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Journal articles on the topic 'Heath, Edward'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Campbell, John. "Edward Heath." Contemporary Record 2, no. 2 (June 1988): 27–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619468808580968.

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2

Roseman, Saul. "Edward Charles Heath." Archives of Biochemistry and Biophysics 243, no. 1 (November 1985): viii—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0003-9861(85)90803-3.

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3

Huey, Raymond B., and C. Richard Tracy. "James Edward Heath." Physiological and Biochemical Zoology 91, no. 2 (March 2018): 834–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696899.

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4

Lennarz, W. J. "Edward C. Heath, 1926–1984." Trends in Biochemical Sciences 10, no. 7 (July 1985): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0968-0004(85)90079-9.

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5

Chepik, Victor N. "A Quiet Revolution of Edward Heath." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 62, no. 4 (2017): 855–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2017.412.

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6

원태준. "Edward Heath, Paul VI and the Troubles in Northern Ireland." SA-CHONG(sa) ll, no. 82 (May 2014): 287–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..82.201405.287.

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7

Spelling, Alex. "Edward Heath and Anglo–American Relations 1970–1974: A Reappraisal." Diplomacy & Statecraft 20, no. 4 (December 10, 2009): 638–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290903455766.

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8

Heppell, Timothy, and Michael Hill. "Prime Ministerial Powers of Patronage: Ministerial Appointments and Dismissals Under Edward Heath." Contemporary British History 29, no. 4 (February 9, 2015): 464–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2014.997715.

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9

Novak, Andrew. "Averting an African Boycott: British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (March 2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.

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In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it isolate West Germany and create a controversy similar to South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics. With the help of Foreign Minister Alec Douglas-Home, Heath manoeuvred Conservative Party factionalism on the issue of Rhodesian sanctions and the Party's traditionally ambiguous relationship with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. The merger between the Foreign Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office coincided with this increased emphasis on European foreign policy matters, the Foreign Office's traditional expertise. Ultimately, Rhodesia was excluded from the Olympics despite Heath's hesitation, and the threatened African boycott movement proved to be a critical episode toward the development of the Gleneagles Agreement, which ultimately led to the sporting isolation of South Africa in 1978. Relying on documents in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Archives, the International Olympic Committee Archives, the Avery Brundage papers at the University of Illinois, and microfilm of African newspapers, this paper reconstructs the pressures on Heath and the International Olympic Committee to expel Rhodesia.
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10

Young, John. "A Case Study in Summitry: The Experience of Britain's Edward Heath, 1970-74." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, no. 3 (2006): 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x162035.

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AbstractWhile summits are well served in the literature on diplomacy, the focus tends to be on specific, high-profile occasions such as Munich and Yalta or on the broad experience of multilateral conferences. Such approaches may obscure the full range of summits that were taking place by the later twentieth century. By focusing on a four-year period in the experience of a particular leader, this article provides a case study of summitry, which might serve as the basis for comparisons with other countries and time periods. It draws out the frequency, type and geographical range of summits experienced by Edward Heath as British premier and, in doing so, also raises issues about how types of summits are defined, the relationship between bilateral and multilateral meetings and the way that summitry has evolved as a diplomatic practice. In particular it emerges that summits were frequent and ofen perfunctory affairs, sometimes held as a simple courtesy to leaders who were passing through London. In this sense the British experience may have been unusual, but it is also evident from the number of Heath's interlocutors and the multilateral conferences that he attended that summits had become an integral part of political life for world leaders in the jet age.
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11

Pentland, G. "Edward Heath, the Declaration of Perth and the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party, 1966-70." Twentieth Century British History 26, no. 2 (January 5, 2015): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwu064.

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12

PARR, HELEN. "The British Decision to Upgrade Polaris, 1970–4." Contemporary European History 22, no. 2 (April 4, 2013): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000076.

