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1
Ermert, Sophia. "Hannah Arendt." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-207750.
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Lamboy, Regine. "The real banality of evil." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5823.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (November 20, 2006) Vita. Includes bibliographical references
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Ermert, Sophia. "Hannah Arendt." Universität Leipzig, 2016. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A14876.
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Lim, Felix Beng-Chye. "The philosophy of work of Yves R. Simon and Hannah Arendt." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p029-0731.
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Breidenthal, Thomas Edward. "The concept of freedom in Hannah Arendt : a Christian assessment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314978.
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Brito, Renata Romolo 1980. "Ação Política em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279524.
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Orientador: Yara Adario Frateschi<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T18:35:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: Neste trabalho, pretendemos analisar a premissa arendtiana de que a categoria de meios e fins não é uma categoria política. Pretendemos mostrar que a recusa de Arendt em aceitar essa categoria no âmbito político não significa negar que a ação tenha propósitos e objetivos específicos, mas sim que a independência em relação a propósitos e fins intencionados é constitutiva da ação. Para tanto, pretendemos analisar a crítica arendtiana ao utilitarismo, para em seguida abordar a noção de grandeza da ação no pensamento arendtiano, partindo de uma analogia com a noção de beleza na esfera da arte. Retomaremos, então, duas análises de Arendt de ações propriamente políticas, com a intenção de mostrar a natureza da ação: sua capacidade de transcender motivos e objetivos. Refletiremos ainda sobre algumas críticas dirigidas à sua obra. A idéia central desta dissertação é que a ação, segundo Arendt, baseia-se na pluralidade humana e que a possibilidade de manutenção dessa pluralidade (que só se manifesta através da ação) é a fonte da sua especificidade<br>Abstract: The present work intends to analyze Arendt¿s claim that politics is not a means to an end. We aim to show that Arendt¿s refusal in accepting the category of ends and means in the political realm does not mean that action has no purpose or specific objectives, but, on the contrary, that action¿s constitution does not depend on its suitability in achieving its purposes or objectives. To achieve this, we intend to analyze Arendt¿s critique of utilitarianism, and then to reflect on Arendt¿s notion of the greatness of action, based on an analogy with the notion of the beauty. We then reflect upon two events examined by Arendt as proper political actions, in order to demonstrate the nature of these said actions and its capacity of transcending motives and objectives. We also examine some critiques directed at her philosophy. The main idea of this dissertation is that action, according to Arendt, is based in human plurality and that the possibility of the continual of this plurality is the source of action¿s constitution<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Filosofia
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Guezengar, Arthur. "Hannah Arendt et la rupture totalitaire." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALP001.
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La pensée arendtienne est marquée par deux thèses fortes : l’idée selon laquelle l’homme est conditionné par le milieu dans lequel il se trouve pris et qu’il contribue à modifier par ses paroles et par ses actes d’une part ; et de l’autre l’idée selon laquelle le totalitarisme constitue une rupture avec le monde et la tradition politique, au point d’apparaître comme un système ontologiquement hostile à la condition humaine. Or la cohabitation de ces deux thèses ne va pas de soi. Hannah Arendt fait de l’activité politique un mode d’être spécifique de l’existence humaine, fondé sur la liberté d’agir, pour finalement nous décrire un système politique où cette dimension a perdu tout son sens. En mettant en perspective ces deux dimensions, cette thèse cherche dès lors à résoudre ce paradoxe d’un régime politique capable de rompre avec tout ce qui constitue l’action politique. En procédant à une remontée méthodologique des textes arendtiens, depuis les plus récents jusqu’à ses premiers travaux sur l’impérialisme, elle montre de plus que la conception du totalitarisme comme rupture avec la condition humaine va de pair avec une autre approche faisant du totalitarisme la continuité de processus déjà en germe dans le système colonial<br>The Arendtian thought is marked by two strong theses: the idea according to which man is conditioned by the environment in which he finds himself caught and that he contributes to modifying by his words and his acts on the one hand; and on the other the idea that totalitarianism constitutes a break with the world and the political tradition, to the point of appearing as a system ontologically hostile to the human condition. But the coexistence of these two theses is not self-evident. Hannah Arendt makes political activity a mode of being specific to human existence, based on the freedom to act, to finally describe a political system where this dimension has lost all meaning. By putting these two dimensions into perspective, this thesis seeks to resolve this paradox of a political regime capable of breaking with all that constitutes political action. By proceeding with a methodological review of the Arendtian texts, from the most recent to his first works on imperialism, it shows moreover that the conception of totalitarianism as a break with the human condition goes hand in hand with another approach making totalitarianism. the continuity of processes already germinated in the colonial system
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Graham, Nicholas. "An analysis of Hannah Arendt's concept of worldlessness /." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60536.
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This thesis explores the theme of "worldlessness" in the political thought of Hannah Arendt.<br>The thesis analyzes "worldlessness" by way of Arendt's reflections on the sub-themes of "contemporary crisis," the "Western tradition," the "modern age" and the modern phenomenon of "thoughtlessness." These sub-themes are examined in chapters one, two, four and five respectively. Chapter three examines Arendt's conception of politics and "the world."<br>The analysis proceeds on the basis of Arendt's stated conviction that political thought must take its bearings from "incidents of living experience" if it is to be adequate to its subject matter. More specifically, it investigates the basis and significance of Arendt's contention that the modern condition of "worldlessness" has produced a rupture between thought and experience which has radically altered the character of contemporary understanding. In general terms, the thesis examines the origins of modern worldlessness and the implications of this for contemporary thinking.
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Breaugh, Martin. "À la recherche de la liberté perdue : fondation, révolution et modernité chez Hannah Arendt." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/4159.
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Le point de depart de cette these est la question de la nature du politique en tant qu'espace de domination ou espace de liberte. Il me semblait qu'un penseur politique contemporain analysait particulierement bien cette problematique: Hannah Arendt. Par le biais d'une etude des concepts de base qui structurent sa pensee, la nature du politique en tant qu'espace de liberte est devenue evidente (premiere section de la these). Le projet de fondation vise justement a etablir le politique comme espace public de liberte. Or, l'analyse de la question de la revolution en tant que reprise de la fondation revele un rapport d'opposition entre la revolution et la fondation (deuxieme section). Qui plus est, il semblerait que la nature meme de la modernite soit exclusive de la fondation et, par surcroi t, de la liberte (troisieme section). De cette maniere, l'oeuvre d'Arendt precise les conditions de possibilite d'un retour au politique en tant que lieu de creativite et donc de liberte humaine.
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Eloff, Philip Rene. "Kompleksiteit en begronding in die werk van Hannah Arendt en Jaques Derrida." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6541.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this mini-thesis I explore Hannah Arendt’s engagement with the problem of
foundation in relation to the work of Derrida and complexity theory. In Arendt the
problem of foundation takes shape as the attempt to develop a thinking of foundation
that does not repress political freedom. The American Revolution is an important
point of reference in Arendt’s attempt to develop such a notion of authority.
According to Arendt the American republic could, however, not entirely succeed in
realizing this conception of authority. I draw on Derrida and complexity theory in
order to show that the shortcomings Arendt points to are structural to institutions as
such. Following Derrida and complexity theory, I further that the recognition of this
structural limitation is an indispensable step in the attempt to think political authority
as something stable, but which nevertheless keeps open the possibility of political
change.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie skripsie ondersoek ek Hannah Arendt se ommegang met die probleem van
begronding deur dit in verband te bring met die werk van Jacques Derrida en
kompleksiteitsteorie. Die probleem van begronding neem vir Arendt vorm aan in die
poging om politieke gesag op so wyse te bedink dat dit nie politieke vryheid
onderdruk nie. Die Amerikaanse rewolusie vorm ’n sentrale verwysingspunt in
Arendt so poging om gesag op hierdie manier te bedink. Dit slaag volgens haar egter
nie heeltemal daarin om hierdie alternatiewe vorm van gesag te verwesenlik nie. Ek
steun op Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie om te wys dat die tekortkominge waarop
Arendt wys in ’n sekere sin struktureel is tot enige instelling. Ek argumenteer voorts
in navolging van Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie dat ’n erkenning van hierdie
strukturele beperking ’n belangrike moment is in die poging om politieke gesag te
bedink as iets wat stabiel kan wees, maar terselftertyd ruimte laat vir politieke
verandering.
11
Chappell, Catherine. "Hannah Arendt and Her Turn From Political Journalist To Political Philosopher." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1323.
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Thesis advisor: Rodrigo Chacon<br>Thesis advisor: Susan Shell<br>In this thesis, I will explore the natural tension that exists between philosophy and politics; theory and practice, and thought and action, especially as manifest in contemporary society. In order to investigate this tension, I will use a lens presented by Hannah Arendt and her writings, in particular the Human Condition and the Jewish Writings . I will use these works to illustrate Arendt's own conflict between the role of politics and philosophy in human affairs as experienced in her transition from a political journalist to a political theorist. I will argue that a comparison of these works shows Arendt's struggle with the tension between philosophy and politics; thought and action, and theory and practice. A comparison of these works also illustrates Arendt's paradoxical conclusion of the Human Condition: that in times of unprecedented crisis, although theory and philosophy are precisely what are necessary to prevent further destruction and tragedy, they unfortunately become superfluous, and then immediate (even if groundless) action becomes necessarily the only human capacity that can "save" the world<br>Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science
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Bosch, Alfons Carles Salellas. "Hannah Arendt : uma filosofia da fragilidade." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/156985.
