Academic literature on the topic 'Heart Politics movement'
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Journal articles on the topic "Heart Politics movement"
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Tagesson, Helena. "A Yearning of the Heart: Spirituality and Politics." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 1 (2006): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106776150171.
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AbstractThis text is a personal account of some of my experiences as an activist within the global justice movement and also as a Buddhist practitioner, and how these two ways of striving for human emancipation interlink and mutually reinforce each other. Using examples from the Swedish Attac movement and the EU summit mobilisations in Gothenburg in 2001, the text argues that social movement activism is often existentially challenging, in that its participants are made aware of their inability to live up to their own ideals of equality, inclusion, justice and dignity. Many activists experience a kind of deep, existential disappointment with themselves and their organisations, which makes it hard to sustain engagement, especially since most movements do not have a language for or a culture of speaking about these processes. The text shares experiences of using teachings and practices of teachers such as Thich Nhat Hanh, Chögyam Trungpa and Pema Chödrön in order to understand and integrate such disappointment and sustain engagement.
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Verloo, Mieke, and Anna Van der Vleuten. "Trans* Politics: Current Challenges and Contestations Regarding Bodies, Recognition, and Trans* Organising." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 18, 2020): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.3651.
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This thematic issue analyses trans* politics, and the problems and policies articulated by societal, political and legal actors in national and international contexts in Europe and Latin America. Trans* issues are at the heart of politics concerning sex and gender, because the sex binary ordering is producing the categories, identities, and related social relationships around which gender inequalities are constructed. Scholarship on trans* politics promises to bring more fundamental knowledge about how the gender binary organisation of our societies is (dis)functional, and is therefore relevant and beneficial for all gender and politics scholarship. Contestations around trans* issues continue developing, between state and non-state actors, transgender people and medical professionals, and also among and between social movements. This thematic issue is our contribution to dimensions of trans* politics that revolve around the issue of sexed and gendered bodies (the making and unmaking of “deviant” bodies, non-binary language about bodies, and voice given in bodily re/assignments), the limits of recognition (undermining of trans* agency, persistent binary thinking, and disconnect with material dimensions of gender justice), and the potential of trans* movements (processes and practices through which political claims are generated in the movement, a more forward looking and pro-active perspective on the possibility of alliances between the feminist and the trans* projects, and between the trans* project and the disability project, and alliances of movement actors with institutional power holders such as international courts).
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Kenis, Anneleen. "Clashing Tactics, Clashing Generations: The Politics of the School Strikes for Climate in Belgium." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3869.
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Much has been written about the challenges of tackling climate change in post-political times. However, times have changed significantly since the onset of the debate on post-politics in environmental scholarship. We have entered a politicised, even polarised world which, as this article argues, a number of voices within the climate movement paradoxically try to bring together again. This article scrutinises new climate movements in a changing world, focusing on the School Strikes for Climate in Belgium. It shows how the movement, through the establishment of an intergenerational conflict line and a strong politicisation of tactics, has succeeded in putting the topic at the heart of the public agenda for months on end. By claiming that we need mobilisation, not studying, the movement went straight against the hegemonic, technocratic understanding of climate politics at the time. However, by keeping its demands empty and establishing a homogenised fault line, the movement made itself vulnerable to forms of neutralisation and recuperation by forces which have an interest in restoring the post-political consensus around technocratic and market-oriented answers to climate change. This might also partly explain its gradual decline. Instead of recycling post-political discourses of the past, this article claims, the challenge is to seize the ‘populist moment’ and build a politicised movement around climate change. One way of doing that is by no longer projecting climate change into the future but reframing the ‘now’ as the moment of crisis which calls on us to build another future.
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Larrabure, Manuel, and Carlos Torchia. "The 2011 Chilean Student Movement and the Struggle for a New Left." Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 5 (August 20, 2014): 248–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x14547506.
