Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hegemony; US; International relations

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Hegemony; US; International relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Hegemony; US; International relations"

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HE, KAI. "The hegemon's choice between power and security: explaining US policy toward Asia after the Cold War." Review of International Studies 36, no. 04 (May 21, 2010): 1121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000227.

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AbstractAfter the Cold War, US strategists have suggested four strategies for the hegemon: hegemonic dominion, selective engagement, offshore balancing, and multilateralism. Rather than debating which strategy is the best for the US at all times, this article focuses on examining which policy is more likely to be chosen by the hegemon – the US – under different strategic conditions. Through a neoclassical realist argument – the power-perception hegemonic model, I argue that US foreign policy depends on how US policymakers perceive US hegemonic status in the international system. Under rising and stable hegemony, selective engagement and hegemonic dominion are two possible power-maximisation strategies given the weak security constraints from the system. Under declining hegemony, offshore balancing and multilateralism are more likely to be chosen by US policymakers to pursue security because of a resumed security imperative from anarchy. US policy toward Asia after the Cold War is a case study to test the validity of the power-perception hegemonic model. I conclude that US policymakers should prepare for life after Pax-Americana, and early implementation of offshore balancing and multilateralism may facilitate the soft-landing of declining US hegemony.
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Subotin, A. "FUTURE OF US HEGEMONY." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 139 (2019): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.4-12.

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Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.
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Nexon, Daniel H., and Iver B. Neumann. "Hegemonic-order theory: A field-theoretic account." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 3 (July 4, 2017): 662–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117716524.

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This article outlines a field-theoretic variation of hegemonic-order theory — one inspired primarily by the work of Pierre Bourdieu. We argue that hegemony derives from the possession of a plurality of meta-capital in world politics; hegemons exercise “a power over other species of power, and particularly over their rate of exchange.” Recasting conventional hegemonic-order theories along these lines carries with it at least three advantages: it helps bridge the differences between realist and neo-Gramscian approaches to hegemony; it provides scaffolding for exploring the workings of hegemony and hegemonic ordering across different scales; and it better addresses the fact that hegemonic powers are enabled and constrained by international order itself. After reviewing some of the major variants of hegemonic-order theory, we explore Bourdieu’s understanding of hegemony and cognate concepts. We then elaborate on our field-theoretic approach, with examples drawn from US foreign relations and the Roman Empire. Finally, we provide a longer illustrative sketch in the form of a discussion of Roman ordering and its longue durée influence on social, political, and cultural fields in world politics.
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Maya-Ambia, Carlos. "Globalisierung der Ökonomie, Polarisierung der Macht." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 34, no. 137 (December 1, 2004): 621–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v34i137.615.

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Beginning with the contemporary "unipolar situation" the rise and decline of US-American hegemony is discussed. Against misunderstandings and simplifications of the concept of hegemony the approach of the neo-gramscian school of international relations is presented. Using the tools of this approach the internal and external obstacles of USAmerican hegemony and especially the relation between the US and Latin America are analyzed.
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FLORIG, DENNIS. "Hegemonic overreach vs. imperial overstretch." Review of International Studies 36, no. 04 (April 30, 2010): 1103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000197.

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AbstractThe concept of hegemonic overreach proposes a revision of Kennedy's notion of imperial overstretch that puts more emphasis on policy choices of hegemonic states. Previous long-cycle theories of hegemonic breakdown have focused on the contradiction between the hegemon's growing military-political commitments and its slipping economic capability relative to rising challenger states. Another key contradiction in US foreign policy is between the imperatives of hegemony and the ideology of messianic mission developed long before the US stepped up to its current global role. Hegemonic overreach, driven by this sense of messianic mission, is a major cause of failure in US foreign policy.
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G. Misalucha, Charmaine. "Southeast Asia-US Relations: Hegemony or Hierarchy?" CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA 33, no. 2 (2011): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs33-2c.