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AbstractThis article adopts a political approach to examine the reasons why Edward Heath's government wanted to upgrade Polaris and the reasons why they did so by way of a programme called Super Antelope, to improve the front-ends of the missiles against Soviet Anti-Ballistic Missile defence, as opposed to the alternatives on offer. It argues that the political contexts within which Heath took the decision have been insufficiently understood, and shows that the acceptance of the ‘Moscow criterion’ – the understanding that Britain had to have the capability to destroy Moscow – by central government represented continuity in Britain's cold war stance.
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13

Robb, Thomas. "The Power of Oil: Edward Heath, the ‘Year of Europe’ and the Anglo-American ‘Special Relationship’." Contemporary British History 26, no. 1 (March 2012): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2012.656390.

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14

Gordon, Christopher J. "In memory of Professor James Edward Heath: Co-founding editor of the Journal of Thermal Biology." Journal of Thermal Biology 69 (October 2017): iii—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtherbio.2017.07.013.

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15

Turnbull, Thomas. "‘No Solution to the Immediate Crisis’: The Uncertain Political Economy of Energy Conservation in 1970s Britain." Contemporary European History 31, no. 4 (November 2022): 570–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777322000625.

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This article traces one aspect of Britain's approach to the political economy of energy conservation. It focuses on the forecasting work of Royal Dutch Shell and the deliberations of the Heath government. In the late 1960s, the oil major Shell predicted that oil-producing states would impose an embargo on oil-consuming states. Energy conservation policies would be necessary. In tracing the reception of Shell's ‘crisis’ scenario and its proposed resolution, this article details how these ideas were received by Edward Heath's Conservative government, particularly its ‘think-tank’, the Central Policy Review Staff. In the short term, interventionist policies were proposed so as to demonstrate Britain's ability to operate without ever-increasing oil consumption, while in the long term the idea was that the energy-saving capacities of a freely-operating market could address the problem. The article recounts the confusion these proposed conservation policies provoked, and how the second idea gradually coalesced and ultimately outlasted the Heath government, providing one justification for the eventual privatisation of Britain's formerly nationalised energy industries.
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16

Green, E. H. H. "Thatcherism: An Historical Perspective." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (December 1999): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679391.

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Margaret Thatcher resigned as Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative party in November 1990, but both she and the political ideology to which her name has been appended continue to fascinate pundits and scholars. Indeed, since Thatcher's resignation in November 1990, curiosity about her political legacy has, if anything, increased, fuelled in part by the memoirs produced by the ex-premier herself and a large number of her one-time Cabinet colleagues. Since the early 1980s the bulk of work that has appeared on Thatcherism has been dominated either by what one might describe as the ‘higher journalism’ or by political science scholarship, both of which have been most exercised by the questions of what Thatcherism was and where it took British politics and society. In this essay I want to look at Thatcherism from an historical perspective and thus ask a different question, namely where did Thatcherism, and in particular the political economy of Thatcherism, come from?Given that Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative party in 1975 this might seem a logical starting-point from which to track Thatcherism's origins. Some have argued, however, that Thatcher's election in itself was of little importance, in that the Conservative party's leadership contest in 1975 was a competition not to be Edward Heath, and that Thatcher won because she was more obviously not Edward Heath than anyone else. This emphasis on the personal aspects of the leadership issue necessarily plays down any ideological significance of Thatcher's victory, a point often reinforced by reference to the fact that key elements of the policy agenda that came to be associated with Thatcherism, notably privatisation, were by no means clearly articulated in the late 1970s and did not appear in the Conservative Election Manifesto of 1979.
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17

Kurz, R. "The Satanist Cult of Ted Heath: Ethical Implications of Authority Compromise." European Psychiatry 33, S1 (March 2016): S456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2016.01.1658.