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Instigada pelos acontecimentos a dar resposta à experiência do totalitarismo, cujas consequências ela padeceu em primeira pessoa, a obra de Hannah Arendt é uma crítica categórica da filosofia política tradicional, iniciada por Platão. Resposta à negação da política que representaram os regimes totalitários do século XX e crítica à retirada da dignidade da política por parte da filosofia, que a submeteu à sua tutela. Segura de encontrar os fundamentos da política além do seu próprio âmbito, a tradição filosófica ocidental substituiu a reflexão e o exercício da liberdade, verdadeiro sentido da política segundo Arendt, por uma teoria do governo e da dominação que esconde a fragilidade inerente ao domínio dos assuntos humanos. Pretendemos defender que o pensamento político arendtiano tem como pressuposto básico e necessário o reconhecimento da fragilidade constitutiva da política, sem que isso implique qualquer paradoxo. Para tanto, seguimos o rastro dessa fragilidade num conjunto selecionado de textos da autora e defendemos que sua reflexão entra no campo do pósfundacionalismo. Como corolário, sugerimos que, apesar dos depoimentos da própria interessada, Hannah Arendt escreveu uma obra de filosofia política, alternativa à grande tradição, que nós chamamos de filosofia da fragilidade.<br>Prompted by events to give response to the experience of totalitarianism the consequences of which she suffered in first person, the work of Hannah Arendt is a categorical critique of the great tradition of political philosophy initiated by Plato. Response to the negation of politics that represented the twentieth century totalitarian régimes and critique of the withdrawal of the dignity of politics practiced by philosophy that submitted it under tutelage. Sure to find the foundations of politics beyond its own realm, the Western tradition of philosophy replaced the reflection and the exercise of freedom, the true sense of politics according to Arendt, by a theory of government and domination that hides away the inherent frailty of the realm of human affairs. We intend to defend that Arendt’s political thinking has its basic and necessary requirement in the recognition of the constitutive frailty of politics, without this incurring in any paradox. Therefore, we follow the trail of this frailty across a selected set of the author's texts and argue that her reflection enters in the postfoundational field. As a corollary, we suggest that, despite her own testimony, Hannah Arendt wrote a work of political philosophy, an alternative one to the great tradition, that we may call philosophy of frailty.
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Brito, Renata Romolo 1980. "Direito e Política na filosofia em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281329.
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Orientador: Yara Adario Frateschi<br>Tese (doutorado) ¿ Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T23:43:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: O resumo poderá ser visualizado no texto completo da tese digital<br>Abstract: The abstract is available with the full electronic document<br>Doutorado<br>Filosofia<br>Doutor em Filosofia
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Lundberg, Carl-Johan. "Om den dolda grunden i Hannah Arendts politiska tänkande." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Filosofi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33125.
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The thesis of this essay is to show that there is a complex and deep ground in Hannah Arendt ́s political thinking. A ground that, thru Immanuel Kant ́s first and third critiques, is going back to the thinking of the ancient Greek ideas of insight, nous, a concept used especially by Aristotle, but also by Parmenides. My idea is that Arendt ́s attempt to establish her political thinking in the idea of common sense, or in Latin:sensus communis, needs a deeper understanding, thou the use and interpretation of common sense as a concept today is deeply under influence of a liberal ideological preunderstanding; meaning the (moral) things everyone knows without any special efforts. In my view there is no chance that Arendt joins, or supports that kind of shallow interpretation of the idea of common sense, thou that would make her political thinking as banal as she accuses most of the modern politics to be, which of course is very contradictive. In other words must her understanding of the concept of common sense, sensus communis, be founded on a much deeper level, a level which we can find in her essays if we look real hard, and read as open as a real reading must be based on. Her language and her recurring references to time, gives us the leads to where to dig; to where, and through which thinking, we can find her deeper ground, a ground that hopefully will make all her political thinking clearer.
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Straehle, Porras Edgar. "Hannah Arendt: Una lectura desde la autoridad." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/399927.
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En este trabajo se examina el concepto de autoridad desde el pensamiento de Hannah Arendt. El objetivo consiste en repensar y reivindicar la importancia de esta categoría política central que ha sido insuficientemente estudiada por la tradición del pensamiento político y cuyo olvido debe ser reparado para comprender adecuadamente la crisis política del presente. Abordar de nuevo la autoridad supone disociarla del poder y también del autoritarismo, nociones con las que habitualmente se la confunde, y rescatar su dimensión específica. En este sentido, se hace hincapié en este trabajo en que la autoridad es incompatible con una concepción del poder como la que está encarnada en la noción de soberanía. Frente a ésta, lo que se expone es que la autoridad comporta una forma de obediencia que no se sustenta sobre la imposición, la coerción o la violencia, sino sobre otros factores como el reconocimiento y que por ello se define inevitablemente por poseer un carácter frágil. La autoridad es lo que implícitamente declara la incompletitud del poder y lo que desvela que éste requiere una instancia exterior que le sirva como fuente de legitimidad.
Para acometer este examen de la autoridad, se ha realizado un estudio exhaustivo de la obra de Arendt desde la perspectiva de este concepto y se muestra que éste no ocupa un rol secundario ni aislado en el conjunto de su pensamiento. La autoridad enlaza con una cuestión central en esta autora como es la del mundo y se relaciona de manera íntima con otras de sus preocupaciones principales. La autoridad se sitúa asimismo en el centro de otras cuestiones de primer orden en Arendt como son el poder, la violencia, la soberanía, la ley, la fundación, la memoria, la revolución, el juicio, el sentido común, la república de consejos o sobre todo el mundo, al mismo tiempo que dialoga con otras como son el totalitarismo, la desobediencia civil, el perdón, la promesa o las actividades del trabajo y la acción.
En Arendt, la autoridad se define por rasgos como su dimensión relacional, su carácter dinámico o por aparecer como una suerte de contrapeso a la dimensión imprevisible y desbordante de la acción que sin embargo no conduce a la negación de ésta. Por otro lado, la autoridad también provee un horizonte de permanencia que no se encuentra presente en la categoría arendtiana de poder y que resulta fundamental para la posibilidad y viabilidad de una fundación política. Como extensión de estas consideraciones, en las páginas siguientes se desarrollará lo que hemos llamado un poder de recepción y se hará una reconsideración del concepto de autor desde las reflexiones de esta pensadora. Finalmente, este trabajo pretende encarar el que para Arendt consistía en uno de los problemas fundamentales del pensamiento político: cómo reconciliar no la libertad y la igualdad, sino ésta y la autoridad.<br>This work will examine the concept of authority, taking Hannah Arendt‘s political thinking as a cue. My aim is to rethink and vindicate the importance of this political category, which has been insufficiently examined by the tradition of political thought. In my opinion, its specific dimension needs to be further studied so that we can better understand the current political crisis. In order to fulfil this new approach, we need to dissociate or disentangle the notion of authority from those of power and authoritarianism, concepts with which it has usually been confused. In this regard, this work highlights the fact that authority is incompatible with a conception of power that is embodied in the notion of sovereignty. Contrary to this conception, authority implies a form of obedience which does not stand on imposition, coercion or violence, but on other factors, such as recognition, and consequently it is inevitably defined by its fragile character. Implicitly, authority reveals the incompleteness of power and thus discloses that power needs an exterior instance as a source of legitimacy.
In order to complete this task, this research rests upon a deep and exhaustive examination of the works of Hannah Arendt from the perspective of authority and argues that this concept does not play a secondary or isolated role in her thinking. Authority is linked with one of the central problems for this thinker, that of the question of the world. Furthermore, authority is located at the very heart of other major issues, such as the concepts of power, violence, sovereignty, law, foundation, memory, revolution, judgment, common sense or, above all, the world. At the same time the concept of authority plays an important role in the understanding of Arendt‘s position in regard to the council system and it is useful to delve more deeply into other phenomena such as totalitarianism, civil disobedience, forgiveness, promise or both the activities of work and action.
In Arendt, authority is defined by characteristics such as its relational dimension and its dynamic character. In addition, authority is seen as a kind of resource which can counterbalance the unpredictable character inherent to action that at the same time does not negate its freedom or its spontaneity. On the other hand, authority provides a horizon of permanence that is not present in the Arendtian category of power and is crucial for the possibility or viability of the political foundation. As a result of this consideration, in the following pages I develop what I call a ―power of reception‖ and I will reconsider the concept of the author on the basis of Arendt‘s reflections. Finally, this work aims to tackle what the thinker considered as one of the major challenges for the current political thinking: the reconciliation of not freedom and equality but of equality and authority.
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Horner, Christopher. "The fate of judgement : Hannah Arendt, the third Critique and aspects of contemporary political philosophy." Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2012. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/the-fate-of-judgement(eadbe082-1467-429c-9aca-a2074a3f8c70).html.
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In this work I examine the role of judgment in the writings of Hannah Arendt. I argue that consideration of this concept helps to shed light on her important contribution to political philosophy, and in particular on the often overlooked radical aspects of her work. Judgment lies at the heart of a cluster of characteristically ‘Arendtian’ themes: those of natality, plurality, narrative and the relation between political action, thought and disclosure, as well as her notions of political public space and its relation to past and future. I argue that in adapting Kant’s conception of judgment as presented in his Critique of Judgment, Arendt also inherits a problematic pair of ideas associated with it: ‘Taste’ and sensus communis. These concepts, I suggest, raise questions of authority, exclusion and participation that were already politically coded in Kant. Examining the part they came to play in Arendt’s thought helps us to see a significant problematic for a political thought that would aspire to be critical and radical. Specifically, it exposes two closely interlinked questions: that of the limits of the political (its character and distinctiveness) and that of the political subjects themselves (the notion of proper and improper political subjects). I conclude that an engagement with the role of reflective judgment in Arendt is an illuminating and important way to understand both the radical current in Arendt’s thought and the challenge faced by any radical political thought at the opening of the twenty-first century.
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Ferreira, Manuela Chaves Simões. "Hannah Arendt e a separação entre política e educação." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-25062007-112716/.
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Trabalho de pesquisa teórica que parte de conceitos e idéias de Hannah Arendt em seu artigo intitulado \"Reflexões sobre Little Rock\". Neste artigo é proposta a separação entre educação e política a fim de garantir a preservação da autoridade na escola. Nesta dissertação descreve-se a ascensão da esfera social e a substituição da ação pelo conformismo, fenômeno que coincide com uma crise de autoridade no mundo moderno. Em seguida, examina-se o que Arendt entende por política através da configuração desta esfera da vida humana, comparando-se a Antiguidade e a Era Moderna, momento em que a autoridade desaparece da política. Estabelece-se a relação destes fenômenos à crise da educação e propõe-se a separação da educação e da política. Retoma-se o papel da educação nas democracias e conclui-se que se o objetivo da educação nas democracias é preparar as novas gerações para conservar e renovar o mundo, a autoridade e o contato com a tradição devem ser mantidos na escola.<br>This theorist research starts from the concepts and ideas of Hanna Arendt article named \"Reflections on Little Rock. This article proposes the dissociation between education and politics, in order to guarantee the preservation of the authority at the school. In this Master Thesis it is described the ascension of the social sphere and the substitution of action instead of compliance, phenomenon that comes together with the crisis of the authority in the Modern World. After that, it is investigated what Arendt understands about politics through the configuration of this human life sphere, comparing the Old Ages with the Modern Ages, period when the authority disappears from the politics. It is established the relation of these phenomena with the crisis of education and it is proposed the dissociation of education and politics. This Thesis recovers the role of education in the democracies and it concludes that the education target is to prepare the new generation to maintain and renovate the world. The authority and the contact with the tradition must be kept at school.