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The Chilean student movement that began in early 2011 poses a significant challenge to Chilean neoliberalism and is beginning to reconfigure left politics within the country. Specifically, the movement’s demands for free education and public control of strategic domestic industries strikes at the heart of neoliberalism in Chile. In addition, in emphasizing the importance of participatory democracy and mass participation, the movement goes beyond the boundaries of the established left and is now struggling to create a new left capable of furthering its political goals. This emerging left roughly fits within the politics of autonomism. In doing so, it displays a break from the experiences of twentieth-century left politics and is consistent with other recent movements in Latin America. However, the student movement in Chile risks co-optation by the established political class. In addition, the autonomous left remains small and lacks a coherent alternative to neoliberalism with broad appeal. Therefore, the victory of Michelle Bachelet and the Nueva Mayoría in the 2013 elections is unlikely to result in substantial changes to neoliberalism in Chile. El movimiento estudiantil chileno, que comenzó a principios de 2011, representa un desafío importante para el neoliberalismo chileno y está empezando a reconfigurar la política de izquierda en el país. En concreto, las demandas del movimiento para la educación gratuita y el control público de las industrias nacionales estratégicas toca el corazón del neoliberalismo en Chile. Además, en destacar la importancia de la democracia participativa y la participación de las masas, el movimiento va más allá de los límites de la izquierda establecida y ahora está luchando para crear una nueva izquierda capaz de promover sus objetivos políticos. Esta izquierda emergente se encaja más o menos dentro de la política del autonomismo. Al hacerlo, muestra un quiebre con las experiencias de la política de izquierda del siglo XX, y es consistente con otros movimientos recientes en América Latina. Sin embargo, el movimiento estudiantil en Chile corre el riesgo de cooptación por la clase política establecida. Además, la izquierda autónoma sigue siendo pequeña y carece de una alternativa coherente al neoliberalismo que tenga amplia atracción. Por lo tanto, es poco probable que la victoria de Michelle Bachelet y la Nueva Mayoría en las elecciones de 2013 resulte en cambios sustanciales al neoliberalismo en Chile.
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Nicholson, Simon, and Daniel Chong. "Jumping on the Human Rights Bandwagon: How Rights-based Linkages Can Refocus Climate Politics." Global Environmental Politics 11, no. 3 (August 2011): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00072.
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This paper makes a normative argument for the greater strategic utilization of human rights institutions, practices, and discourses by those seeking a robust response to climate change. Bandwagoning between these two regimes is hardly a new thing. The environmental movement has long looked to the human rights movement for ideas and support, and vice versa. Here, we argue that there is potential for even more explicit bandwagoning in ways that will most directly benefit those who are suffering, and will continue to suffer, from climate change's greatest impacts. The human rights framework offers a guide to more effective climate action via two interconnected arenas: a legal arena that provides an established set of tools for climate activists, and a political arena that provides a normative underpinning for a range of judicial and non-judicial actions in support of ‘climate justice.’ Ultimately, moral and strategic guidance from the human rights movement points the way to a more equitable and enduring climate politics, with fairness at its heart.
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Hill, Harvey. "French Politics and Alfred Loisy's Modernism." Church History 67, no. 3 (September 1998): 521–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170944.
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The first decade of the twentieth century was a time of great theological ferment in the Catholic church in France. In order to reconcile Catholic teaching with the latest findings of historical criticism, Alfred Loisy (1857–1940) and other “modernists” proposed sweeping reforms in the Church. From the perspective of Rome, however, these reforms seemed to threaten the very heart of the faith. In Roman eyes, Loisy and his theological allies had adopted the scientific methods of the anticlerical university. Like their secular colleagues but less openly, they then used these methods to subvert the Catholic tradition and the institutional structure of the church. The Vatican defended its embattled faith with a series of measures designed to crush this movement.
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Matthews, Jamie. "Populism, inequality and representation: Negotiating ‘the 99%’ with Occupy London." Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (May 23, 2019): 1018–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119851648.
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When Occupy London emerged with a global wave of protest movements in October 2011, it embodied and advanced discursive forms that have characterised the unsettling of political consensus following the financial crisis. The central claim that ‘We are the 99%’ staged a fundamental tension, between a populist appeal to the figure of ‘the people’, and a contrary orientation seeking to critique inequality while rejecting forms of representation and identity. This article – which draws on three years of ethnographic fieldwork with Occupy London (October 2011–October 2014) and a critical theorisation of the figure of ‘the people’ in radical movements – follows movement participants’ negotiation of the tension at the heart of the discourse of ‘the 99%’. It offers an account of the conflicting meanings and practices that emerged, arguing that the result was a creative contradiction that sustained the movement for a time, while setting the terms of its ultimate breakdown. Identifying the concept of ‘representation’ as the site of particular controversy, this is unpicked through a number of key figures (Pitkin, Marx, Spivak, Puchner, Deleuze and Guattari) as the basis for an empirical account of Occupy’s practice of assembly, which offered partial, imperfect ‘solutions’ to these tensions. The article concludes with some implications for the limits and possibilities of both a grassroots populism and a politics against representation, in the context of political developments since.
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Avanza, Martina. "Plea for an Emic Approach Towards ‘Ugly Movements’: Lessons from the Divisions within the Italian Pro-Life Movement." Politics and Governance 6, no. 3 (September 14, 2018): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i3.1479.