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IntroductionSeven UK police forces are currently investigating the alleged involvement of the late Edward Heath (Prime Minister 1970–1974) in a child abuse ring with Operation Midland investigating specifically the alleged murder of three boys.ObjectiveThe presentation raises international awareness of the investigation, sheds light on the suspected ‘Satanist’ ideology behind the cult and explores the implications for professional practice.AimsThe paper highlights the corrosive impact on society of powerful pedophile rings that are protected by compromised authority representatives and professionals.MethodDetailed accounts circulate on the Internet that name dozens of individuals allegedly active in the cult including high-ranking politicians, psychiatrists, psychologist, police officers as well as journalists and academics. Some of the alleged crimes can be corroborated with news reports or successful court prosecutions while the vast majority appear to be ‘known crimes’ that are successfully covered up.ResultsThe widespread organisational structures parallel the Marc Dutroux case in Belgium. It appears to be the case that compromised mental health professionals and authority representatives shield the cult. It becomes an ethical obligation for the silent majority to speak out against such criminality and demand from their government effective investigation and prosecution.ConclusionWhilst an enquiry into historical allegations of institutional abuse is currently underway in the UK several cases emerged recently where satanic cults seemingly continue to be protected by the vested interests. Mental health professionals must stand up for victims and resist ill-conceived authority attempts to persecute abuse survivors and their supporters.Disclosure of interestThe author has not supplied his declaration of competing interest.
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18

Kuiken, Jonathan. "Striking the Balance: Intervention versus Non-intervention in Britain's Oil Policy, 1957–1970." Britain and the World 8, no. 1 (March 2015): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0165.

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This article focuses on attempts by the British Government to reexamine and recalibrate its oil policy following the Suez Crisis until the election of the Conservative Government of Edward Heath in 1970. It argues that despite a long-term strategy of non-intervention in the affairs of Britain's two domestically-based oil companies, British Petroleum and Shell, repeated Government attempts to increase the effectiveness of its oil policy in meeting its twin goal of security of supply and profitability to the British economy led to a gradual increase in state intervention in oil matters. The unintended consequence of this process was the deterioration of relations with BP and Shell, leading to the breakdown of Britain's traditional approach of allowing the firms to handle oil matters independently.
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19

UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "Lonrho in Africa: The Unacceptable Face of Capitalism or the Ugly Face of Neo-Colonialism?" Enterprise & Society 16, no. 2 (April 15, 2015): 354–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2014.31.

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Under the leadership of Tiny Rowland, Lonrho became the largest and most widely established company in post-independence Africa. Using newly available materials mainly from the National Archives London, this article investigates the activities of Lonrho in Africa and the company’s relationship with the British government during the period. Although Prime Minister Edward Heath publicly labeled the company as the “unacceptable face of capitalism,” evidence presented in this article suggests that this was at best a normative assertion. The subsequent Department of Trade and Industry investigation of Lonrho was carefully guided by the British government with the objective of protecting wider British interests in Africa. Evidence in this article therefore contradicts the view that the British government did not work “in concert” with British businesses in Africa once political independence became imminent.
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20

Parr, Helen. "‘The Nuclear Myth’: Edward Heath, Europe, and the International Politics of Anglo-French Nuclear Co-Operation 1970–3." International History Review 35, no. 3 (June 2013): 534–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.795494.

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21

Dunn, David Hastings. "Summit Diplomacy: High-Level Meeting or Courtesy Call? A Response to John Young." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 2 (2007): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x207142.

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AbstractThis essay is written in response to John Young's article in issue 1:3 of this journal, 'A Case Study in Summitry: The Experience of Britain's Edward Heath, 1979-1974', which chronicles the period's face-to-face meetings between heads of government. In his analysis, Young uses the definition of summitry that I set out in my 1996 book Diplomacy at the Highest Level: The Evolution of International Summitry. And yet in applying this definition of summitry as he does, he demonstrates the limitations of both this definition and indeed this approach to the study of diplomatic history in general.This article presents a critique of Young's use of summitry as a tool for understanding the diplomacy of the Heath administration in particular and diplomatic studies in general. It argues that the use of summitry in this way is a distorting lens through which to approach such an analysis. The article argues that Young's approach both overprivileges actual meetings as opposed to other executive involvement in diplomacy and downplays more significant activities, which fall outside this definition. If casual courtesy visits are to be included as summits, there is clearly something wrong with the definition being used. If this definition were to stand, then the term 'summit' and the use of summitry as a device for understanding diplomatic activity would be rendered meaningless. The article ends by suggesting new ways of defining summitry and pointing to the need for new research in this area.
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22

Beer, Barrett L. "Episcopacy and Reform in Mid-Tudor England." Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050604.