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Rezaei, Alireza. "Book Review: International Relations: America's Global Advantage: US Hegemony and International Cooperation." Political Studies Review 10, no. 2 (April 4, 2012): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00262_17.x.

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Kasantzev, A. A., and V. M. Sergeev. "The Crisis of US-centric Globalization: Causes, Trends and Scenarios of Development." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 40–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-40-69.

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Traditionally the processes of globalization and the issues of world politics related to hegemony are studied separately in the scientific literature. In this article the authors propose the synthesis of both of these approaches based on the model of transactional and innovative economy spatially structured as a system of “global gateways”. The globalization is conceived in the article as a process of reinforcement of network connections of different parts of the globe. The network is distributed unevenly around the world. The increase of globalization processes stimulates the strengthening of the network interactions and saturation of it with resources. The decline of the globalization we are witnessing at the moment results in the weakening of network relations. Spatial heterogeneity of globalization produces inequality in resource distribution on social as well as regional and country level. Due to this fact the system of global economy based on these gateways requires the stability of political institutes. In the 19th-20th centuries the system of maintenance of global stability (known in IR as hegemonic stability) was established. Increasing globalization provides the effective interaction between economic and political spheres. Declining globalization produces a gap between gateways’ demands for political stability and a hegemon’s ability to provide it. Recently the USA’s abilities as global hegemon have shrunk dramatically in relative terms as well as American electorate’s willingness to bear the costs of hegemony. Washington is unable to maintain stable functioning of “the rules of the game” neither separately, nor with its allies. This situation may be described as “the crisis of US-centric globalization”. The crisis of globalization relates to decline of international regimes, rise of uncertainty and conflicts on all levels of world politics. Presumably, it’s a long-term process. And at the end it may cause the establishment of new political form of economic globalization (e.g. transition to the model of hegemony of a group of superpowers, a scenario mostly close to generally accepted in Russia idea of multi-polar world), or emergence of a new hegemon (e.g. China).
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Norrlöf, Carla. "Is COVID-19 the end of US hegemony? Public bads, leadership failures and monetary hegemony." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (September 1, 2020): 1281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa134.

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Abstract COVID-19 is the most invasive global crisis in the postwar era, jeopardizing all dimensions of human activity. By theorizing COVID-19 as a public bad, I shed light on one of the great debates of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries regarding the relationship between the United States and liberal international order (LIO). Conceptualizing the pandemic as a public bad, I analyze its consequences for US hegemony. Unlike other international public bads and many of the most important public goods that make up the LIO, the COVID-19 public bad not only has some degree of rivalry but can be made partially excludable, transforming it into more of a club good. Domestically, I demonstrate how the failure to effectively manage the COVID-19 public bad has compromised America's ability to secure the health of its citizens and the domestic economy, the very foundations for its international leadership. These failures jeopardize US provision of other global public goods. Internationally, I show how the US has already used the crisis strategically to reinforce its opposition to free international movement while abandoning the primary international institution tasked with fighting the public bad, the World Health Organization (WHO). While the only area where the United States has exercised leadership is in the monetary sphere, I argue this feat is more consequential for maintaining hegemony. However, even monetary hegemony could be at risk if the pandemic continues to be mismanaged.
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Rein, Marlen. "Power Asymmetry in the Mekong River Basin: The Impact of Hydro-Hegemony on Sharing Transboundary Water." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2016-0005.

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Abstract Does the allocation of transboundary water strengthen cooperation among states or cause international conflicts? This is a question that is highly disputed among several scholars, whereas the arguments of both sides seem equally rational. An analogous dissent can be seen in the research area of the Mekong River. For that reason, it is rational to avoid engaging in this everlasting disagreement and rather look at the problematic question from another viewpoint. This article deals with the Mekong case from a relatively new angle by combining the concepts of power, hydro-hegemony, and coexistence of conflict and cooperation as proposed by the London Water Research Group for analysing the impacts of hydro-hegemony on water allocation. This approach enables us to observe that the power asymmetry deriving from four types of power (geographic, material, bargaining, and ideational power) gives China the position of the hydro-hegemon that is followed by five weaker non-hegemons in the following order: Laos, Thailand, Myanmar, Vietnam, and Cambodia. Despite the great number of collaborative groups, the non-hegemons have not been able to resist the hydro-hegemony of China effectively, as the unity of non-hegemons is mostly hampered by different national interests. Therefore, the bilateral relations of China with the other riparian states individually-especially with Laos and Cambodia-have been stronger than on the multilateral basis with the Mekong River Commission.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hegemony; US; International relations"