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Studies of the pro-life movement have invariably been undertaken in relation to the pro-choice movement. The stress on comparison has tended to homogenize the two sides, thus understating their internal differences. This article extends beyond an analysis bounded by a movement―countermovement dichotomy. Based on ethnographic data and on the Italian case, it considers several questions that arise from revealing the intramovement divisions at various levels. First, there are tensions relating to the relationship between orthodoxy and institutionalized politics: how far, if at all, should there be doctrinal compromises in exchange for influence over public policy? Secondly, the conflicts over modes of action. In this respect, should protests be visible in public spaces, and if so how? These two issues govern the tense relationship between the <em>Movimento per la Vita</em> and more radical groups. Thirdly, the issue that divides the <em>Movimento </em>itself; the ongoing dialogue over the attitude to be taken towards contraception, and thus sexuality. At the heart of these intramovement struggles is the definition of what a ‘real’ pro-life movement is, and how a ‘real’ pro-life movement should mobilize. This article reveals a complex and highly fragmented image of the pro-life movement that, like every social movement of a certain size, is heterogeneous in its demographic composition, objectives and strategies. To show this complexity, the article adopts an emic approach that does not limit itself to a reading of conservative movements through the eyes of progressive movements.
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Ishan, Manish Kumar. "Political and Familial Repercussions of Naxalism in Lahiri’s The Lowland." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 3 (March 28, 2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i3.10464.
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This research article, Political and Familial Repercussions of Naxalism in Lahiri’s The Lowland seeks to examine Jhumpa Lahiri’s The Lowland as a saga of two Bengali brothers; Subhash and Udayan Mitra, who belong to a middle-class family in the light of Naxalite movement. The narrative of The Lowland purports to depict how the tenderest of ties are torn asunder and the absence of loved ones haunts the subconscious mind of the affected characters in the novel. At the same time, Lahiri questions the politics of nationality with both pathetic desperation and revolutionary zeal. It examines the impact of Naxalite movement on socio-political life of the time, which later turns into a complete fiasco. It shows how Lahiri’s depiction evokes our feeling of familial responsibilities and we become dejected by devastating stories of passion and indifference. Above all, it tries to analyze Lahiri’s sense of history which is not as insightful as her grasp of human heart that are palpable in her other works.
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MCCULLOUGH, PETER. "PRINT, PUBLICATION, AND RELIGIOUS POLITICS IN CAROLINE ENGLAND." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006729.
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ABSTRACTThis article uses original research in archival sources, many of them not yet exploited by scholars of the early modern book trade, to demonstrate that the confluence of a printer-publishers' political and religious ideology and his trade was possible during the reign of Charles I. A detailed case-study of the family, life, career, as well as publications of Richard Badger (1585–1641), reveals that his emergence from the late 1620s as William Laud's house printer was rooted in a complex web of locality, kinship, self-promotion, and patronage that had at its heart a religious conservatism that flowed logically and, for a time, successfully into the movement now known as Laudianism. The article offers simultaneous insights into politics and religion in the Caroline book trade, and the emergence, flourescence – and collapse – of Laud's programme for religious change.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Heart Politics movement"
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Whelan, James M., and n/a. "Education and Training For Effective Environmental Advocacy." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2002. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040526.140105.
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Research on environmental advocacy has tended to focus on outcomes and achievements rather than the processes through which these are achieved. In addition, minimal research has attended in detail to the complexity of environmental advocacy, or explored measures to through which to enhance advocates prospects of success. The environment movement itself has given scarce attention to promoting the skills, abilities and predispositions that contribute to effective advocacy. Indeed, most environmental non-government organisations (ENGOs) in Australia appear to believe that scientific or expert knowledge will be sufficient to influence environmental decision-makers and consequently provide minimal training or education to enhance advocacy. This thesis is a response to these problems. It seeks to develop an understanding of, and model for, activist education and training in the Australian environment movement. The two main bodies of literature that inform the study are social movement and adult education literature. The former provides the context for the study. Social movement theorists present various explanations of how and why environmental activists work for change. These theorists also discuss the organisational structures and modes of operation typically adopted by activists. The second body of literature is utilised in this thesis to provide a synthesis of relevant educational orientations, traditions and practices. Popular, experiential and adult environmental education offer promising strategies for advocacy organisations that seek to enhance activists skills and abilities. The research questions posed in this study lie at the convergence of these two bodies of literature. Two empirical studies were undertaken during this inquiry. The first was conducted with the Queensland Conservation Council, an environmental advocacy organisation where the researcher was employed for five years. The study drew on methods and techniques associated with ethnography and action research to identify, implement and evaluate a range of interventions which aimed to educate and train advocates. Three cycles of inquiry generated useful insights into environmental advocacy and identified useful strategies through which advocacy may be enhanced. The second study, a case study based on interviews and observation, explored the Heart Politics movement. The ethnographic research methods utilised in this case study resulted in a rich description and critical appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of Heart Politics gatherings as activist education. These two studies contributed to the development of a grounded and endogenous theory of education and training for environmental advocacy. This theory is based on a set of observations concerning the provision of activist education: (1) that most activist learning occurs informally and unintentionally through participation in social action such as environmental campaigns; (2) that this learning can be assessed according to a five-category framework and tends to favour specific categories including the development of social action and organisational development skills rather than alternative