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In Tudor Prelates and Politics, Lacey Baldwin Smith wrote sympathetically of the dilemma faced by the conservative bishops who saw control over the Church of England slip from their grasp after the accession of Edward VI in 1547, but he gave less attention to the reforming bishops who worked to advance the Protestant cause. At the beginning of the new reign the episcopal bench, according to Smith's calculations, included twelve conservatives, seven reformers, and seven whose religious orientation could not be determined (see Table 1). The ranks of the conservatives were thinned as a consequence of the deprivation of Stephen Gardiner of Winchester, Edmund Bonner of London, Nicholas Heath of Worcester, George Day of Chichester, and Cuthbert Tunstall of Durham. On the other hand, eight new bishops were appointed between 1547 and 1553. These new men together with the Henrician reformers, of whom Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, was most important, had responsibility for leading the church during the period which saw the most extensive changes of the Reformation era. This essay examines the careers of the newly-appointed reforming bishops and attempts to assess their achievements and failures as they worked to create a reformed church in England.The first of the eight new bishops appointed during the reign of Edward VI was Nicholas Ridley, who was named Bishop of Rochester in 1547 and translated to London in 1550. In 1548 Robert Ferrar became Bishop of St. David's in Wales. No new episcopal appointments occurred in 1549, but during the following year John Ponet succeeded Ridley at Rochester while John Hooper took the see of Gloucester.
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23

Pavlenko, Valerii. "The United Kingdom’s Entry into the European Economic Community (1960’s – early 1970’s)." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.3.

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The author of the article examines the history of the United Kingdom’s entry into the European Economic Community in the 1960’s and early 1970’s, namely, he analyses the historical experience of the country’s transformation from a world Empire to a European power. The article is primarily focused on the fact that the United Kingdom’s policy on Western European integration has evolved considerably since the late 1950’s. It is noted that at the beginning of the 1960’s, the Europeanization of attitudes was gradually developing both in the UK’s power structures and among the population. The key reasons for the negative outcome of the UK’s first attempt to join the EEC are considered. Position and role of the country’s government executives in the development and implementation of the European integration policy are determined. It is stated that a major barrier to the United Kingdom’s entry into the European community was the position of France, which did not want the British to become full-fledged EEC member. It is pointed out that significant progress in the rapprochement of the UK and the EEC was achieved only at the end of 1969, with the decision to expand this organization. It is noted that it was after the meeting of Georges Pompidou and Edward Heath that an agreement on the terms of UK’s entry into the European Economic Community was finally reached. The article also focuses on the analysis of benefits of membership in the European Community for the British people. The special role of the Edward Heath’s ministry, during whose term of office it was decided to consider London’s Western European policy as a priority, is pointed out. And finally, it is determined that the adaptation of the United Kingdom as a member of the EEC has lasted many years, during which many issues arising have not been resolved.
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24

Smith, J. "'Walking a Real Tight-rope of Difficulties': Sir Edward Heath and the Search for Stability in Northern Ireland, June 1970-March 1971." Twentieth Century British History 18, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 219–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwm008.

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25

Bentley, Michael. "Liberal Toryism in the Twentieth Century." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679220.

