intraliaison developments include: firstly, the establishing of frameworks and defining of operational parameters for the intelligence liaison arrangements, and then their subsequent consolidation (or normalisation) and optimisation over time. These wider trends are simultaneously observable in the microcosm of UK-US intelligence liaison relations, which are also on ‘a continuum with expansion’ as the UK and US remain broadly exemplary ‘friends and allies’.
41
Roccu, Roberto. "Gramsci in Cairo : neoliberal authoritarianism, passive revolution and failed hegemony in Egypt under Mubarak, 1991-2010." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/369/.
Full textAbstract:
Most existing interpretations of the thought of Antonio Gramsci in International Relations and International Political Economy are strongly influenced by the seminal account provided by Cox in the early 1980s. Recovering the hitherto neglected concept of philosophy of praxis, this thesis departs from the 'Coxian orthodoxy' and develops an alternative understanding of Gramsci that sees hegemony as a combination of coercion and consent emerging from the articulation on three overlapping dimensions, respectively involving the interaction of the economic and the political, the international and the national, the material and the ideational. The potential of this approach is illustrated by examining the unfolding of neoliberal economic reforms in Egypt in the past two decades. It is argued that, firstly, the interaction of economic and political factors produced the emergence of a neoliberal authoritarian regime with a predatory capitalist oligarchy playing an ever greater role. Secondly, articulation across different spatial scales brought about a passive revolution managed by the state with the aim of adapting to the globalising imperatives of capital accumulation without broadening political participation. Lastly, the performative power of neoliberalism as an ideology fundamentally reshaped economic policymaking in favour of the rising capitalist elite. This focus on the shift in class relations produced by – and itself reinforcing – neoliberal reforms allows us to understand how the already waning hegemony of the Egyptian regime under Mubarak gradually unravelled. The rise of the capitalist oligarchy upset relations of force both within the ruling bloc and in society at large, effectively breaking the post- Nasserite social pact. Passive revolution witnessed the abdication to the pursuit of hegemony on the national scale, with the attempt of replacing it with reliance on the neoliberal hegemony prevalent on the international scale. The success of neoliberalism as an ideology did not obscure the increasingly inability of the regime to provide material benefits, however marginal, to subaltern classes. Thus, the affirmation of neoliberalism in Egypt corresponded to the failure of hegemony on the national scale.
42
Teitler, Anthony. "US policy towards Afghanistan, 1979-2014 : a case study of constructivism in international relations." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1531194/.
Full textAbstract:
A case study of US policy towards Afghanistan from the Soviet intervention of 1979 to the exit of US/ISAF combat troops in 2014, this thesis examines how the United States’ discursive construction of its interests and identity have moulded its long-term involvement with that country. It demonstrates how Washington used language to justify, represent and normalise its foreign policy practices. In this way, the intertwining of language and social practices provided policymakers’ with shared meanings and tools for how to operate. This sets it apart from the existing literature, which predominantly argues that the US has been motivated by its own self-interest in its dealings with Afghanistan. Whilst it does not entirely reject the importance of both realist and neo-realist assumptions, this thesis mainly deploys a constructivist theoretical approach to achieve its objectives. A relatively new framework in the field of international relations, constructivism provides a more nuanced and well-rounded perspective around which a nation’s foreign policy can be understood. It contends that collectively shared beliefs about a nation’s character and identity, rooted in its history, institutions, and its people explain both how it interprets and why it engages in the foreign policies that it does. In the case of Afghanistan, Washington believed that it is the only nation capable of positively effecting change. This sense of US exceptionalism has continuously informed America’s policies towards that country, whether that was during the Cold War when it constructed the ‘freedom fighters’ struggle against the Soviet Union's occupation or of a noble US helping Afghanistan fight against transnational terrorism in the post 9/11 context. Thus, although this thesis acknowledges how America's self-interest has played an important role in shaping its policies towards Afghanistan, the author seeks to explain Washington's long-term involvement with that country by focusing primarily upon America’s narratives, values and beliefs. This will enrich our understanding of US policy towards Afghanistan by providing a new perspective through which both nations’ continuous, evolving and complex relationship can be both historically and contemporarily understood. The work also aims to contribute more broadly to international relations and US foreign policy scholarship through its interdisciplinary approach.