categories such as political analysis and personal development; (3) that this informal learning can be harnessed and enhanced through strategies which situate learning in the context of action and promote heightened awareness of the learning dimension of social action; and (4) that a key obstacle to education and training in the environment movement is a conspicuous lack of professional development or support for the people involved in facilitating and coordinating activist education activities and programs. These people are often volunteers and infrequently possess qualifications as educators or facilitators but are more likely to be seasoned activists. They tend to work in isolation as activist education activities are sporadic, geographically diffuse and ad hoc. These observations along with other insights acquired through participatory action research and ethnographic inquiry led to a set of conclusions, some of which have already been implemented or initiated during the course of this study. The first conclusion is that strategies to promote the professional development of activist educators may benefit from the development of texts tailored to the tactical orientations and political and other circumstances of Australian environmental advocacy groups. Texts, alone, are considered an inadequate response. The study also concludes that informal networks, formal and informal courses and other strategies to assist collaboration and peer learning among activist educators offer considerable benefits. Other conclusions pertain to the benefits of collaborating with adult educators and tertiary institutions, and professionals, to the relative merits of activist workshops and other forms of delivery, to the opportunities for activist training presented by regular environment movement gatherings and conferences and to the significant merits of promoting and supporting mentorship relationships between novice and experienced activists.
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Whelan, James M. "Education and Training For Effective Environmental Advocacy." Thesis, Griffith University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365775.
Full textAbstract:
Research on environmental advocacy has tended to focus on outcomes and achievements rather than the processes through which these are achieved. In addition, minimal research has attended in detail to the complexity of environmental advocacy, or explored measures to through which to enhance advocates’ prospects of success. The environment movement itself has given scarce attention to promoting the skills, abilities and predispositions that contribute to effective advocacy. Indeed, most environmental non-government organisations (ENGOs) in Australia appear to believe that scientific or expert knowledge will be sufficient to influence environmental decision-makers and consequently provide minimal training or education to enhance advocacy. This thesis is a response to these problems. It seeks to develop an understanding of, and model for, activist education and training in the Australian environment movement. The two main bodies of literature that inform the study are social movement and adult education literature. The former provides the context for the study. Social movement theorists present various explanations of how and why environmental activists work for change. These theorists also discuss the organisational structures and modes of operation typically adopted by activists. The second body of literature is utilised in this thesis to provide a synthesis of relevant educational orientations, traditions and practices. Popular, experiential and adult environmental education offer promising strategies for advocacy organisations that seek to enhance activists’ skills and abilities. The research questions posed in this study lie at the convergence of these two bodies of literature. Two empirical studies were undertaken during this inquiry. The first was conducted with the Queensland Conservation Council, an environmental advocacy organisation where the researcher was employed for five years. The study drew on methods and techniques associated with ethnography and action research to identify, implement and evaluate a range of interventions which aimed to educate and train advocates. Three cycles of inquiry generated useful insights into environmental advocacy and identified useful strategies through which advocacy may be enhanced. The second study, a case study based on interviews and observation, explored the Heart Politics movement. The ethnographic research methods utilised in this case study resulted in a rich description and critical appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of Heart Politics gatherings as activist education. These two studies contributed to the development of a grounded and endogenous theory of education and training for environmental advocacy. This theory is based on a set of observations concerning the provision of activist education: (1) that most activist learning occurs informally and unintentionally through participation in social action such as environmental campaigns; (2) that this learning can be assessed according to a five-category framework and tends to favour specific categories including the development of social action and organisational development skills rather than alternative categories such as political analysis and personal development; (3) that this informal learning can be harnessed and enhanced through strategies which situate learning in the context of action and promote heightened awareness of the learning dimension of social action; and (4) that a key obstacle to education and training in the environment movement is a conspicuous lack of professional development or support for the people involved in facilitating and coordinating activist education activities and programs. These people are often volunteers and infrequently possess qualifications as educators or facilitators but are more likely to be seasoned activists. They tend to work in isolation as activist education activities are sporadic, geographically diffuse and ad hoc. These observations along with other insights acquired through participatory action research and ethnographic inquiry led to a set of conclusions, some of which have already been implemented or initiated during the course of this study. The first conclusion is that strategies to promote the professional development of activist educators may benefit from the development of texts tailored to the tactical orientations and political and other circumstances of Australian environmental advocacy groups. Texts, alone, are considered an inadequate response. The study also concludes that informal networks, formal and informal courses and other strategies to assist collaboration and peer learning among activist educators offer considerable benefits. Other conclusions pertain to the benefits of collaborating with adult educators and tertiary institutions, and professionals, to the relative merits of activist workshops and other forms of delivery, to the opportunities for activist training presented by regular environment movement gatherings and conferences and to the significant merits of promoting and supporting mentorship relationships between novice and experienced activists.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Australian School of Environmental Studies
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Dumas, James M. "The race for Muslim hearts and minds : a social movement analysis of the U.S. war on terror and popular support in the Muslim world." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/993.