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DUST has scarcely had time to settle on Lady Thatcher; yet already a thick sediment of historical significance attaches to the fifteen years of her ascendancy. The period between 1975 and 1990 looks likely to prove as significant for the political ideologies of the twenty-first century as that between, say, 1885 and 1906 currently looks for our own. In the twilight world of John Major (who appears part-antidote, part-surrogate), Conservative ideology is becoming informed by reviews from both sides as they reflect on not only what went wrong but what it was that seemingly went so right, from a party point of view, for so long. We have just had placed before us, for example, John Campbell's admirable biography of Sir Edward Heath, on theone hand, and Alan Clark's transfixing diaries very much on the other. Such documents supplement amass of theorising and comment by political scientists and journalists, most of which dwells on the twin themes of discontinuity and dichotomy. The history of the Tory party is seen to enter a period of catastrophe by the end of the Heath government out of which there emerges a distinct party ideology which people call ‘Thatcherism’: a ‘New Conservatism’ radically distinct from the compromise and accommodation that marked politics after 1951. But that process was contested within the party—hence a dichotomy between two persuasions: the hawks and the doves, the dries and the wets, the Tories and the Conservatives, the true blues and the Liberals. Language of this kind has a particular interest to historians. They want to raise issues about its chronological deep-structure: how ‘new’ was this ‘New Conservatism’?. They recognise the need to situate the dichotomies of the moment in a wider context of Conservative experience: how singular is a doctrine of dichotomy within Conservative party doctrine? Above all they bring into question bald postulates about the nature of current Conservatism which do not compare experience across time
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26

Gause, F. Gregory. "British and American policies in the Persian Gulf, 1968–1973." Review of International Studies 11, no. 4 (October 1, 1985): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114172.

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The West is now less dependent on Persian Gulf oil than at any time in the last decade. However, the area remains economically and strategically vital. The fact that the recent escalation of hostilities in the desultory Iran-Iraq war has attracted world-wide attention bears disturbing witness to the West's continuing vulnerability in this region. This vulnerability stems, in part, from three crucial decisions—two made in London and one in Washington—during the years 1968 to 1973, Until then, the Persian Gulf was viewed, when it was considered at all, as something of an international anachronism—a sleepy outpost of the fast-dwindling British Empire where Britannia still ruled the waves and the ‘Pax Britannica’ applied as it had since the 1820s. In that six-year period the Labour government of Harold Wilson announced that Britain would end its historic role in the Gulf; the Conservative government of Edward Heath chose not to alter the Labour policy, despite indications that it would do so; and the Nixon administration decided not to ‘fill the vacuum’. This paper assesses these three cases in terms of decision making theory, testing the utility of various theoretical decision making paradigms. Developments in the Gulf itself are treated only in so far as they had an effect on the making of policy in London and Washington.
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27

LUTSENKO, Roman. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL NATIONALLY-BIASED VOCABULARY IN PRESENT-DAY BRITISH POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF DIFEERENT VIDEOGENRES." Folia Philologica, no. 2 (2021): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/folia.philologica/2021/2/2.

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Social and political nationally-biased vocabulary plays an important role in shaping the cultural paradigm of each country as it relates to various aspects of human activity and embodies the view of events in the history of the country from the point of view of politicians, as well as experts in certain fields. The presence of a large number of social and political nationally-biased vocabulary determines the genre specifics of their construction in mass media. It preconditions the relevance of the social and political nationally-biased vocabulary of Great Britain studies in the context of video genres diversity, among which are debates, political shows, and video interviews. In the discourse under consideration meaning making takes place in integration of different semiotic modes. In particular, verbal – scripts of original video interviews, political shows, and debates, where socio-political nationally-biased vocabulary functions. In turn, visual mode is represented by static and dynamic visual images. The former include photos, diagrams, graphs, etc. Dynamic images embrace change of visual images in videos. Both static and dynamic images accompany verbal representation of nationally-biased vocabulary. Kinesic semiotic mode is manifested via gestures, facial expressions of participants in original video interviews, political shows, and debates. An auditory mode is represented by a melody that accompanies the verbal representation of nationally-biased vocabulary. The aim of the article is to identify the nature and types of social and political nationally-biased vocabulary in present-day British political discourse of various video genres. The concept of "social and political nationally-biased vocabulary" is defined, the classification of social and political nationallybiased vocabulary from the standpoint of multimodality theory is specified. The article reveals specific features of the use of social and political nationally-biased vocabulary by the representatives of British political elite. The paper analyzes several excerpts from the interviews with Edward Heath, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in 1970-1974 on Thames Television and the current Prime Minister Boris Johnson on BBC. A comparative analysis of the interviewer's methods of interaction with the guest of the TV program is performed. It has been proved that non-verbal communication plays an important role in present-day political discourse.
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28