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Markakis, Dionysius. "US democracy promotion in the Middle East : the pursuit of hegemony?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/576/.

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The promotion of 'democracy' abroad has been a feature of US foriegn policy since the early part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of capitalism and state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy. Countries as diverse as the Philippines, Chile and Poland have all been subject to US democracy promotion initiatives. In the Middle East though, the US traditionally engaged authoritarian governments as a means of ensuring its core interests in the region. However the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the G. W. Bush administration's perception of the Middle East's 'democratic deficit' as underlying cause, initiated a significant departure in the traditional direction of US policy. Democracy promotion subsequently emerged as a central tenet of US policy to the Middle East. This thesis argues that, as part of the strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East, the US has sought to gradually replace proxy authoritarian governments with elite-based democracies. From a neo-Gramscian perspective, this strategic shift can be seen as a move from coercive to consensual forms of social control, the underlying aim being to ensure a more enduring form of stability in the states concerned. This is part of a long-term US strategy, evidences prior in other regions such as Latin America, which ultimately aims at the achievement of a Gramscian hegemony; that is the internalisation by other societies of the US interpretation of 'democracy', and associated norms and values, as the natural order. Utilising an analytical framework derived from the neo-Gramscian approach, the thesis focuses in the main on the Clinton (1993-2001) and G. W. Bush (2001-2008) administrations, and uses the following case studies - Egypt, Irag and Kuwait - to examine the US strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East,
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Patrick, Stewart McLellan. "Forging hegemonic consensus : America, France and the making of the postwar order, 1945 - 1954." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308868.

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Prifti, Bledar. "Continuation in US Foreign Policy: An Offensive Realist Perspective." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5384.

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This dissertation is a study of US foreign policy that aims at maintaining its regional hegemonic status and preventing the emergence of another regional hegemon by implementing the offshore balancing strategy. US intervention during the 2003 Iraq War, strained US-Iran relationship, and the establishment of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in early 2014 compel a reevaluation of US foreign policy. Two major claims of this dissertation include: (1) US foreign policy is consistent with offensive realist theoretical claims; and (2) US foreign policy is characterized by continuity when it comes to issues related to America's strategic interests. Utilizing a case study and comparative case study methodology, this dissertation outlines the following findings. The first finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy actions under the Bush Doctrine, which led to the 2003 Iraq War, were dictated by the anarchic status of the international system, the possession by Iraq of military capabilities that could harm or destroy America, fear from and suspicion of Iraq's intentions, the need to ensure survival in an anarchic system, and the need to maximize relative power vis-à-vis other states. All these factors led to three main pattern of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. Because there was no other regional great power capable and willing to balance Iraq, the US was forced to rely on direct balancing by threatening Iraq to take military actions, creating an anti-Iraqi alliance, and maximizing its relative power by destroying Iraq's military capabilities. Second, US foreign policy under the Bush Doctrine was a continuation of the 20th century foreign policy. US foreign policy during the 20th century was dictated by three major patterns of behavior: fear, self-help, and power maximization. In realizing its foreign policy goals, the US had to rely on buck-passing and balancing strategies. Whenever there was no regional great power able and willing "to carry the buck", the US would rely on direct balancing by either threatening the aggressor, creating alliances with other regional states, or utilizing additional resources of its own. Four major presidential doctrines and related occurrences were utilized to test the claim: the Roosevelt Corollary, the Truman Doctrine, the Carter Doctrine, and the Reagan Doctrine. The last finding of this dissertation is that US foreign policy toward Iran constitutes continuity and is dictated by US need to maintain regional hegemony by acting as an offshore balancer. In addition, the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests in several occasions, and a strategic win or loss for one state is a win or loss for the other. Like that of the US, Iran's foreign policy is guided by rationality. The Iran-Contra affair, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, and the Russia-Chechnya conflict support the claim that Iran's foreign policy is based on rationality instead of religious ideology as argued by many scholars. Also, the 2001 Afghanistan war, the 2003 Iraq war, and the establishment of the ISIL support the claim that the US and Iran share mutual strategic interests. Cooperation is often desirable and in some cases inevitable. Despite this strong claim, US-Iran relationship has its own limitations because neither the US nor Iran would accept a too powerful other that could establish absolute dominance in the region.
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Mahabir, Lakshana. "A Neoconservative Theory of International Politics?" Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37655.