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Lefebve, Vincent. "Politique des limites, limites de la politique: la place du droit dans la pensée de Hannah Arendt." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209537.
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Dans cette thèse de doctorat, je m’attache à interpréter, à systématiser et à soumettre à un examen critique la pensée politique du droit de Hannah Arendt. En effet, alors que le versant politique de cette œuvre a fait l’objet d’une attention tout à fait considérable, on n’a toujours pas pris la mesure de l’intérêt évident de la philosophe pour le droit et les institutions juridiques et judiciaires les plus essentielles. Or, selon la thèse que je défends, l’une des raisons qui expliquent l’originalité de cette pensée et son caractère stimulant est à chercher du côté du positionnement qu’elle adopte vis-à-vis de la question du droit.<p><p>Pour atteindre ces différents objectifs, ma thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties qui correspondent à deux points de vue que l’on peut adopter par rapport au droit et qui se révèlent tout à fait opératoires si l’on accède à une vision panoramique des écrits dispersés qu’Arendt a consacrés au droit. Je distingue ainsi, et ne cesse de faire dialoguer dans ma thèse, le « pôle objectif » (première partie) et le « pôle subjectif » (seconde partie) de la philosophie du droit de Hannah Arendt.<p>1/ Dans la première partie de mon étude, je montre comment la philosophe s’attache, dans ses livres les plus célèbres, à construire des modèles politiques qui ont tous pour particularité d’être aussi – et de manière indissociable – des modèles juridiques. a) Mon premier chapitre est dédié à l’intérêt manifesté par Hannah Arendt pour les sources de l’Antiquité, et vise en particulier à clarifier le rapport qu’elle entretient vis-à-vis des sources romaines. b) Dans mon deuxième chapitre, je propose une interprétation de sa réflexion consacrée aux deux grandes révolutions modernes de la fin du XVIIIe siècle, les Révolutions française et américaine. Je mets en lumière de quelle façon Arendt, en s’inspirant du précédent américain, élabore un modèle républicain et peut ainsi approfondir sa conception de l’articulation entre droit et politique. c) Dans mon troisième chapitre, je précise les contours d’un contre-modèle élaboré par Arendt dans ses premiers écrits politiques d’envergure, ceux qu’elle a consacrés au totalitarisme.<p>2/ Dans la seconde partie de mon étude, je me concentre sur le « pôle subjectif » de la philosophie de mon auteur :j’indique comment Arendt mobilise des situations existentielles limites pour penser la condition de l’homme contemporain. a) Dans mon quatrième chapitre, je montre que c’est à partir de la situation des réfugiés et des apatrides de l’entre-deux-guerres que Hannah Arendt nous invite à repenser non seulement les droits de l’homme, mais aussi leur titulaire, que j’appelle l’« homme des droits de l’homme ». b) Dans mon cinquième chapitre, je m’attache à mettre en évidence, dans toutes ses nuances, la figure du « juge » que Hannah Arendt s’attache à reconstituer après avoir assisté au procès d’Adolf Eichmann, après avoir ressenti ce que je nomme le « choc » du procès Eichmann. c) Dans mon sixième et dernier chapitre, enfin, je m’interroge sur les raisons profondes qui incitent Arendt à voir dans les grandes campagnes de désobéissance civile qui éclatent aux États-Unis durant les années 1950 et 1960, non le signe d’un déclin des institutions, mais, au contraire, la marque d’une renaissance de l’action citoyenne.<p><p>Je conclus en synthétisant l’apport de Hannah Arendt à notre pensée juridique. Dans cette œuvre, le droit n’apparaît jamais comme une simple contrainte extérieure pour la politique, ni comme son « supplément d’âme », mais comme sa condition d’existence :en conférant à la liberté politique ses limites, limites spatiales mais aussi relationnelles et temporelles, en lui offrant un cadre stable au sein duquel elle peut s’épanouir, le droit n’ampute pas la politique d’une part d’elle-même mais, au contraire, participe de sa constitution. Me fondant sur trois catégories centrales de la réflexion juridique (législation, constitution, juridiction), je souligne en outre tout l’intérêt d’une confrontation approfondie et détaillée entre l’œuvre arendtienne et les questions classiques et contemporaines qui animent le champ de la théorie et de la philosophie du droit, ce qui me permet d’ouvrir un certain nombre de perspectives de recherches futures.<p><br>Doctorat en Sciences juridiques<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Giequelin, Bruna Perusato. "Pensamento e obediência : análises éticas em Hannah Arendt." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2018. https://repositorio.ucs.br/11338/3907.
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O presente estudo tem por escopo tratar da questão do pensamento (e sua ausência) e da obediência, sob a perspectiva ética em Hannah Arendt, buscando entrelaçar tais conceitos. Assim, ao debruçar-se sob a análise feita por Arendt, especialmente após o julgamento de Eichmann em Jerusalém, destaca-se a importância do pensamento no campo da ética. Identifica-se, nesse sentido, uma responsabilidade do homem de agir e não meramente comportar-se como uma peça de engrenagem, obedecendo cegamente às regras postas, sendo apenas mais um corpo da sociedade de massa. Tais observações são extremamente relevantes no contexto atual, especificamente no que diz respeito ao serviço público no Brasil, que impõe um comportamento padronizado de seus servidores, limitando a atividade espiritual de pensar do homem.<br>The present study aims to address the question of think (and its absence) and obedience, from the ethical perspective of Hannah Arendt, seeking to interweave such concepts. Thus, under Arendt's analysis, especially after Eichmann's trial in Jerusalem, the importance of thinking in the field of ethics is emphasized. In this sense, man's responsibility to act is identified and not merely to behave as a piece of gear, obeying blindly to the rules, being just another body of mass society. Such observations are extremely relevant in the current context, specifically with regard to the public service in Brazil, which imposes a standardized behavior of its servants, limiting the spiritual activity of man's thinking.
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Clark, J. V. W. "Reclaiming novelty : Hannah Arendt on natality as an anti-methodological methodology for sociology." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22373/.
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This dissertation seeks to contribute to research in the philosophy of social science. The study focuses upon select epistemological and ontological aspects of Hannah Arendt’s work from which methodological implications are drawn pertaining to sociology. Arendt, although critical of the sociology of her time, has become increasingly cited and influential for emerging sociological research and this study seeks to contribute to this by focusing upon the problem of novelty. The aim is to explore the philosophical and methodological implications of novelty for social science by working through three case studies that are theoretically pivotal for social science—action, the ‘social’, and the self—in terms of novelty as expressed in Arendt’s writing. Arendt is critical of methodology and epistemology, aiming to draw her readers to ontological concerns outlined from her preoccupation with the 'world' and social reality. In this aim, Arendt seeks to distance herself from social sciences that she claims ignore human novelty in favour of reading social regularities, tendencies and similarities. Despite her disdain for method, Arendt suggests a anti-methodological 'method' (outlined in an overlooked footnote) for keeping trained upon and for dealing with novel, anomalous events. In the seed of this method lies a unique opportunity for social science to reassess and extend its methods, addressing this oversight and in so doing bring to light the novel social object as a legitimate subject of social research.
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Dackeby, Carl. "Att Påbörja Något Nytt : En Begreppsanalys av Hannah Arendts Framträdelserum." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33079.
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To Begin Something New A Conceptual Analysis of Hannah Arendt’s Space of Appearance This essay is about Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy and uses her book, The Human Condition, as its main point of reference. Specifically it’s Arendt’s theory of political action and how it manifests in the world that is going to be explored. The method of the essay is a conceptual analysis and the aim is to answer the following question: “What is ‘the space of appearance?’” The purpose of this essay is twofold. Firstly, to expand on Arendt’s political philosophy. Secondly, it is an attempt to map Arendt's insights into the political turmoil of her time on to ours. To - through Arendt’s writing - find the tools to make clear what often seems cryptic. One of the core ideas that this essay depends on is a reading of The Human Condition through the lens of Arendt’s doctoral thesis, Love and Saint Augustine. Here she describes the concept of love in the work of the Christian philosopher, Saint Augustine of Hippo, as desire of something good. In this essay I then use this understanding of “love as desire” to describe why humans act politically. The essay revolves around Arendt’s notion that political action depends on the plurality of man and that a multitude of people acting together within “the space of appearance” creates the processes of unfolding events which constitute human history. The ability to create and reshape history is seen by Arendt as one of the core abilities that make up the human condition. But to create history, a desire for change is needed. By following this argument I come to the conclusion that those with the real potential to use this ability are the ones most oppressed and marginalized by tyrannical regimes or power structures. At the end of the essay I conclude with presenting two paramount crises that humanity is currently facing: The crisis of climate change and the large scale obsolescence of labor through automation. Instead of making an attempt to propose a solution to these crises, I argue that a lack of ability or willingness to act politically is what blocks potential possibilities for these challenges to be overcome.
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Bodziak, Junior Paulo Eduardo 1986. "Categorias de Validade Exemplar : sobre a distinção entre político e social em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279521.
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Orientador: Yara Adario Frateschi<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T23:40:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: Hannah Arendt trouxe uma nova perspectiva de formulação e de compreensão dos problemas políticos contemporâneos. Se, por um lado, foi capaz de evidenciar a insuficiência teórica do século XX diante do ineditismo dos eventos políticos, tendo que elaborar novas estratégias teóricas capazes de responder ao desafio de pensar a política no seu tempo; por outro lado, tal tarefa não pôde ser realizada sem que tais novidades fossem duramente criticadas por seus contemporâneos antes ou após sua morte em 1975. Neste trabalho, veremos que estas críticas se desenvolvem a partir de dois aspectos: da má compreensão das novidades teóricas elaboradas por Arendt e do tratamento dado pela autora à articulação entre social e político. Como resposta ao primeiro aspecto buscaremos construir a noção de "Categorias de Validade Exemplar", termo que tenta reunir as influências importantes de Kant, Benjamin e Sócrates ao pensamento arendtiano. Segundo, notaremos como as categorias políticas de Hannah Arendt podem ser pensadas em um cenário de efetivação da organização moderna da esfera de aparências, isto é, a sociedade. Sustentaremos que a autora acerta ao apontar para a funcionalização da política pela economia, embora seja necessário reinterpretar aspectos teóricos que a conduzem à citada conclusão para nos permitir pensar a política a partir de conflitos sociais<br>Abstract: Hannah Arendt brought a new perspective to the formulation and understanding of contemporary political problems. If, on the one hand, she was able to show the theoretical inadequacy of the twentieth century in front of unprecedented political events, having to develop new theoretical strategies capable of meeting the challenge of thinking about politics in her time, on the other, such a task could not be performed without such novelties were harshly criticized by his contemporaries before or after his death in 1975. In this work, we will see that these criticisms are developed from two aspects: the poor understanding of theoretical novelties prepared by Arendt and the treatment given by the author to the relationship between social and political. In response to the first aspect we will seek to build the notion of "Categories of Validity Exemplary", a term that attempts to bring together the important influences of Kant, Benjamin and Socrates to Arendt thought. Second, we will note how the political categories of Hannah Arendt can be thought of in a scenario of realization of the modern organization of sphere of appearances, that is, the society. I shall argue that the author hits the point to the functionalization of the political by economy, although it is necessary to reinterpret theoretical aspects that leads it to the above conclusion to enable us to think politics from social conflicts<br>Mestrado<br>Filosofia<br>Mestre em Filosofia
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Barbosa, Willian Bento. "A tensão entre filosofia e política no pensamento de Hannah Arendt." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/5457.