Edmonston, Barry. "Handbook of Migration and Health." Canadian Studies in Population 45, no. 3-4 (August 30, 2018): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.25336/csp29417.

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29

Davis, Audrey B. "The Health Century. Edward Shorter." Isis 81, no. 3 (September 1990): 609–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/355527.

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30

McDaniel, Susan. "Sick of Inequality? An Introduction to the Relationship between Inequality and Health." Canadian Studies in Population 45, no. 3-4 (August 30, 2018): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.25336/csp29434.

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31

Duckett, Stephen. "Commentary on the King Edward Inquiry: every defect a treasure." Australian Health Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah030024.

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32

Wiedemann, H. R. "Edward Jenner." European Journal of Pediatrics 149, no. 9 (June 1990): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02034739.

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33

Schirren, C. "Edward Wallerstein: Circumcision - An American Health Fallacy." Andrologia 17, no. 6 (April 24, 2009): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-0272.1985.tb01708.x.

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34

Mclean, Jenny, and Michael Walsh. "Lessons from the Inquiry into Obstetrics and Gynaecology Services at King Edward Memorial Hospital 1990-2000." Australian Health Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah030012.

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The Douglas Inquiry investigated the Obstetrics and Gynaecological services at King Edward Memorial Hospital from 1990-2000.Performance deficiencies were identified at state,board and hospital level contributing to poor outcomes for women,babies and families.The Inquiry raises important issues about clinical governance,leadership and culture, accountability and responsibility, safety and quality systems, staff support and development, and concern for patients and their families.The King Edward,Bristol and Royal Melbourne Hospital inquiries reveal important similarities and key lessons for governments,health care leaders and providers.The health care industry must ensure effective clinical governance supporting a culture of inquiry and open disclosure,and must build rigorous systems to monitor and improve health care safety and quality.
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35

Goyette, Alexandra, Glorian P. Yen, Voica Racovitan, Parambir Bhangu, Smita Kothari, and Eduardo L. Franco. "Evolution of Public Health Human Papillomavirus Immunization Programs in Canada." Current Oncology 28, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 991–1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/curroncol28010097.

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Background: Since 2007, all Canadian provinces and territories have had a publicly funded program for vaccination against human papillomavirus (HPV) infection. The objective of this study was to describe the evolution of these vaccination programs. Methods: This was a targeted literature review of public HPV vaccination programs and vaccination coverage rates, based on information provided by jurisdictional public health authorities. Results: HPV vaccination of schoolgirls began in school years 2007/08 to 2010/11 with three doses of the quadrivalent HPV vaccine in all provinces except Quebec, which started with two doses. By 2018/19, all jurisdictions were vaccinating with two doses of the nonavalent vaccine in both girls and boys, except Quebec, which used a mixed vaccination schedule with one dose of the nonavalent and one dose of the bivalent vaccines. Public HPV vaccination programs in most provinces include after-school catch-up vaccination. Immunocompromised or other high-risk individuals are eligible for the HPV public vaccination program in most provinces, but policies vary by jurisdiction. In 2017/18, vaccination coverage rates in provincial HPV school-based programs varied from 62% in Ontario to 86% in Prince Edward Island in girls and from 58% in Ontario to 86% in Prince Edward Island in boys. Conclusions: Since their introduction, Canadian school-based HPV public vaccination programs have evolved from a three-dose to a two-dose schedule, from a quadrivalent to a nonavalent vaccine, and from a girls-only to a gender-neutral policy. Vaccination coverage rates have varied markedly and only Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland/Labrador have maintained rates exceeding 80%.
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36

Barraclough, Bruce. "Commentary on the King Edward Inquiry: perspectives from the Chair, Australian Council for Safety and Quality in Health Care." Australian Health Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah030026.