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Neoconservatism has long had a tenuous relationship with International Relations theory. Despite an abundance of explanatory material and its influence in US foreign policy, few works in IR have attempted to build a stand-alone theory out of it. Furthermore, previous work on the topic has resulted in an under-developed and poor understanding of the movement’s core ideas. The thesis redefines neoconservatism as a trifecta of i) a set of explanatory ideas on world politics, ii) an approach to foreign policy, and iii) an ideology that stems from the European Enlightenment, all the way to the present day. Using this expanded conceptualization, the thesis builds a theory out of what can broadly be considered an ideology. The theory takes the form of an ideal-type construct and emphasizes hegemony in the international system. It offers an explanation for the causes of alliances, as well as regional and systemic conflicts. The theory also adopts a prescriptive function and offers an account of foreign policy analysis. It is highly recommended that the assumptions of the theory that are laid out here be tested in future work.
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Plant, Tanya. "Prospects for international free trade : the WTO, beef and US hegemony." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273315.

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Underwood, Jasmine. "Feminist International Relations and “Epistemic Blank Spots”: Entrenching Hegemony?" Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1484344418762762.

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Muniz, Blanca P. "EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.

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Moody, George. "The renovation of Western hegemony : European alternatives in international relations." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/54594/.

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European intellectual production on international relations is central to the renovation of Western hegemony in the post-Cold War, ‘post-American' world. This includes both policy and academic discourses and a focus of this work is an account of the fields in which these discourses are generated that relates them at a deep level. Working within ‘Amsterdam School' accounts of European integration, I develop the focus on class formation and the internal relation between class and the international for the post-Cold War era. The ‘shift to Europe' within the previously Anglo-centric Atlantic transnational capitalist class alongside developments in the EU's ability to cohesively project power means that a developing bi-polar West must be considered within any understanding of attempts to maintain and reformulate Western hegemony. I consider the EU policy field in this context, focusing on the EU think tank field, as it relates to the ‘global power Europe' discourse; this discourse concerned with harnessing the international legitimacy of the concept of ‘civilian power Europe' for military interventions. I map the ‘global power Europe' think tank network, and assess its position within the formation of a hegemonic bloc. Turning to the field of IR I give a novel reading of the principal salient features of the field's development, as well as allowing an exploration of the field's limitations and possibilities through tracing the trajectories of European approaches to security, seen as the operationalization of European difference within IR. This methodology, focusing on trajectories rather than paradigms, allows an understanding of the effects of IR theories, as well as the limits and possibilities inherent from their conditions of production, beyond that which can be gleaned from the surface of theoretical debates and configurations. Approached from these two different directions – through policy institutes as a capital-policy nexus, and academic discourse as related to its social conditions of production – and exploring the homologies across them gives a non-reductive grasp on the interaction of the ideational and material in the renovation of Western hegemony.
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Gortzak, Yoav. "How great powers rule order enforcement in international politics /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1134632756.

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Akhtar, Shakil. "US politics of betrayal : the Urdu press on Pakistan-US relations since the 1971 War." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2016. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/16626/.