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According to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes. Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world. To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.
Books on the topic "Heart Politics movement"
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Calvert, Greg. Democracy from the heart: Spiritual values, decentralism, and democratic idealism in the movement of the 1960s. Eugene, Or: Communitas Press, 1991.
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An outlaw in my heart: A political activist's user's manual. Philadelphia: Camino Books, 2000.
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Davidson, Miriam. Convictions of the heart: Jim Corbett and the sanctuary movement. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988.
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Telltale hearts: The origins and impact of the Vietnam antiwar movement. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995.
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Garfinkle, Adam M. Telltale hearts: The origins and impact of the Vietnam antiwar movement. New York: St. Martin's Griffin, 1997.
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Telltale hearts: The origins and impact of the Vietnam antiwar movement. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.
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Free hearts and free homes: Gender and American antislavery politics. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003.
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1933-, Curry Constance, ed. Deep in our hearts: Nine white women in the Freedom Movement. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2000.
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Meding, Dorothee von. Courageous hearts: Women and the anti-Hitler plot of 1944. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1997.
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Jack Nichols, gay pioneer: "have you heard my message?". New York, NY: Harrington Park Press, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Heart Politics movement"
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Haider-Markel, Donald P., and Steven Sylvester. "Changing Policies/Changing Hearts and Minds : The Evolution of the LGBT Movement." In Interest Group Politics, 68–89. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320: CQ Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781483391786.n4.
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Arur, Aditi, and Mansi Sharma. "Career Life Skills for 10th Grade Boys in Delhi, India: Mapping Information Literacies for Sustainable Development." In Life Skills Education for Youth, 169–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85214-6_8.
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AbstractThe pressure is high on career educators to develop information literacies as a life skill for themselves as well as for youth, particularly those from disadvantaged communities, and to document and process career information in a rapidly changing world of work that is relevant to their sociocultural and environmental contexts. We employ a critical or transformative approach to information literacies to explore young people’s socially situated practices of collecting, validating, and processing career information as well as how they might “democratically transform structures of authority over information exchanges, and then maintain scrutiny over this authority” (Whitworth A, Radical information literacy: reclaiming the political heart of the IL movement. Elsevier, 2014, p. 2). We draw from qualitative interviews with ten boys studying in 10th grade at a government school in Delhi, India, and videos produced by them to map their career information landscapes. Using an education for sustainable development lens, “bumps” were made visible in their information landscapes, that is, the tensions that emerge between multiple informational actors for reimagining sustainable futures. We suggest that these tensions can serve as cultural resources that students can democratically engage with in developing crucial career and life skills for their futures.
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Perry, Ashlie. "The Impact of Governmental Strategies on Black Political Discourse Groups: Voices Heard from the Black Panther Party to the Black Lives Matter Movement." In Citizenship, Democracies, and Media Engagement among Emerging Economies and Marginalized Communities, 177–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56215-5_8.
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Wenner, Miriam. "Virtuous Movements and Dirty Politics." In Darjeeling Reconsidered, 113–34. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199483556.003.0006.
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This chapter is concerned with the relationships between virtue, immorality, and politics as they are contested and negotiated within the space of a statehood movement. It explores how political leaders in Darjeeling present themselves as virtuous despite being involved in ‘politics’, which is associated with morally despicable behaviour such as selfishness and corruption. At the heart of such camouflage stands the blurring of the boundaries between what counts as moral and immoral. Yet, leaders’ attempts to respond to idealist imaginations of the movement as untouched from ‘dirty’ politics prove difficult, not only because the constituents perceive their leaders to exploit the movement for private gain, but also because the need to distribute patronage forces them to make compromises with the very state government from which they demand autonomy. Whether the border between virtue and immorality has been transcended is subject to a continuous struggle over political authority and legitimacy.
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Cline, David P. "Into the Heart of the Beast." In From Reconciliation to Revolution. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630434.003.0004.
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Charles Sherrod was one of two SNCC students who began organizing in Southwest Georgia in 1961 what eventually became the Albany Movement. In 1964, he attended Union Theological Seminary in New York City to pursue an advanced degree and joined forces with SIM, recruiting a number of students who would travel to work with him in Georgia in greater numbers each year between 1965 and 1968. Students in Southwest Georgia encountered entrenched racism and white supremacy and focused their efforts on voter registration, electoral politics, economic development and education. As the term “Black Power” gained currency during these years, Sherrod interpreted it to mean black economic and political power and independence, and although most in the nation thought the Albany Movement long over, Sherrod and the SIM students continued to make great advances in Southwest Georgia.