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Previous issue date: 2014-09-23<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>The analysis of the conflict between philosophy and politics in the thought of Hannah Arendt
was made through this thesis. The conflict expresses differences among the lifestyle dedicated
to action and the way of life dedicated to contemplation, among politics and philosophy. Are
these completely different activities or would be possible any relationship between them?
Motivated primarily by Socrates’ judgment, the tension’s main character, Plato may have
started a tradition of philosophy that would prioritize contemplation over action, a tradition
broken only with Marx, Nietzsche and Kierkegaard. Such intent would have deformed both
acting – dislodging it from the freedom inherent in it, as thought – displacing it from the
world and the meanings to a place-none of the philosophers. In this sense, Arendt's critique of
philosophy speaks to a specific way of philosophizing: the traditional metaphysical
philosophy, the spirit (nous) and theory (theorein), the philosophy of professional thinkers.
Arendt's reflections guide us to relocate the thought in the world and in the realm of meanings
and, on the other side, to revitalize the action and freedom in its own dignity; to the passage of
a philosophy of foundation to a philosophy of understanding; to a friendship in politics and to
the care for the world. To illuminate the issues of the thesis, it is made necessary to establish a
sort of phenomenology of the work of Arendt, a pasearse in her main works and discussions,
as in the problem of action, of freedom, of thought, friendship and the political judgment.<br>Tratamos de analisar nesta dissertação o conflito entre filosofia e política no pensamento de
Hannah Arendt. O conflito expressa as diferenças entre o modo de vida dedicado à ação e o
modo de vida dedicado à contemplação, entre o político e o filosófico. Seriam estas atividades
completamente distintas ou haveria alguma relação possível entre elas? Motivado
principalmente pelo julgamento de Sócrates, personagem principal da tensão, Platão teria
iniciado uma tradição da filosofia que priorizaria a contemplação em detrimento da ação,
tradição rompida somente com Marx, Nietzsche e Kierkgaard. Tal intento teria deformado
tanto a ação, desalojando-a da liberdade nela inerente, quanto o pensamento, desalojando-o do
mundo e dos significados para um lugar-nenhum dos filósofos. Neste sentido, a crítica de
Arendt à filosofia se dirige a um modo específico de filosofar: a filosofia tradicional de cunho
metafísico, do espírito (nous) e da teoria (theorein), a filosofia dos pensadores profissionais.
As reflexões de Arendt nos orientam a realojar o pensamento no mundo e na esfera dos
significados e por outro a reatualizar a ação e a liberdade em sua dignidade própria; à
passagem de uma filosofia da fundamentação para uma filosofia da compreensão; para a
amizade na política e para o cuidado com o mundo. Para iluminar os problemas da
dissertação, faz-se necessário estabelecer uma espécie de fenomenologia da obra de Arendt,
um pasearse em suas principais obras e discussões, tal como no problema da ação, da
liberdade, do pensamento, da amizade e do juízo político.
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Crivorncica, Roberta. "As narrativas da Vida do Espírito e educação em Hannah Arendt." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-05112018-160155/.
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O escopo desta pesquisa de doutorado é examinar as narrativas que Hannah Arendt elabora em A vida do espírito (1992). A partir dessas narrativas, busca-se pensar e dar significado a cada atividade das faculdades do espírito e de compreender a relação de cada uma delas com o âmbito da política, do viver junto uns aos outros. Para tal análise, tem-se por fio condutor os eventos que a autora vivencia durante o totalitarismo, um acontecimento central no mundo e que desencadeia em Arendt o desejo de compreender e de se reconciliar com este mundo. Tal aspiração leva Arendt a se direcionar para as atividades do espírito, isto é, para as faculdades do pensar, do querer e do julgar; e também, da compreensão dessas faculdades em relação ao domínio público, o espaço da política e da pluralidade humana. Para compreender as três faculdades do espírito, a autora destaca da história da filosofia três filósofos não profissionais que se relacionaram com o mundo em que viveram, manifestando um cuidado com o mundo e com a pluralidade humana. Quer dizer, são três modelos que servem como exemplo do entrelaçamento para aquilo que Arendt investiga: a relação entre as faculdades do espírito e o âmbito da política. Por fim, esta pesquisa apresenta uma possibilidade de pensar a educação das faculdades do espírito para um cuidado do mundo. Isso quer dizer: uma educação que acolhe os recém-chegados no mundo e se responsabiliza por eles. Uma educação como tentativa de despertar o desejo de tais alunos de se relacionar neste mundo e de pertencer a ele. Visto que este é o local em que, futuramente, este novo chegante por nascimento será inserido e no qual a tríade das faculdades do espírito - pensar-querer-julgar - será fundamental para que seja possível a manutenção e preservação do mundo para as futuras gerações.<br>The aim of this doctoral research is to examine the narratives that Hannah Arendt sets out on The Life of the Mind (1992). From these narratives, we try to think and give meaning to each with perspective of politically living together with others. For this analysis, we have to thread the events that the author experiences during totalitarianism, a central event in the world and sets off on Arendt\'s desire to understand and be in harmony with this world. Such an aspiration lead Arendt to direct herself to the activities of the mind, in the same way, to the faculties of thinking, of will, and of judging; and also the understanding of these faculties in relation to the public domain, the space of politics and human plurality. For a deeper understanding and a greater perception of the three mind faculties, the author highlights from the history of philosophy, three philosophers non-professionals For whom the world, they lived in, was related to. Equally important, is the theory of expressing care for the world and for human plurality. Consequently, there are three models served as an example of intertwining for what Arendt investigates: the relationship between the faculties of the mind and the scope of politics Accordingly, this research presents a possibility of thinking the education of mind faculties for a care of the world. This means: an education that welcomes newcomers to the world and takes responsibility for them. Education as an attempt to awaken the desire of such students to relate to and belong to this world. Since this is the place where, in the future, this new arrival by birth will be inserted and in which the triad of the faculties of the mind: think, will and judge; - will be essential if the world is to be maintained and preserved for future generations.
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Almeida, Vanessa Sievers de. "Amor mundi e educação: reflexões sobre o pensamento de Hannah Arendt." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-08122009-160028/.
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Esta tese assinala, com base na obra de Hannah Arendt, a fundamental importância do amor ao mundo para a educação. A filósofa explica que por meio da educação introduzimos as crianças no mundo humano e aponta o impasse que surge com a perda da tradição e o desmantelamento desse espaço comum na Era Moderna. Partindo desse problema, a questão central deste trabalho é: como despertar nos alunos o apreço pelo mundo que nos une com os diferentes, encorajá-los a encontrar seu lugar nele num momento em que a ausência de sentido e a preocupação com a sobrevivência se impõem, de modo que qualquer compromisso com o comum parece ser uma exigência deslocada e anacrônica? Arendt não propõe soluções, mas é rigorosa ao afirmar que quem educa é duplamente responsável: pelo mundo e pelas crianças na educação decidimos se amamos o mundo e seus novos habitantes. Posto que a autora não explicita o que vem a ser esse amor, investiga-se a noção do amor mundi, recorrendo ao conjunto de suas reflexões. Entende-se que, se o mundo é o lugar das histórias humanas no qual podemos estabelecer relações e nos revelar como pessoas, o amor a ele é uma resposta à destruição totalitária desse espaço humano e ao não-mundo da sociedade moderna organizada em torno do processo vital de produção e consumo. Com recurso a diversos conceitos de Arendt, principalmente os de ação e pensamento, aborda-se e discute-se a difícil tarefa educativa de acolher os jovens no mundo, de mostrar-lhes que, apesar de este lugar estar fora dos eixos, ainda vale a pena apostar nele, e de encorajá-los para que, por sua vez, estabeleçam seu vínculo singular com esse espaço comum e seu legado, pelo qual futuramente serão responsáveis.<br>This thesis, based on the work of Hannah Arendt, points out the fundamental importance which the love of the world has for education. The philosopher explains that we introduce the children into the human world through education and shows the impasse that arises from the loss of tradition and the disintegration of that common space in the modern age. Starting from that problem the central question of this work is: how to arouse in the students an appreciation of the world that joins us to different ones and how to encourage them to find their place in it in a moment in which meaninglessness and the preoccupation with survival impose themselves, so that any commitment to the common seems to be an out of place or anachronistic request? Arendt does not propose solutions, but is rigorous in asserting that whoever educates is doubly responsible in education we decide whether or not we love the world and its new inhabitants. Since the author does not explain what that love is, the notion of amor mundi is investigated having recourse to many of her reflections. The understanding achieved provided that the world is the place of human stories where we can establish relations and reveal ourselves as persons is that the love of it is an answer to the totalitarian destruction of that human space and to the wordlessness of the modern society organized around the vital process of production and consumption. Based on diverse concepts of Arendt, especially on those of action and thinking, we approach and discuss the difficult educational task of receiving the younger ones into the world, of showing them that, although this place is out of joint, it is still worth relying on it, and of encouraging them to establish by themselves their singular bond with this common space and its legacy, for which they will be responsible in the future.
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Edwards, Claire Jane. "Beyond the social and political : a synthesis of the political theories of Hannah Arendt and Michael Foucault." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39435/.