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This research examines the history and structure of the Urdu press discourse on Pakistan-US relations since the 1971 War in order to understand its perceptions of US betrayal. Two of the most popular Urdu newspapers in Pakistan have been studied with reference to three alleged cases of US betrayal. These are: the US failure in the 1971 War to provide sufficient military support to Pakistan to prevent its disintegration; US opposition to Pakistan's nuclear program and ignoring of the security concerns of its ally in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s; and the unilateral US operation conducted on 2 May 2011 targeting Osama bin Laden which violated Pakistan’s sovereignty. The Urdu press has not only been identifying examples of US betrayal of Pakistan since the 1971 War, but also has developed a structure for that discourse. The dominant voices of the discourse generally argue that the US not only betrays but also conspires against Pakistan's security. The discourse offers certain modalities of US conspiracy, such as pressurising tactics like sanctions and attaching conditions onto economic and military aid to Pakistan, or interfering in Pakistan's domestic affairs through diplomatic or undiplomatic means. Further, US conspiracy and betrayal is also rationalised by mainly offering three types of causes. First, it is argued that the US betrays Pakistan in order to pursue its own strategic interests in South Asia. Second, it is argued that the US is a hegemonic, capitalistic force, which conspires against Pakistan in collaboration with the Pakistani ruling elite and betrays it in order to protect its own material interests. Third, it is argued that the US is an anti-Islamic force, which conspires against and repeatedly betrays a Muslim country. Interviews with some of the prominent journalists and politicians conducted for this research also identified some excluded voices within Pakistan which did not agree with this discourse of a US politics of betrayal. Thus, this study analyses the history of the Urdu press discourse which contributes to the social construction of the idea of a US politics of betrayal, but in so doing, it also builds understanding of its structure, and helps to rationalise the perception of a US politics of betrayal since the 1971 War.
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Books on the topic "Hegemony; US; International relations"

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Norrlof, Carla. America's global advantage: US hegemony and international cooperation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Norrlof, Carla. America's global advantage: US hegemony and international cooperation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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America's global advantage: US hegemony and international cooperation. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Cafruny, Alan W. Europe at bay: In the shadow of US hegemony. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2007.

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Petras, James F. US hegemony under siege: Class, politics, and development in Latin America. London: Verso, 1990.

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Institute, Australian Strategic Policy, ed. The eagle in a turbulent world: US and its global role. Barton, A.C.T: Australian Strategic Policy Institute, 2008.

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Cameron, Fraser. US foreign policy after the Cold War: Global hegemon or reluctant sheriff? 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2005.

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Cameron, Fraser. US foreign policy after the Cold War: Global hegemon or reluctant sheriff? New York: Routledge, 2002.

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Constructing a post-war order: The rise of US hegemony and the origins of the Cold War. London: I.B. Tauris, 2011.

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Hegemony & history. London: Routledge, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Hegemony; US; International relations"

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Akaha, Tsuneo. "Japan’s Security Policy After US Hegemony." In The International Relations of Japan, 147–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21016-9_8.

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Knight, W. Andy. "US hegemony." In International Organization and Global Governance, 311–24. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315301914-26.

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Brown, Chris. "Hegemony, Conflict and Cooperation." In Understanding International Relations, 166–85. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25487-3_9.

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Dreher, Sabine. "Business Fundamentalism and US Hegemony." In Religions in International Political Economy, 51–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41472-6_3.

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Badri, Farhood. "Struggling for post-secular hegemony." In Islam in International Relations, 124–45. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Worlding beyond the West ; 17: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315513577-7.

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Scarfi, Juan Pablo, and Andrew R. Tillman. "Cooperation and Hegemony in US-Latin American Relations." In Cooperation and Hegemony in US-Latin American Relations, 1–30. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137510747_1.

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Dong, Wang. "The liberal international order." In US–China Foreign Relations, 33–40. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-4.