43
Hemmings, John. "Quasi-alliances, managing the rise of China, and domestic politics : the US-Japan-Australia trilateral, 1991-2015." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3598/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how the United States reacted to changes in its external environment in the Asia Pacific after the Cold War; in particular, this paper examines the creation of the security trilaterals in what had been a traditionally bilateral alliance system and seeks to explain this through Washington’s complex relationship with the other great power in the region, China. American policy toward China has been marked by its policy complexity, in the sense that the US has seen China both as an important trade partner and a potential peer competitor. While many scholars have covered both alliance theory and US approaches toward China, this thesis seeks to explore both together, seeking to put American strategy in the region writ-large within an overarching neoclassical realist (NCR) framework. As a result, this thesis prioritizes power and the structure of the international system, while also maintaining that external variables alone are insufficient to explain the complex behavior exhibited by the United States at this time. It therefore draws from domestic variables introduced Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), and examines them through the NCR conceptions of ‘threat assessment’. This thesis identifies four intervening variables as crucial to understanding the evolution of US policy in the region from 1993 to 2015. These include policy-coalitions of foreign policy elites (FPEs), their perception of the structure of the international system, the domestic political conditions in which they labored, economic inter-dependency to China, and threat-assessment debates. Applying those five to the independent variable of China’s rise, this thesis argues that American foreign policy elites formed into two broad policy coalitions, who could not agree on whether to balance or to accommodate China’s rise. The quasi-nature of the trilateral, the failed attempt at a quadrilateral, and the off-and-on again nature of US-Japan-Australia alliance dynamics indicate that foreign policy elites inside all three states continue to debate China’s threat-assessmentstatus. Therefore, this thesis finds that at heart, hedging is the product of domestic variables, the inability of policy coalitions to triumph over their opposites.
44
Varady, Corrin. "From peacemaking to 'vigorous self-defense' : US foreign policy and the multinational force in Lebanon 1982-1984." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3112/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a study on the use of military force in United States peacemaking in Lebanon between 1982 and 1984. It argues that the failure of the Reagan Administration to understand accurately the complex political landscape of the Lebanese Civil War resulted in the US and the Multinational Force in Beirut becoming intertwined in the broader Lebanese conflict. Because of this, President Ronald Reagan and Secretary of State George Shultz applied a policy focusing on military force with a vague peacekeeping vision which led to catastrophic US casualties. This thesis also argues that US policy in Lebanon was inaccurately designed because, from the outset, Washington did not see Lebanon as a key policy frontline. However, the Administration’s failed attempts to resolve the crisis and Reagan’s personal pursuit for international credibility bound the US to one of the world’s most complicated and violent conflicts. By examining newly released archival material this thesis will show how the foundations of the US’ interventionist policy in Lebanon came from the Reagan Administration’s desire to see the US as the key military power in the Middle East rather than protecting Lebanese sovereignty or containing the Soviets. This thesis offers a fresh perspective on the impact of the US intervention and the decisionmaking drivers that led Reagan into the Lebanese Civil War. It challenges the notion that Reagan deployed US Marines under the ideals of international peacekeeping. Rather it will argue that the Multinational Force withdrew from Lebanon as a failed military force having made little progress.