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This thesis argues for a move beyond the division of contemporary western experiences into separate social and political spheres. This includes a comparative study of the theories of Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault alongside historical and contemporary examples in support of the relevance of their theories and that of this thesis. The synthesis between Arendt and Foucault made here corrects the respective weaknesses in each theory by using the strengths of the other. Furthermore, this synthesis informs a move beyond the social and political referred to above. The critique of sovereignty, the defence of plurality and the critique of instrumental reason are shown here as the most important parallels between the two thinkers and the central ways that people in contemporary western society are disempowered. This thesis argues for a reconsideration of these issues in order to redress this disempowerment. The thesis also looks at the major divergence between the two thinkers which is shown to rest on their respective treatment of the social and political. This argument rejects the Arendtian argument for the separation of the social and political to favour Foucauldian resistance located on and within the everyday experiences of western individuals. This shown to be political action rooted in the social aspects of the individuals' lives and stands in opposition to the claims of Arendt regarding the social. However, this retains the political strengths of her vision. The synthesis of the strengths of both theorists alongside the ultimate rejection of the Arendtian separation of the social and political that this Foucauldian resistance exemplifies is concluded as constituting a move beyond the social and political to have more relevance, meaning and ultimate empowerment for individuals because it more accurately reflects the realities of their everyday lives.
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Benvenuti, Erica. "Educação e política em Hannah Arendt: um sentido político para a separação." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-30082010-102931/.
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Este trabalho apresenta uma reflexão sobre a relação entre a educação e a política a partir do pensamento de Hannah Arendt. Em seus escritos encontramos afirmações de separação radical entre a educação e a política, algo incomum nos discursos correntes de ambas as áreas. Apesar dessas afirmações, Arendt reflete sobre a crise da educação a partir de suas considerações sobre a política e a crise do mundo moderno, afirmando que a situação da educação é um problema político. Além disso, a autora considera a natalidade a essência da educação, conceito que também é central em sua compreensão sobre a política. Outro elemento que encontramos em seus escritos é o uso da expressão pré-política para referir-se à educação. Algumas perguntas, então, motivam as reflexões neste trabalho: o que significam, no pensamento da autora, as afirmações que distanciam tão fortemente a educação da política? Como a crise na educação pode ser tida como um problema político se estes são dois âmbitos separados? Como a natalidade conceito político em Arendt pode ser considerada por ela a essência da educação? Por que Arendt se refere a ela como sendo um âmbito prépolítico? Este trabalho, portanto, se traduz numa reflexão sobre a ideia de educação em Hannah Arendt realizada a partir do conjunto de seu pensamento político, sempre preservando a distinção estabelecida entre estes âmbitos. São apresentadas relações entre a educação e a política a partir da responsabilidade que ambas assumem pelo mundo (de maneira complementar e distinta), identificando também a condição de antecedência necessária da educação em relação à política na medida em que, ao apresentar o mundo, o conserva (para que este possa seguir sendo o palco e o centro da política). Por fim, apresentamos reflexões que revelam as razões de a crise na educação ser um problema político e que, portanto, envolve discussões de ordem política em função da abertura que a atual crise do mundo provoca.<br>This work introduces a reflection about the relationship between education and politics coming from the teachings of Hannah Arendt. In her writings one finds statements about a radical separation of education and politics, something unusually found in the discourse of both fields. Despite these assertions, Arendt reflects about the crisis of education from her considerations about politics and the crisis of the modern world, claiming that the current educational situation is a political problem. In addition to this, the author considers natality to be the essence of education, a concept which is also central in her understanding of politics. Another element we find in her writings is the use of the expression pre-politics to refer to education. Some questions, then, motivate the inquiries in this work: what do the assertions which so strongly set politics and education apart mean in the authors thinking? How can the crisis in education to be considered a political problem if these are two separate areas? How can natality a political concept for Arendt be considered the essence of education? Why does Arendt refer to it as being a pre-political realm? This investigation, therefore, can be translated into an inquiry about the idea of education in Hannah Arendt realized from the conjunction of her political thought, preserving the distinction between these two fields. There are considerations about the relationship between education and politics from the responsibility both take for the world (in distinct and complementary ways), respecting the precedent condition of education in relation to politics, as the former introduces the world, conserving it ( so that it can be the stage and the center of politics). Lastly, there are reflections which present the reasons why the crisis of education is indeed a political problem and henceforth involves political discussions in function of the opening promoted by the current crisis of the world.
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Charmelot, Dominique R. "L'espace du sens chez Hannah Arendt: essai sur le sens comme lié et débordant." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212665.
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White, Christopher H. "Hannah Arendt and her Augustinian inheritance : love, temporality, and judgement." Title page, abstract and contents only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw583.pdf.
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Cassidy, Meghann. "Les temps de l'action : Hannah Arendt, Michel Foucault et l' Antiquité." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010522.
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Le point de départ de ce travail est une réflexion sur le concept de l’événement dans la philosophie contemporaine. Nos recherches sur l’usage de ce concept révèlent la polysémie du terme et, pour la philosophie politique française notamment, deux défauts : une incapacité d’établir des critères opératoires pour la pratique de l’histoire; une tendance à réduire l’action politique à sa conjoncture historique. Hannah Arendt et Michel Foucault, plus particulièrement dans son « tournant éthique », se confrontent à ce dernier problème du rapport entre l’action politique et le temps historique : chez eux, le terme « événement » ouvre sur la participation politique du philosophe/théoricien qui se penche sur des événements particuliers et qui articule leur sens dans sa propre actualité. Mais pour penser cette relation entre action politique contemporaine et histoire, nos deux auteurs ne sont pas contentés de retravailler un concept de l’événement ν ils se sont tournés vers des concepts, des pratiques et des événements « prémodernes », élaborées notamment en Grèce et à Rome. De là, une question fondamentalement historique : étant donné la réinsertion de l’action dans l’histoire opérée par le topos contemporain de l’événement, étant donné la critique de l’histoire et du sujet modernes, quels sont les rapports principaux entre l’histoire et l’action dans la prémodernité ? Après avoir parcouru les topoï historiques des temps prémodernes, nous reviendrons vers Arendt et Foucault pour interroger leurs propres représentations de l’Antiquité et de ses « formes de vie » : le souci de soi et le philosophe, la polis, l’autorité et l’acteur. Ces descriptions mèneront à une analyse du tempshistorique que ces représentations présupposent, mais aussi celle de leur fonction performative, voire transformatrice. Ces analyses confirmeront notre hypothèse, à savoir que des concepts historiques prémodernes sont, à certains égards, reconduits sous la plume d’Arendt et de Foucault<br>The starting point of our reflections here concerns the concept of the event in contemporary philosophy. After an evaluation of the many meanings reattached to the term, we isolate two related concerns within contemporary political philosophy’s use of it : the inability to produce effective criteria for determining specific “events”; a tendency to reduce political action to its emergence within a larger and all-pervading historical framework. Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault (in his “ethical turn”) avoid these pitfalls, defining the term while at the same time reflecting upon the conditions of political participation, particularly the role of the philosopher/theorist attempting to understand specific events and determine their meaning. But in thinking about this relationship, the two authors do not focus their attention on the concept of the eventν they look to “pre-modern” concepts, practices and events, particularly in Greece and Rome.At this point we ask an essentially historical question: given the “event’s” reduction of political action within history, given the critique of the modern subject and of modern history what are some of the relationships between history and political action in Ancient and Medieval historical practices? After identifying a number of historical themes during these periods, we return to Foucault and Arendt to enquire about their own representations of ancient thought and “forms of life”: the care of self and the philosopher, the polis, Roman authority and the idea of the actor… These descriptions will lead to ananalysis of the historical time that these representations presuppose, on the one hand, and of theirperformative and transformative functions, on the other. These enquiries will confirm our hypothesis,to wit, some pre-modern historical concepts are in fact renewed in the writings of Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault
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Beckman, Amanda. "Mellanrummets politik : Hannah Arendts kritik av modernitetens begrepp om det politiska." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Filosofi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-44691.
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This essay seeks to understand Hannah Arendt’s notion of the political as an “in-between.” The in-between appears to be the intersubjectivity and relations of interaction in a public sphere, which Arendt suggests as a way of understanding the political as an end in itself. Judith Butler has distinguished Arendt’s notion of the political as essentially relational, but which dismisses the material interdependence as a precondition to political participation. This essay argues that Arendt's notion of the political must be seen in context of her critique of modernity in which the public sphere is dominated by economic terms, “the social”. This essay provides a background for this critique, and how Arendt's distinction between the political and "the social" can be understood. The result is a politics separated from economics, but in which we can stress the question of intersubjectivity at its core. The conclusion is that Arendt certainly recognizes material interdependence as a precondition for politics, but the political in Arendtentian terms insist on a political commonality beyond any common ground, for which the in-between and the relation can emerge as the (non)essence.
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Lazier, Tiago Cerqueira. "Hannah Arendt: entre a contingência e o absoluto." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-05012018-115329/.
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Da crítica de Hannah Arendt à pretensão da soberania extrapolamos, na primeira parte desta tese, uma problematização do recorrente equívoco do pensamento projetar o absoluto, impróprio a nossa existência plural. Observamos, em Hobbes e em Berlin, como esse absoluto, em seu existir simulado, sempre se apresenta ao modo de uma dualidade, na qual a verdade ou emancipação plena equivale à falsidade ou opressão plena, a revelação divina, à dedução jurídica, e vice-versa. Enquanto, por detrás dessa farsa, a realidade se reproduz, contingentemente, nos conflitos entre limites que se tensionam, contorcendo-se sobre si mesmos. Após uma breve problematização da permanência da farsa do absoluto e da dualidade, mesmo no pensamento que se levanta contra ela, retornamos a Arendt, uma pensadora que se diferencia em sua aceitação da prática política e da espontaneidade, a partir da qual busca compreender como os valores e possibilidades republicanas a beleza plural da dignidade comum, mesmo que imperfeitamente defendida em seus escritos efetivam-se sem precisarem se sustentar no absoluto. Na segunda parte, considerando-se que ela, não obstante, retorne ao e ilustre os equívocos do retorno ao absoluto, iniciamos uma requalificação de seu pensamento, com intuito de mantê-lo coerente com a condição de contingência. Partindo do tema do conflito e tensão entre passado e futuro, o qual recorta toda a sua obra, concentramo-nos nos escritos do início de sua carreira acadêmica, mais diretamente dedicados à compreensão da experiência totalitária que a afetou como judia alemã. Após uma breve introdução aos traços gerais do que seria uma ontologia consistente da pluralidade e da contingência, exploramos a questão da responsabilidade, observando como alguns desses traços se apresentam. Do pária ao parvenu, da conservação à mudança, do idealismo ao realismo, da antiguidade à modernidade, observamos como não somos soberanos, nem vassalos: somos a responsabilidade que se manifesta em sua contingência e espontaneidade, nas tensões dos conflitos entre pluralidades.<br>From Hannah Arendts critique of the pretension of sovereignty, we extrapolate, in the first part of this thesis, a problematization of the recurring mistake of thought projecting the absolute, improper to our plural existence. We observe, in Hobbes and Berlin, how this absolute, in its simulated existence, always presents itself as a duality, in which full truth or emancipation corresponds to full falsehood or oppression, divine revelation corresponds to juridical derivation, and vice-versa. Throughout, behind this farce, reality is reproducing itself, contingently, in the conflicts between limits that tension each other, writhing over themselves. After a brief problematization of the perpetuation of the farce of the absolute and of duality, even by thinkers that rise against it, we return to Arendt, a thinker that differentiates herself by her welcoming of politics and spontaneity, from which she seeks to understand how republican values and possibilities the plural beauty of common dignity, even if imperfectly advanced by her become effective without having to find support on the absolute. In the second part, considering that Arendt, nonetheless, returns to and illustrates the mistakes of returning to the absolute, we begin a requalification of her thought, with the intention of keeping it coherent with the condition of contingency. Starting from the theme of conflict and tension between past and future, which traverses her entire academic production, we focus on her early writings, more directly devoted to understanding the totalitarian experience that affected her as a German Jew. After a brief introduction to the general traits of a consistent, however incipient, ontology of plurality and contingency, we explore the question of responsibility, observing how some of these traits present themselves. From the pariah to the parvenu, from conservation to change, from idealism to realism, from antiquity to modernity, we observe how we are neither sovereigns nor vassals: we are the responsibility that manifests itself in its contingency and spontaneity, in the tensions of the conflicts between pluralities.