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De Keersmaeker, Goedele. "American Hegemony, Empire and Unipolarity." In Polarity, Balance of Power and International Relations Theory, 187–207. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42652-5_7.

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Twining, Daniel. "A US Perspective." In International Relations and Asia’s Southern Tier, 343–48. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3171-7_21.

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Epstein, Charlotte. "Stop telling us how to behave." In Against International Relations Norms, 74–86. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Worlding beyond the West ; 13: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315665955-5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Hegemony; US; International relations"

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P., Btari Istigfarrah P., and I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana. "Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy: US Pivot to Asia." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278604480454.

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Ardi, Havid, Don Narius, and Saunir Saun. "US Hegemony in The Indonesian Subtitle of The Act of Valor? A Critical Discourse Analysis." In Proceedings of the Sixth of International Conference on English Language and Teaching (ICOELT 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icoelt-18.2019.10.

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Li, Pengchong, and Yongping Niu. "Research on China–US Economic and Trade Relations." In Proceedings of the 2019 3rd International Conference on Education, Economics and Management Research (ICEEMR 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.191221.061.

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Liu, Wenheng. "Reflections on the Construction of New China-US Relations." In 2020 3rd International Conference on Humanities Education and Social Sciences (ICHESS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201214.542.

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Mark, Craig. "From ANZUS to AJUS? Contemporary US-Japan-Australia Security Relations." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science Technology Forum, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir12.43.

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ALMadani, Ahmed, and Muhamad Muttaqien. "Donald Trump's Decision between the Transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem and Modify the Nuclear Deal with Iran." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010276202970301.

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Chen, Keqin, Kun Zhu, and Yixin Meng. "After the trade war, where the path leads to Sino-US relations?" In the 2019 2nd International Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3357292.3357297.

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Rieffer-Flanagan, Barb. "Promoting the Fundamental Human Right of Religious Liberty in US Foreign Policy." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir14.11.

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Quilala IV, Bayani. "AN ASEAN MARITIME REGIME: DEFUSING SINO-US RIVALRY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science Technology Forum, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir12.87.

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Niu, Haihua, and Xue Zhang. "The Impact of Sino-US Relations in 1980s on China s Economic Development." In 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.25.

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Reports on the topic "Hegemony; US; International relations"

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Kelly, Luke. Characteristics of Global Health Diplomacy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.09.

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This rapid review focuses on Global Health Diplomacy and defines it as a method of interaction between the different stakeholders of the public health sector in a bid to promote representation, cooperation, promotion of the right to health and improvement of health systems for vulnerable populations on a global scale. It is the link between health and international relations. GHD has various actors including states, intergovernmental organizations, private companies, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations. Foreign policies can be integrated into national health in various ways i.e., designing institutions to govern practices regarding health diplomacy (i.e., health and foreign affairs ministries), creating and promoting norms and ideas that support foreign policy integration and promoting policies that deal with specific issues affecting the different actors in the GHD arena to encourage states to integrate them into their national health strategies. GHD is classified into core diplomacy – where there are bilateral and multilateral negotiations which may lead to binding agreements, multistakeholder diplomacy – where there are multilateral and bilateral negotiations which do not lead to binding agreements and informal diplomacy – which are interactions between other actors in the public health sector i.e., NGOs and Intergovernmental Organizations. The US National Security Strategy of 2010 highlighted the matters to be considered while drafting a health strategy as: the prevalence of the disease, the potential of the state to treat the disease and the value of affected areas. The UK Government Strategy found the drivers of health strategies to be self-interest (protecting security and economic interests of the state), enhancing the UK’s reputation, and focusing on global health to help others. The report views health diplomacy as a field which requires expertise from different disciplines, especially in the field of foreign policy and public health. The lack of diplomatic expertise and health expertise have been cited as barriers to integrating health into foreign policies. States and other actors should collaborate to promote the right to health globally.
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Hunter, Fraser, and Martin Carruthers. Iron Age Scotland. Society for Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.193.