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Tournadre, Jérôme. "Introduction." In The Politics of the Near, xii—26. Fordham University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823299966.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter suggests broadening the scope of the study of collective action when the latter is carried out by a poor people's movement. Most often, this type of mobilization is characterized by the existence of direct links between the cause being defended and the familiar worlds of the activists. In other words, what justifies the investment of these women and men lie literally at the heart of the ordinary experiences to which they are exposed on a daily basis. It is in this respect that their commitment unfolds in a “regime of the near.” Thus it is essential to extricate oneself from the space of protest strictly speaking and to study in more detail what is unfolding on its edges. These hypotheses will be verified through the study of the Unemployed People's Movement (UPM), an organization fighting against poor living conditions in the deprived neighborhoods of Grahamstown, a medium-sized town in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa, in the period since apartheid.
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Knopf, Christina M. "The Nixon Prezidency and the Politically Cynical Comic Book." In Politics in the Gutters, 56–74. University Press of Mississippi, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496834225.003.0004.
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Chapter Four looks at political cynicism, spurred by the war in Vietnam under President Lyndon Johnson and the Watergate scandal of President Richard Nixon, in conjunction with the Voting Rights Act of 1971. The Youth Movement was at the heart of a strange new comic series from DC in 1973: Prez: The First Teen President. With stories of corruption, environmental destruction, international strife, domestic terrorism, and impeachment, Prez, in just four issues, presented a bleak outlook on American politics, one that resonated across four decades with nine different iterations of the Prez character. Prez’s themes of alienation and disaffection, competing with themes of hope and commitment, further resonate throughout major deconstructionist comic works of the 1980s, such as Watchmen, and became integral to much of the work of writer Mark Russell in the 2010s.
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Falcone, Jessica Marie. "Steadfastness/ADITTHANA." In Battling the Buddha of Love, 161–95. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501723469.003.0009.
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This chapter goes to the heart of the anti-MPI statue grassroots resistance movement. It details the frustrations, politics and contested land values that gripped the Greater Kushinagar region after the MPI shifted its plans to Kushinagar from Bodh Gaya. The chapter tells the story of the rise of the Save the Land Movement and the activist endeavors that they initiated.
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Hassett, Dónal. "‘They Have Rights over Us’." In Mobilizing Memory, 141–75. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831686.003.0005.
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This chapter turns away from partisan politics to analyse the development of the Algerian veterans’ movement over the course of the interwar period. It considers organizations that drew members not only from different ethnic and social backgrounds but also from a pool of men with an unparalleled claim to legitimacy born of participation in the war. The chapter focuses on the attempts of one such veterans’ association, the Amicale des Mutilés du Département d’Alger, to reconcile its supposedly non-racial notion of veteran primacy with the real primacy of the European community in the colonial state. Furthermore, it illustrates how the tensions at the heart of the Amicale’s discourse empowered indigenous veterans to assert their demands within the movement and eventually to set up their own organizations that were fully committed to achieving real change on behalf of indigenous ex-servicemen.
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Oldfield, J. R. "Introduction." In The Ties that Bind, 1–8. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789622003.003.0001.
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This is the third book in a trilogy that began with Popular Politics and British Anti-Slavery (1995).1 Two broad themes have been at the heart of this endeavour. The first is opinion-building. Popular Politics sought to answer a simple question: how did eighteenth-century activists turn an idea into a successful popular movement? Creating a constituency for abolition, especially at a period when transatlantic slavery was considered a necessary adjunct of empire, demanded skill and ingenuity. It also required highly developed organizational skills and an eye for business. Anti-slavery activists cleverly exploited an expanding consumer society to push their ideas and values, as well as their insistent demands, from the periphery to the centre of public debate. In the process, they helped to make abolition fashionable, Josiah Wedgwood’s famous cameo of the kneeling slave being an obvious case in point. Cheap disposable literature, inertia selling and the innovative use of images and image-making, all excited an interest in anti-slavery that found expression in mass petitioning and the emergence of the first modern reform movement. By shifting attention away from the narrow confines of Westminster, ...
Conference papers on the topic "Heart Politics movement"
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Capes, David B. "TOLERANCE IN THE THEOLOGY AND THOUGHT OF A. J. CONYERS AND FETHULLAH GÜLEN (EXTENDED ABSTRACT)." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/fbvr3629.