45
Valdez, John. "Building More Bombs: The Discursive Emergence of US Nuclear Weapons Policy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23776.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates the social construction and discursive emergence of US nuclear weapons policy against the backdrop of the nuclear taboo and its associated anti-nuclear discourse. The analysis is drawn from poststructuralism with a focus on the discourses that construct the social world and its attendant “common sense,” and makes possible certain policies and courses of action while foreclosing others. This methodology helps overcome the overdetermined nature of foreign policy, or its tendency to be driven simultaneously by the international strategic environment, the domestic political environment, and powerful domestic organizations, and while being shaped and delimited by the discourses associated with the nuclear taboo. I apply this method to three different cases of presidential administration policymaking: Eisenhower, Reagan, and George W. Bush. In each, the analysis illuminates the coherent discourses that emerged, crystallized, and either became policy, or were usurped by competing discourses and their associated policies. I follow the actions of key actors as they stitched together existing discourses in new ways to create meaning for nuclear weapons and the US arsenal, as well as to limit what could and should be done with that arsenal. The case studies reveal the content of the strategic international, domestic political, organizational, and normative bases of US nuclear weapons policy. These results suggest that most challenges to the nuclear policy status quo emerge from new presidents whose own discourse is built upon personal conviction and critiques of their predecessors. Upon taking office, these sources compete with discourses emerging from organizations, especially the nuclear weapons complex, and anti-nuclear forces including: activists, the scientific community, the international public, US allied governments, and the US public. It was this political conflict and confrontation that made possible the pattern of nuclear weapons policy that characterized each administration. This work points to the strength of the nuclear taboo, and the effort that must be expended for its associated discourses to impact presidential policymaking. This insight provides an opening for managing the nuclear threat posed by the Trump administration’s new nuclear weapons policy.
46
Culp, Rhonda Phillips. "Competition in services : an examination of US multinational companies in Japan's service sector." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28632.
Full text
47
Gerasimenko, Olga. "Security Rivalry between the US and China under Conditions of Economic Interdependence." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366373816.
Full text
48
Ide, Yoshinori. "Liberalization of international air transport in the Japan-US market." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/47189948.html.
Full text
49
Bailin, Alison 1963. "The global company town: An alternative perspective of hegemony, the liberal economic order, and the core-periphery gap." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289156.
Full textAbstract:
This study introduces a new theory, called group hegemony, that explains how a group of wealthy countries maintains the liberal economic order, and how this order helps sustain the economic disparity between the core and the periphery in the post-WWII era. The theory of group hegemony advances three propositions. First, the Group of Seven (G-7) has replaced the US as the hegemon. The evidence indicates that a hegemon exists. The concentration of power within the core has remained relatively constant since the early 1960s. The US is not responsible for this concentration of power since its economic superiority has declined, whereas the power of the G-7 has remained constant. The G-7 accounts for about three-fourths of the core's power throughout the post-war era even though it constitutes less than one-third of the core's membership. In the early post-war period, the majority of the G-7's power was attributed to the US, but by the mid-1970s, power was more evenly distributed among the G-7 countries. The evidence indicates that the G-7 is the group hegemon. The second proposition contends that the group hegemon maintains the stability of the liberal economic order. The G-7 is the only group with enough power to provide liquidity, manage exchange rates, maintain large open markets, and supply foreign investment. The G-7 countries coordinate their policies when necessary to stabilize the liberal economic order. They collectively intervened in the 1970s and 1980s to stabilize exchange-markets. They coordinated their policies to offset the stock market crash in 1987. They also helped ease the debt crisis, finance the Gulf War, and aid Russia and other economies in transition. The third proposition holds that the rules governing the liberal order help sustain the gap between the core and the periphery. The rules are biased in favor of the core. These rules include preferential treatment for core members, tariff peaks on goods of particular export interest to developing countries, and tariff escalation. The liberal economic order benefits all, but some more than others.
50
Mildenberg, Mary E. "The North Korea Problem: US policy toward North Korea from 2001-2013." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/748.
Full textAbstract:
Few countries have presented a policy problem for the United States with the consistency and longevity that North Korea has. The opacity of the regime that runs the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has served as a barrier to deciphering the policy perspective that Kim Jong-un, and his father before him, have pursued. This thesis analyzes the policy decisions of the US towards North Korea in an attempt to decipher which policies were pursued and what there effects have been. Modern US policy in regards to North Korea started with the signing of the Agreed Framework in 1994. US policy was largely consistent under the Clinton administration, which is the reason this paper will begin with the George W. Bush administration and will continue all the way up until the current Obama administration (2001-2013). Using the fundamental policy theories of “hawk engagement” and “strategic patience” this paper assesses the policy responses by examining a number of key events, personnel, and contextual issues. There have been a number policy responses toward North Korea but there has yet to be a permanent solution to the central concerns.