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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings:  Building blocks: The ultimate aim should be to build rich, detailed and testable narratives situated within a European context, and addressing phenomena from the longue durée to the short-term over international to local scales. Chronological control is essential to this and effective dating strategies are required to enable generation-level analysis. The ‘serendipity factor’ of archaeological work must be enhanced by recognising and getting the most out of information-rich sites as they appear. o There is a pressing need to revisit the archives of excavated sites to extract more information from existing resources, notably through dating programmes targeted at regional sequences – the Western Isles Atlantic roundhouse sequence is an obvious target. o Many areas still lack anything beyond the baldest of settlement sequences, with little understanding of the relations between key site types. There is a need to get at least basic sequences from many more areas, either from sustained regional programmes or targeted sampling exercises. o Much of the methodologically innovative work and new insights have come from long-running research excavations. Such large-scale research projects are an important element in developing new approaches to the Iron Age.  Daily life and practice: There remains great potential to improve the understanding of people’s lives in the Iron Age through fresh approaches to, and integration of, existing and newly-excavated data. o House use. Rigorous analysis and innovative approaches, including experimental archaeology, should be employed to get the most out of the understanding of daily life through the strengths of the Scottish record, such as deposits within buildings, organic preservation and waterlogging. o Material culture. Artefact studies have the potential to be far more integral to understandings of Iron Age societies, both from the rich assemblages of the Atlantic area and less-rich lowland finds. Key areas of concern are basic studies of material groups (including the function of everyday items such as stone and bone tools, and the nature of craft processes – iron, copper alloy, bone/antler and shale offer particularly good evidence). Other key topics are: the role of ‘art’ and other forms of decoration and comparative approaches to assemblages to obtain synthetic views of the uses of material culture. o Field to feast. Subsistence practices are a core area of research essential to understanding past society, but different strands of evidence need to be more fully integrated, with a ‘field to feast’ approach, from production to consumption. The working of agricultural systems is poorly understood, from agricultural processes to cooking practices and cuisine: integrated work between different specialisms would assist greatly. There is a need for conceptual as well as practical perspectives – e.g. how were wild resources conceived? o Ritual practice. There has been valuable work in identifying depositional practices, such as deposition of animals or querns, which are thought to relate to house-based ritual practices, but there is great potential for further pattern-spotting, synthesis and interpretation. Iron Age Scotland: ScARF Panel Report v  Landscapes and regions:  Concepts of ‘region’ or ‘province’, and how they changed over time, need to be critically explored, because they are contentious, poorly defined and highly variable. What did Iron Age people see as their geographical horizons, and how did this change?  Attempts to understand the Iron Age landscape require improved, integrated survey methodologies, as existing approaches are inevitably partial.  Aspects of the landscape’s physical form and cover should be investigated more fully, in terms of vegetation (known only in outline over most of the country) and sea level change in key areas such as the firths of Moray and Forth.  Landscapes beyond settlement merit further work, e.g. the use of the landscape for deposition of objects or people, and what this tells us of contemporary perceptions and beliefs.  Concepts of inherited landscapes (how Iron Age communities saw and used this longlived land) and socal resilience to issues such as climate change should be explored more fully.  Reconstructing Iron Age societies. The changing structure of society over space and time in this period remains poorly understood. Researchers should interrogate the data for better and more explicitly-expressed understandings of social structures and relations between people.  The wider context: Researchers need to engage with the big questions of change on a European level (and beyond). Relationships with neighbouring areas (e.g. England, Ireland) and analogies from other areas (e.g. Scandinavia and the Low Countries) can help inform Scottish studies. Key big topics are: o The nature and effect of the introduction of iron. o The social processes lying behind evidence for movement and contact. o Parallels and differences in social processes and developments. o The changing nature of houses and households over this period, including the role of ‘substantial houses’, from crannogs to brochs, the development and role of complex architecture, and the shift away from roundhouses. o The chronology, nature and meaning of hillforts and other enclosed settlements. o Relationships with the Roman world
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