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In his book The Long Truce (Spence Publishing, 2001) the late A. J. Conyers argues that tolerance, as practiced in western democracies, is not a public virtue; it is a political strat- egy employed to establish power and guarantee profits. Tolerance, of course, seemed to be a reasonable response to the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but tolerance based upon indifference to all values except political power and materialism relegated ultimate questions of meaning to private life. Conyers offers another model for tolerance based upon values and resources already resident in pre-Reformation Christianity. In this paper, we consider Conyer’s case against the modern, secular form of tolerance and its current practice. We examine his attempt to reclaim the practice of Christian tolerance based upon humility, hospitality and the “powerful fact” of the incarnation. Furthermore, we bring the late Conyers into dialog with Fethullah Gülen, a Muslim scholar, prolific writer and the source of inspiration for a transnational civil society movement. We explore how both Conyers and Gülen interpret their scriptures in order to fashion a theology and politi- cal ideology conducive to peaceful co-existence. Finally, because Gülen’s identity has been formed within the Sufi tradition, we reflect on the spiritual resources within Sufi spirituality that make dialog and toleration key values for him. Conyers locates various values, practices and convictions in the Christian message that pave the way for authentic toleration. These include humility, trust, reconciliation, the interrelat- edness of all things, the paradox of power--that is, that strength is found in weakness and greatness in service—hope, the inherent goodness of creation, and interfaith dialog. Conyers refers to this latter practice as developing “the listening heart” and “the open soul.” In his writings and oral addresses, Gülen prefers the term hoshgoru (literally, “good view”) to “tolerance.” Conceptually, the former term indicates actions of the heart and the mind that include empathy, inquisitiveness, reflection, consideration of the dialog partner’s context, and respect for their positions. The term “tolerance” does not capture the notion of hoshgoru. Elsewhere, Gülen finds even the concept of hoshgoru insufficient, and employs terms with more depth in interfaith relations, such as respect and an appreciation of the positions of your dialog partner. The resources Gülen references in the context of dialog and empathic acceptance include the Qur’an, the prophetic tradition, especially lives of the companions of the Prophet, the works of great Muslim scholars and Sufi masters, and finally, the history of Islamic civilization. Among his Qur’anic references, Gülen alludes to verses that tell the believers to represent hu- mility, peace and security, trustworthiness, compassion and forgiveness (The Qur’an, 25:63, 25:72, 28:55, 45:14, 17:84), to avoid armed conflicts and prefer peace (4:128), to maintain cordial relationships with the “people of the book,” and to avoid argumentation (29:46). But perhaps the most important references of Gülen with respect to interfaith relations are his readings of those verses that allow Muslims to fight others. Gülen positions these verses in historical context to point out one by one that their applicability is conditioned upon active hostility. In other words, in Gülen’s view, nowhere in the Qur’an does God allow fighting based on differences of faith. An important factor for Gülen’s embracing views of empathic acceptance and respect is his view of the inherent value of the human. Gülen’s message is essentially that every human person exists as a piece of art created by the Compassionate God, reflecting aspects of His compassion. He highlights love as the raison d’etre of the universe. “Love is the very reason of existence, and the most important bond among beings,” Gülen comments. A failure to approach fellow humans with love, therefore, implies a deficiency in our love of God and of those who are beloved to God. The lack of love for fellow human beings implies a lack of respect for this monumental work of art by God. Ultimately, to remain indifferent to the conditions and suffering of fellow human beings implies indifference to God himself. While advocating love of human beings as a pillar of human relations, Gülen maintains a balance. He distinguishes between the love of fellow human beings and our attitude toward some of their qualities or actions. Our love for a human being who inflicts suffering upon others does not mean that we remain silent toward his violent actions. On the contrary, our very love for that human being as a human being, as well as our love of those who suffer, necessitate that we participate actively in the elimination of suffering. In the end we argue that strong resonances are found in the notion of authentic toleration based on humility advocated by Conyers and the notion of hoshgoru in the writings of Gülen.
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Wright, Steve. "THE WORK OF FETHULLAH GÜLEN & THE ROLE OF NON-VIOLENCE IN A TIME OF TERROR." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/iwca2043.
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We are living in dangerous times. We can anticipate further polarisation between Islam and the West as the official line becomes more focused on achieving military solutions to what are essentially political and cultural issues. Fethullah Gülen is unusual in adding a distinctly Islamic voice to the calls for a non-violent approach to conflict resolution. The notion of peace through peace has a rich Western tradi- tion from Tolstoy to Martin Luther King. In the East, all of those active in peace movements today acknowledge a debt to Mahatma Gandhi. These writers continue to influence peace activists such as Gene Sharp, whose work was directly channelled to assist in the recent, relatively peaceful, revolutions in former Soviet states such as the Ukraine. This paper examines the peace-building work of Gülen within wider concepts of non-vio- lence in order to explore their lessons for modern Islam’s transition. It is important for the conference to hear something of past voices and experiences, and the lessons learned from them, which can further inspire those in Islam who wish to move towards future peace using peaceful, non-violent activities. This goal is particularly pertinent in a time of terror when existing counter-insurgency meth- ods readily provoke a violent response, which justifies more violence and repression. The paper is illustrated to ensure accessibility of the examples for those less familiar with non-violent action dedicated to achieving social change.