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Andrade, Flávio Rovani de 1982. "A compreensão dos elementos pré-totalitários na educação, segundo Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/251571.
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Previous issue date: 2012<br>Resumo: Esta tese tem por objeto o pensamento de Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), naquilo que se refere às relações entre educação e totalitarismo constantes em sua obra, tendo como ponto de partida o ensaio "A crise na educação", de 1958. Inicia-se esclarecendo que o trato de Arendt sobre assuntos políticos se faz sob o assombro do fenômeno totalitário, que segundo a autora explodiu nossas categorias do pensamento político e nossos padrões de julgamento moral. Demonstra que suas análises não se baseiam em nenhuma metodologia, mas consiste num impulso fenomenológico com vistas a compreender os principais eventos do mundo moderno, pensando sem arrimos, por meio de uma análise conceitual transmitida na forma de narrativa. Posteriormente, passa-se à análise das teses contidas em "A crise na educação", crise caracterizada pelo rebaixamento dos níveis escolares, após a aplicação servil e indiscriminada de pressupostos teóricos fundamentados na progressive education; utiliza-se como aporte conceitual parte significativa da obra da autora. Conclui-se, do pensamento de Arendt, que a crise da autoridade e da tradição está na base da crise educacional, pois a educação, enquanto instância pré-política, não pode prescindir de ambas, mas caminha em um mundo que não mais está ordenado pela autoridade nem coeso pela tradição, e, sobretudo, porque a recusa dos adultos em exercer a autoridade sobre as crianças equivale a eles não assumirem a responsabilidade pelas crianças e pelo mundo, embora elas precisem de sua orientação até que possam se inserir no mundo comum, onde deverão exercer sua liberdade. Depois, busca-se analisar a natureza do totalitarismo em Hannah Arendt, com a finalidade de trazer à luz as principais características totalitárias das quais se podem extrair consequências para o mundo não totalitário, destacando-se a limitação da liberdade e da espontaneidade, a solidão organizada, a superfluidade, a ideologia e a logicidade, questões que Arendt analisa pela ótica da perda do mundo e do senso comuns. Finalmente, busca-se situar o problema específico da educação no conjunto das preocupações de Hannah Arendt com o fenômeno totalitário, concluindo-se que há conexões textuais e conceituais, pois a crise educacional local reflete a crise geral à medida que é, pela recusa da autoridade e geração do conformismo, uma atitude frente ao novo no sentido de negar-lhe o direito de no mundo se firmar.<br>Abstract: This thesis has as its object the thought of Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), concerning the relations between education and totalitarianism that appear in her work, having as its starting point the essay "The crisis in education", 1958. It begins by explaining that Arendt's approach on political affairs is under the amazement of the totalitarian phenomenon, which according to the author burst our categories of political thought and our standards of moral judgment. It shows that her analyzes are not based on any methodology, but it consists on a phenomenological impulse in order to understand the key events of the modern world, thinking without considering, based on a conceptual analysis transmitted in a narrative form. Subsequently, it focus on the analysis of the theses presented in "The crisis in education", crisis characterized by the lowering of school levels, after the servile and indiscriminate application of theoretical assumptions based on progressive education; using as framework a significant part of her work. It is concluded, considering the thought of Arendt, that the crisis of authority and tradition is the basis of educational crisis, since education, being a pre-political instance, cannot be separated from both, but it walks into a world that is neither ordered by the authority nor cohesive by tradition, and, above all, because adult's refusal of exercising their authority on children is equivalent to their not being responsible for children and the world, although they need their guidance until they can be inserted in common world, where they should exercise their freedom. Then, it tries to analyze the nature of totalitarianism in Hannah Arendt's though, with the purpose of enlightening the main characteristics of totalitarian from which consequences for a non-totalitarian world can be extracted, highlighting the limitation of freedom and spontaneity, the organized loneliness, the superfluity, ideology and the logicality, issues that Arendt analyzes from the perspective of the loss of world and common senses. Finally, it seeks to locate the specific problem of education among the concerns of Hannah Arendt with the totalitarian phenomenon, concluding that there are textual and conceptual connections, because the local educational crisis reflects the general crisis as it is, by the refusal of authority and the generation of conformism, an attitude toward the new to deny you the right to grow and establish yourself in the world.<br>Doutorado<br>Filosofia e História da Educação<br>Mestre em Educação
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Trimcev, Eno. "Rethinking political foundations with Leo Strauss, Hannah Arendt and Eric Voegelin." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:84a0c67a-a581-4011-84c6-b6b42097654b.
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The problem of understanding political foundings is situated at the nexus between political philosophy and political science. This thesis rethinks founding by asking both the philosophical question of how political order comes into being, and the political science question of how to understand particular founding moments. These two questions stimulate and structure a dialogue between the works of Leo Strauss, Hannah Arendt and Eric Voegelin. The approach of founding in all three has a common starting point: they begin from ordinary experience and outline a political science that is mindful of the phenomenality of political life. I show that Strauss’s return to ordinary experience is partial. By limiting political life to the normative claims raised in it and submitting them to philosophical judgment, Strauss moves too quickly beyond political phenomena. His account of founding, as a consequence, vacillates between understanding particular founding acts and conceiving the perfect founding moment in abstract thought. Arendt’s work decisively shifts the problem on the side of practical understanding. Yet, her ontological account of action as appearance subtly displaces her concern for understanding historical actions. I move away from approaching historical foundings as a mode of appearing in the world, by recovering an account of action as experience. On that basis, I suggest a hermeneutics of experience which approaches foundings in light of the quest for meaning. With Voegelin founding is recovered as a symbol that exists only in the quest of understanding. Founding occurs in the experience of struggle to restore a reality that has become symbolically opaque. This experience is shared by the philosopher and the political actor; therefore to understand moments of founding requires the interweaving, and not separation, of political philosophy and political science. At the end, the quest of understanding founding moments is neither derivative, nor preparatory, but encompassing the philosophical question of how order comes into being.
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Martins, Jeferson Tadeu. "A categoria da ação política em Hannah Arendt." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20990.
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Previous issue date: 2018-03-06<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>This work aims to study the category of political action in the book The Human Condition by Hannah Arendt. This is a category that evidences the search of the author in valorizing the vita activa, understood as labor, work and action. Considering that the totalitarianism of the twentieth century caused a rupture with the tradition of western political thought, Arendt proposes to think of the category of political action from a recovery of what she believes has been relegated to oblivion throughout tradition, to investigate some political phenomena, as originally manifested. In this dissertation, after the proposal of Arendt’s work is presented in general, the author's understanding about vita activa was evidenced, briefly addressing the categories of labor and work, and then presenting the main aspects of the action, based on the book The Human Condition. Finally, Arendt's analysis of modernity is clarified, along with the process of alienation from the world and the reflection on the system of councils, in which, for Arendt, political action is manifested in an authentic way<br>Este trabalho tem como objetivo estudar a categoria da ação política na obra A Condição Humana de Hannah Arendt. Essa é uma categoria que evidencia a busca de Arendt em valorizar a vita activa, entendida enquanto trabalho, obra e ação. Partindo da consideração de que o totalitarismo do século XX ocasionou uma ruptura com a tradição do pensamento político ocidental, Arendt se propõe a pensar a categoria de ação política, a partir de uma recuperação daquilo que ela acredita ter sido relegado ao esquecimento ao longo da tradição, para investigar alguns fenômenos políticos, tal qual se manifestaram originalmente. Nesta dissertação, após se apresentar de modo geral a proposta de trabalho arendtiana, evidencia-se sua compreensão a respeito da vita activa, abordando de maneira sucinta as categorias de trabalho e obra, para depois apresentar os aspectos principais da ação, tendo como base sua obra A Condição Humana. Por fim, esclarece-se a análise arendtiana a respeito da modernidade, juntamente com seu processo de alienação frente ao mundo e à reflexão acerca do sistema de conselhos, nos quais, para Arendt, a ação política se manifesta de modo autêntico
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Lepage, Dominique. "Finitude et nouveauté : promesses et périls du nouveau au XXe siècle." Thesis, Université Laval, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30038/document.