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37

Pelechaty, Evan. "A Close Examination of Edward Fry and His Report on British Parliamentary Proceedings Pertaining to the Opium Wars and Subsequent Government Policies." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (April 11, 2022): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3694.

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This paper analyzes Edward Fry’s 1876 report on parliamentary proceedings pertaining to the opium trade. In the report, Edward Fry criticized British involvement in the Opium Wars and subsequent opium trade by arguing that Britain should not force the import of opium into China because it was destroying the health and welfare of Chinese citizens. Instead, Fry suggested that the British Empire should assume responsibility by outlawing the sale of opium and refunding the opium farmers in China and India. Edward Fry was not advocating for the end of British presence in China, but he was promoting British imperialist rhetoric and ideology with the goal of extending western influence in China especially through the reputation of missionaries. Although Fry’s report condemned British involvement in the Opium Wars and their support of the trade, he still supported British imperialism in China. This paper provides a brief biography on Edward Fry and discusses his anti-opium stance, his predominant view on the opium trade during the 1870’s, and how these events reflected deeper colonial trends.
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38

Salib, Emad. "John Edward Barclay." Psychiatric Bulletin 31, no. 10 (October 2007): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.bp.107.017467.

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39

Rollin, Henry R., GBS, and AR. "Brian Edward Oliver." Psychiatric Bulletin 14, no. 5 (May 1990): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.14.5.315-b.

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40

Berlyne, N. "Professor Edward Anderson." Psychiatric Bulletin 12, no. 5 (May 1, 1988): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.12.5.202.

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41

Launer, M. A. "Edward Townley Downham." Psychiatric Bulletin 21, no. 3 (March 1997): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.21.3.191.

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42

Crammer, John. "Edward Henry Hare." Psychiatric Bulletin 21, no. 5 (May 1997): 312–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.21.5.312-a.

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43

Lambert, Barrie. "Professor Edward Radford." Journal of Radiological Protection 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0952-4746/22/2/601.

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44

Hirschmann, JV. "Charles Edward Smith: Coccidioidomycologist and public health leader." Journal of Medical Biography 28, no. 1 (January 22, 2020): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772019896973.

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Although Charles Edward Smith did not discover coccidioidomycosis, he defined the disease through his infatigueable studies of the epidemiology, clinical findings, and immunology of this infection. He became its preeminent authority. He also had an important role in the development of public health, and for the last 16 years of his life he was the Dean of the School of Public Health at the University of California at Berkeley, where he was a revered and energetic leader.
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45

Weegmann, Martin. "Edward Khantzian Interview." Journal of Groups in Addiction & Recovery 1, no. 2 (July 20, 2006): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j384v01n02_03.

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46

Hindle, Don. "Commentary on the King Edward Inquiry: coming soon to a theatre near you." Australian Health Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah030030.

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47

Anonymous. "Edward C. Lauterbach, MD." Psychiatric Annals 32, no. 2 (February 2002): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3928/0048-5713-20020201-04.

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48

AS. "Edward John Mostyn Bowlby." Psychiatric Bulletin 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.15.1.60.

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49

MMW. "Edward John Campbell Hewitt." Psychiatric Bulletin 11, no. 10 (October 1, 1987): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.11.10.357.

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50

Rollin, H. R. "Michael Edward York-Moore." Psychiatric Bulletin 11, no. 9 (September 1, 1987): 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.11.9.321-a.

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