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Graskemper, Michael David. "A BRIDGE TO INTERRELIGIOUS COOPERATION: THE GÜLENJESUIT EDUCATIONAL NEXUS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/aeaf6717.
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The Gülen movement’s educational mission is, at its core and in its praxis, remarkably simi- lar to the centuries-old Jesuit educational tradition. It can be argued that both educational movements are united in a shared mission today –a deep concern for the spiritual freedom of the individual and a commitment to the betterment of the world. Both movements seek to instil values such as honesty, dedication, compassion and tolerance. To achieve this goal, students are offered a narrative of the past as a foundation on which to build an understanding of the modern world. Furthermore, they are educated holistically – in ethics and social justice as well as the sciences – what Gülen calls a ‘marriage of mind and heart’. This paper focuses on four shared values of education: commitment, responsibility, virtue and service. Within this framework, themes found in the Gülen educational movement, such as the Golden Generation and the concept of hizmet, are compared to similar Jesuit notions such as A.M.D.G., cura personalis, and ‘Men and Women for Others’. Differences and nu- ances are also addressed in the paper. The discussion aims to highlight the importance of values-oriented education in the modern world. The Gülen–Jesuit educational nexus is one positive bridge to inter-religious understanding and, importantly, collaborative action. The educational endeavors associated with the Turkish-Muslim Gülen movement have popu- larized, possibly more than any other facet of the group, Fethullah Gülen’s mission to prom- ulgate and cultivate an individually transformative Islam in the modern world. As the teach- ers and business partners of the Gülen movement continue to work to form conscientious, open-minded and just students in different cultures across the world, they will continue to be challenged and influenced by a myriad of different perspectives, religions, and socio-political groups; and, in turn, they will succeed in positively influencing those same cultures, as they have in many cases already. Of the many groups with which the Gülen movement has inter- acted in its ever-expanding intercultural milieu, this paper will focus on one: the educational charge of a Roman Catholic religious order called the Society of Jesus, a group more com- monly known as the Jesuits. This paper shows that the educational mission of the Gülen movement is, at its core, remark- ably similar to the mission of the centuries-old Jesuit Catholic educational tradition. In fact, it can be argued that the Gülen and Jesuit educational missions are, in theory and in praxis, united in a shared mission today; one that is rooted in a deep concern for the spiritual free- dom of the individual and dedicated to the betterment of the world. In analyzing this shared mission, this paper aims to discuss the importance of values-oriented education; particularly by addressing how the Gülen-Jesuit educational nexus can act as one positive bridge to inter- religious understanding and, importantly, cooperation and action in our transitioning world. In order to achieve this end, this paper begins with a short analysis of each movement’s back- ground with regard to education. Afterwards, the each movement’s notion of religious educa- tion is discussed. Finally, the focus turns to the mission themes the educational movements have in common. While there is a plethora of shared mission traits from which one could choose, for practical purposes this paper uses as its foundation for comparison four themes distilled by William J. Byron, S.J., from a mission statement from Georgetown University, the Jesuit university in Washington, D.C., which reads: Georgetown seeks to be a place where understanding is joined to commitment; where the search for truth is informed by a sense of responsibility for the life of society; where academic excellence in teaching...is joined with the cultivation of virtue; and where a community is formed which sustains men and women in their education and their conviction that life is only lived well when it is lived generously in the service of others (Byron 1997, 653). The first of these themes is a commitment to the understanding that God works in the world through people. The second is a responsibility to raise individual students to act justly in and for the world. The third is virtue, with the understanding that the way to achieve the mission of these schools is through educating students to be morally upright. Finally, the fourth theme is the need to be actively engaged in service to make the world a more peaceful, tolerant and just place to live. Commitment, responsibility, virtue, and service are, significantly, foundational for not only Jesuit schools, but Gülen schools as well.
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Marcella, Vanessa. "A comparison of climate change lexical creativity among American, European and international Twitter users." In 9th Brno Conference on Linguistics Studies in English. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0212-2022-6.
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Climate change is an environmental, social, cultural and political phenomenon which has led to a bitter controversy among political leaders, social movements, and activists. The aim of this case study is to analyze lexical innovations in climate change discourse in the micro-blogging service Twitter, and more in particular, in the use of English language through hashtags by a new generation of young activists, NGOs, and American and European politicians and organizations in the time frame from 2015 to 2020. By means of this case study, we prove that, through the creativity of hashtags, Twitter users can take part in the heart of a discussion related to climate change leading to a valuable interpretive framework.