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Cette thèse prend pour point de départ la valorisation croissante de la nouveauté qui s’impose au cours de la modernité, et se radicalise au XXe siècle. Nous faisons le constat que l’omniprésence de cette notion à la fois puissante et familière soulève les questions du sens et de la valeur de la nouveauté, au-Delà même de son appropriation moderne. Du point de vue du sens, la question est de savoir comment traiter l’irréductible polysémie de la nouveauté. Nous montrons d’abord que, sous ses diverses modalités, la nouveauté se distingue non seulement par la différence avec le passé mise de l’avant par le discours moderniste, mais plus encore par sa dimension de commencement, que nous analysons comme introduction de puissance et ouverture d’avenir. Cela constitue le critère premier de toute nouveauté, et ce qui en fait un enjeu humain fondamental. La nouveauté est au cœur de notre expérience du temps, de la manière dont nous vivons notre finitude et particulièrement notre mortalité. Cependant, cela ne fait pas de la nouveauté une valeur à proprement parler. Ce lien doit être interrogé à travers la pluralité des temps et des activités humaines. Nous considérons donc ensuite comment se décline la nouveauté, concrètement, au sein de l’existence humaine. Ce deuxième volet est développé à travers un dialogue avec la pensée de Hannah Arendt. Par sa conception de l’homme comme être de naissance et d’innovation, et par l’articulation des multiples temporalités corrélatives de l’activité humaine, Arendt nous permet de poser les bases d’une articulation différentielle et raisonnée de la polysémie de la nouveauté, en lien avec les conditions de natalité et de mortalité. La question de la valeur de la nouveauté se pose alors en fonction du contexte et de la réalité où elle s’inscrit. Il apparaît que plus on s’approche de la dimension de la liberté humaine, plus se radicalise la nouveauté, en même temps que le jugement de valeur devient plus problématique, et se présente comme une tâche et une exigence pour le jugement<br>This dissertation stems from the growing importance of the new throughout modernity, and its radicalization during the 20th century. The overwhelming presence of a notion so potent and yet so familiar raises the questions of the definition and of the value of novelty itself, beyond its modern appropriation. The problem with establishing its meaning lies in the polysemous nature of the notion. We show that novelty, in its multiple modalities, distinguishes itself not only as different from the past, something modernist discourses consistently insist upon, but more importantly, as a beginning. We understand this feature as a gain of power and an opening into the future. We also show that this constitutes the prime criteria for any novelty, and makes it a fundamental human issue. Novelty is at the core of how we experience time, our finitude and particularly our mortality. It does not follow, however, that novelty is a value or has value in itself. This must be examined through a study of the plurality of human temporalities and activities. Thus we also examine how novelty concretely manifests itself in human existence. This part of the dissertation is developed through a dialog with the thought of Hannah Arendt. Her conception of man as a being of birth and innovation, and her articulation of the multiple temporalities pertaining to human activity allows us to establish a differential and reasoned approach to the multiple meanings of novelty, in relation with the conditions of natality and mortality. The question of the value of novelty thus arises in relation to the context and reality in which it appears. As we get closer to the issue of human freedom, the more radical novelty gets, and the more the question of its value appears as a problem and as a task with which our judgment must deal
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Fontánez, Torres Érika. "El Derecho y lo Político en el pensamiento de Hannah Arendt." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/405253.
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Esta tesis expone la relación entre Derecho y Política en la obra de Hannah Arendt. Mi hipótesis es que una teoría jurídica a partir del trabajo de Arendt tiene que hacerse a partir de la reconceptualización que ésta hace de la política y que el lugar que ocupará el Derecho allí será el de garantizar la capacidad de actuar de los seres humanos en el mundo común. Lo anterior permite develar algunas premisas que asumimos hoy en el mundo contemporáneo tanto sobre lo jurídico como sobre lo político, y que inciden de manera trascendental en cómo percibimos el mundo, sus instituciones y los problemas a los que nos enfrentamos.
La tesis adopta una metodología iusfilosófica que analiza fuentes directas e indirectas de la obra de Hannah Arendt. Se examinan a profundidad las obras más importantes de Arendt relativas a su teoría política en busca del lugar que ésta le da al Derecho. A través del estudio directo de sus textos primarios, entrevistas y diarios se construye una radiografía de las concepciones sobre el Derecho y lo jurídico en la obra arendtiana. La tesis expone, además, las concepciones de Arendt sobre el poder judicial, los jueces, y un meta-derecho: el derecho a tener derechos. Esta radiografía y su análisis está mediada por una gran cantidad de literatura secundaria y crítica sobre la obra de Hannah Arendt, incluyendo la producida desde la academia jurídica.
La tesis parte de tres grandes temas que Arendt trabaja en su obra de manera transversal: el poder, la autoridad y la revolución. El producto de esto es un examen y una discusión directa sobre la relación entre Poder y Derecho, la relación entre Autoridad y Derecho y el Derecho a tener Derechos en el mundo contemporáneo. Se concluye que existe una consistencia y coherencia general en los acercamientos de Arendt hacia lo jurídico si partimos de su premisa fundamental: que el ser humano es un ser de acción. El Derecho, por lo tanto, está al servicio de posibilitar la acción del ser humano en un mundo común. Asimismo, la ética política que atraviesa tanto el lugar de la política como el lugar del Derecho en la teoría arendtiana, parte del entendido de que aunque cada ser humano es singular, para ser libres es preciso ser y aparecer como iguales con y frente a otros y otras en el mundo. Ese actuar y ser en el mundo, requiere de un diseño institucional horizontal, que no escinda el poder de la pluralidad; de ahí que Arendt se coloque como proponente de la democracia directa. El rol del Derecho en este andamiaje es darle estabilidad a este proceso, pero parte de un entendido del sujeto y un mundo siempre en de-venir. La estabilidad que debe perseguir el Derecho y su autoridad, no puede ser equivalente a un orden inmutable, sino que presupone el cambio, la disidencia y la imprevisibilidad que ontológicamente conlleva la acción. Es a partir de estos entendidos ético-políticos que podemos armar una teoría jurídica arendtiana.<br>This thesis addresses the relationship between law and politics in Hannah Arendt’s political theory. My hypothesis is that a legal theory from the perspective of Arendt’s work must be based on her reconceptualization of politics and how the law's place in it is to guarantee humans' capacity to act in the common world. This allows us to unmask many contemporary assumptions concerning law and politics, which have paramount importance on how we perceive the world, its institutions and the problems we face.
My thesis adopts a jusphilosophical methodology that examines primary and secondary sources of Hannah Arendt’s texts. I discuss at length the most important works of Arendt concerning her political theory in order to understand the place of law within said theory. Through the direct study of primary texts, interviews and diaries, I develop a theoretical x-ray of her conceptions of the law and the legal system. The thesis analyzes Arendt’s conceptions about the judiciary, the role of judges and a meta-right called the right to have rights. This investigation also explores extensive secondary and critical literature on the work of Hannah Arendt, including debates from the legal academy.
The thesis is based on three main themes that can be found in a transversal way across Arendt’s works: power, authority and revolutions. This leads to a discussion of the relationship between power and law as well as between authority, law and the right to have rights in the contemporary world. I conclude that Arendt’s approaches to the law show consistency and are coherent overall if we accept her foundational premise that a human being is a being of action. Law, therefore, is at the service of enabling human action in a common world. Likewise, the political ethics that crosscuts the locations of politics and law in Arendt’s theory is based on her understanding that, despite the uniqueness of each human being, it is necessary to be and appear in the common world as equals in order to be free. The achievement of this condition requires a horizontal institutional design that does not limit the power of plurality, which explains why Arendt is an advocate for direct democracy. The role of the law in this framework is to give stability to this process that in turn is based on an understanding of the subject and the world as always in the process of becoming. The stability and authority of the law cannot be equivalent to an immutable order, but rather the law requires change, dissent and the ontological unpredictability that action entails. Based upon these ethical-political assumptions, we can build an arendtian legal theory.
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Basali, Rogério Alessandro de Mello. "Alessandro Passerin d'Entreves e Hannah Arendt = a política e a violência." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280335.
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Previous issue date: 2010<br>Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a apresentar um conjunto de elementos da doutrina do Estado presentes na obra de Alessandro Passerin D'Entreves (1902-1985), a partir de uma perspectiva que venha justificar sua aproximação com o pensamento de Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), visando modos de compreensão de conceitos e categorias políticos como fatos distintos de fenômenos da violência. A maneira como D'Entreves enuncia sua noção de Estado, compreendido como a tríplice articulação das categorias de força, poder e autoridade, resultado de um trabalho singular de análise e interpretação da tradição do pensamento político ocidental, foi indicada por Hannah Arendt como a única teoria política que corroborava sua própria distinção entre poder e violência. Pesquisaremos na obra desses autores parte das referências à tradição do pensamento, buscando resgatar em seus textos essa distinção e as possibilidades para pensar a política contra a violência. Concluímos que, apesar de trabalharem com experiências e análises diversas, os autores fundamentam uma perspectiva comum, que permite o entendimento da política como um fenômeno distinto da violência e vinculado à liberdade, ainda que, no pensamento de cada um desses autores, a noção e a fundamentação da liberdade sejam conceituadas distintamente<br>Abstract: This work proposes the apresentation of a group of elements from de "State doutrine" presented at Passerin D'Entreves (1902-1985) work, from perspectives that are able to justifie his proximity to Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), aiming to find ways of comprehension of political concepts and categories as distinct facts or phenomenons of violence. The way how D'Entreves enunciates his notion of State, comprehended as the triple articulation of the strength, power and authority, result of a singular work of analisis and interpretation of the tradition of the occidental political thought, was indicated by Hannah Arendt as the only political theory that corroborate her own distinction between power and violence. We are going to research among these authors' work part of the references of traditional thought, seeking to rescue at theirs texts this distinction and the possibilities to think the politics against violence. We conclude that, although working with various experiments and analysis, the authors establish a common perspective that allows the understanding of politics as a distinct phenomenon of violence and linked to freedom, even in the minds of each of these authors, the notion and grounds of liberty are distinctly conceptualized<br>Doutorado<br>Filosofia Politica<br>Doutor em Filosofia
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Deina, Wanderley José. "A educação na esteira da crise política da modernidade: uma análise a partir das reflexões de Hannah Arendt." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-06112012-160824/.
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Esta tese aborda alguns problemas da Educação Moderna apontados nas reflexões de Hannah Arendt em seu artigo A Crise da Educação, um texto relativamente sucinto, mas que remete a praticamente toda a sua produção teórica no campo da Filosofia e da Política. O objetivo é esclarecer as principais críticas que a autora dirige à educação moderna, a partir de seu próprio referencial teórico. Para Arendt, a crise da educação é uma manifestação particular da crise política que aflige a civilização ocidental desde o início da modernidade. Apesar da relação entre a crise política e a crise na educação, ela defende a separação entre ambas, de modo que a política não determine (em absoluto) a educação e a educação não seja utilizada como instrumento da política, algo que se tornou bastante corriqueiro nas sociedades modernas. A pedagogia, imbuída do espírito científico característico da Era Moderna, apesar dos grandes avanços que trouxe para o campo da educação, não é poupada pela autora, na medida em que colaborou para a ruptura com a tradição, um fenômeno que marcou a perda do senso comum que orientava a vida humana na Terra. A falta de um sentido comum em relação ao mundo é apontada como um dos fundamentos da alienação moderna, que se relaciona diretamente com o problema da falta de responsabilidade dos adultos em relação às crianças, os recém-chegados ao mundo pelo nascimento. Analisamos o artigo de Arendt, buscando subsidiar a sua leitura a partir, também, dos demais autores e teorias com quem ela se defronta em A Crise da Educação.<br>This thesis approaches the problem of the modern education from the reflections of Hannah Arendt in her article The crisis of the Education, a text relatively summarized, but in which involves practically all of her theoretical production in the fields of Philosophy and Politics. The goal is to clarify the main critics that the author directs to the modern education, from her own theoretical references. For Arendt the crisis of the education is a particular manifestation of the political crisis that affects the western civilization since the beginning of the modern times. Despite the relationship between the political crisis and the educational crisis, Arendt defends the separation between the two, in a way that the political matter would not determine the educational, and that the education would not be utilized as a tool of the political, something that have turned very common in the modern societies. The pedagogy has the goal of the scientifical spirit, a characteristic of the modern era, despite the great evolution that this brought for the educational field, this is not spared by the author, in that it collaborated to break with tradition, a phenomenon that marked the lost of common sense that used to orient the human life on Earth. The lack of a common sense in relation to the world is appointed as one of the fundaments of the modern alienation, that relates directly with the problem of the lack of responsibility of adults in relation to children, the newborns. We have analyzed the article of Arendt searching to subsidize her readings and also the others authors and theories in which Arendt faces in The crisis of the Education.
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Leader, Jonathan W. "Being political and the reconstruction of public discourse : Hannah Arendt on experience, history and the spectator." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/169373/.
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This study analyses a number of Hannah Arendt’s books and essays written over four decades and suggests that a common thread can be detected that links together the different stages of her thought. The need to do this follows from having to treat with caution Arendt’s own judgement that in the mid-1930s her thinking changed when she became political. In relation to writings she produced throughout her life, what can be seen is that she was actually preoccupied by one and the same question, namely, what it means to be with other people, she just looked for answers in different places and used different methods. The study shows how in her dissertation on Saint Augustine’s treatment of love and such early published pieces as ‘The Enlightenment and the Jewish Question’ and her commentary on Rilke’s Duino Elegies, Arendt was already challenging Heidegger’s ontology, in Being and Time, of ‘being-with-one-another’. Her thinking at this time was purely empirical though, dependent upon interpretations of history alone. Her later work, The Origins of Totalitarianism and The Human Condition, for instance, reveal that Arendt’s political conversion amounted to the realisation that ontology and history are as necessary to each other as Kant’s concepts and intuitions. Her defence of plurality therefore, represented both a reaction to the evils of totalitarianism on the grounds that it is an anti-political form of government, and a revised challenge to Heidegger’s assessment of das Man on his own terms. In addition though, Arendt’s depiction of public space and public discourse, suggested that choosing to be with others politically, is an antidote to the solitude of the individual engendered by mass society.
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Pinkoski, Nathan. "Postmodern Aristotles : Arendt, Strauss, and MacIntyre, and the recovery of political philosophy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b4d728b9-8bb4-47e6-ac01-16dcc9f6f314.
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What is political philosophy? Aristotle pursues that question by asking what the good is. If Nietzsche's postmodern diagnosis that modern philosophical rationalism has exhausted itself is true, it is unclear if an answer to that question is possible. Yet given the prevalence of extremist ideologies in 20th century politics, and the politically irresponsible support of philosophers for these ideologies, there is an urgent need for an answer. This thesis examines how, in these philosophical circumstances, Hannah Arendt, Leo Strauss, and Alasdair MacIntyre conclude that a key resource in the recovery of political philosophy, and in showing its contemporary relevance, lies in the recovery of Aristotle's political philosophy. This thesis contends that how and why Arendt, Strauss, and MacIntyre turn to Aristotle, and what they find in Aristotle, depends on their varying critiques of modernity. Convinced that the philosophical tradition is shattered irreversibly after the events of totalitarianism, Arendt argues for a retrieval of Aristotle and his understanding of politics from the fragments of that tradition. Strauss is impelled to turn to the political philosophy of Aristotle because of the crisis of radical historicism, to recover classical rationalismâs answer to what the good is. MacIntyre turns to Aristotle to find the moral justification for rejecting Stalinism that contemporary philosophical traditions fail to provide; he reconstructs an Aristotelian tradition that can answer the question of what the good is better than his contemporary rivals. Although these thinkers may appear disparate, this thesis argues that each addresses the question of what the good is by offering a vision of political philosophy as a way of life, which Aristotle helps form. This way of life probes the relationship between philosophy and politics as permanent problem for human existence. In recovering this tradition of thinking with Aristotle about the character of political philosophy, this thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of each of these thinkers, as well as to the practice of political philosophy in modern, post-Nietzschean times.
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Fräki, Martins Joaquim. "Pluralitet enligt Hannah Arendt : En undersökning av pluralitetsbegreppet i Arendts verk Människans villkor." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Filosofi, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-40411.
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This work reconstructs Hannah Arendt’s own analyses of the different human activities: work, labour and action in her influential work The Human Condition. Using Arendt’s concept of plurality, not only as mere means for political and/or human diversity, but as a paradigm, the first part further examines to what extent plurality unfolds through the particular activities. Whilst Arendt’s famous conception about ”the rise of the social” is certainly hard to ignore, it is here argued that, there are different ways to adress this notion. The second part is a comparative analysis with Arendt and Sophie Loidolts book Phenomenology of Plurality: Hannah Arendt on Political Intersubjectivity. In that regard this essay also seeks to perceive plurality not only as a paradigm, but through a phenomenological lens, something Loidolt states has been overlooked prior. Loidolts essential argument here is that Arendt uses a phenomenological vocabulary, and its mainly the thematic concepts which she uses thats been analysed and defined - they don’t leave any proper phenomenological traces. However, since Arendt uses a phenomenological vocabulary, operative concepts are also present in her political thought, which clearly have a phenomenological background. According to Loidolt, they are usually left undefined and un-analysed. The second part undertakes such an assignment, that is, applying the phenomenological tools containing in the The Human Condition. What this means is that by analysing and defining the operative concepts, they become tools to understand the thematic concepts. But, what happens with Arendt’s political virtue when exercising the phenomenological tools presented by Loidolt? In this second part, I argue that there is a risk we are drifting away from the political in Arendt’s thought when focusing too much on her evident phenomenological background.
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Evangelista, Mariana Silva. "A dignidade do ofício de professor. Três atos a partir da literatura." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-16102017-113330/.
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Este estudo tem por objetivo compreender a dignidade do exercício docente e os possíveis sentidos que podemos encontrar nessa profissão. Para tanto, partimos de dois romances: O primeiro homem, de Albert Camus e Diário de escola, de Daniel Pennac - para neles indicar a potencialidade da atuação docente. A literatura é neles tratada como fonte de onde emanam episódios que convidam à reflexão e como reorganização do mundo em termos de arte, uma vez que, a partir do que foi lido nessas narrativas, certos conceitos teóricos foram se engendrando. A filosofia da educação como principal aparato para analisar as cenas dos romances, sendo Fernando Bárcena um dos referenciais teóricos. Essa filosofia é tomada como forma de analisar e buscar os sentidos do que singularmente ocorre nas narrativas. A educação, que é a acolhida das crianças a este mundo comum, como uma relação entre a experiência, o sentido e o tempo. Assim, a atenção se volta para as cenas únicas, para as experiências individuais e, embasado nelas, pode-se dar sentido ao que ali se identifica. Esta questão sobre a unicidade das pessoas, como a singularidade dos fatos e certas reflexões sobre o que é o pensar, a natalidade, a responsabilidade de um docente, a necessidade de se encontrar um lugar no mundo para ali viver e se responsabilizar por ele, dentre outras, são fundamentadas em Hannah Arendt. Dessa maneira, o estudo se divide em três partes autônomas e, quando lidas em conjunto, podem contemplar as inquietações tecidas nesta pesquisa. São elas: a relação do professor com certos alunos que podem ser salvos, por ele, de algum infortúnio e outros aspectos do docente em relação às crianças; a relação do educador com o mundo e os possíveis milagres que ele pode viabilizar na vida de seus alunos e como esses podem eclodir ou não; e, por último, como a relação do professor consigo próprio pode ajudá-lo a se guiar em um ofício tão cheio de paradoxos como é a docência. Para concluir, buscamos identificar a dignidade da docência em seus possíveis sentidos. Como a experiência de ler dois romances pode indicar uma orientação para se chegar à resposta para tal procura. Que certa luz encontrada nessas experiências dignas possa nos iluminar.<br>The objective of this study is to understand the dignity of teaching practices and the possible depth of significance that can be found in this profession. With that, we start with two novels: Le premier homme by Albert Camus and Chagrin décole by Daniel Pennac for within them is indicated the potentiality of teaching performance. Literature is considered as sources from which emanate conditions which invite reflection as well as for which to reorganize the world in terms of art; considering from what was read there certain theoretical concepts were engendering. The philosophy of education is the basis upon which to analyze the scenes of the novels, and Fernando Bárcena as one of the theoretical frameworks; this philosophy could also be seen as a way to analyze and seek the senses of what uniquely occurs in the narratives. Education assimilates children into this common world as a relationship between experience, significance and time. Thus, our attention focuses on unique scenes and on individual experiences, therefore, based on them, we make sense of what we see. This question about the uniqueness of the individual is akin to a singularity of the facts and/or some reflections on what the thinking is. These questions in regards to birth, the responsibility of a teacher, the need to find a place in the world to live there and take responsibility for it, among others, are all based on Hannah Arendt. Thus, the study is divided into three autonomous parts and, when read together, should make the concerns integrated into this research. These parts are: the teacher\'s relationship with certain students who can be saved by him from some misfortune and other aspects of teaching in relation to children; the educator\'s relationship with the world and the possible miracles that he could enhance in the lives of their students and how these can break out or not; and finally, the relation of the teacher with themselves can help them in a trade so full of paradox as teaching is. Upon conclusion, we seek to identify the dignity of teaching within its significance. The experience of reading these two novels may indicate a direction leading to an answer on this quest; certain light found in these worthy experiences could enlighten us.
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Vasconcelos, Junior Luiz Diogo de 1969. "A dignidade de viver entre iguais = pluralidade e persuasão na ação política em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281064.
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Orientador: Yara Adario Frateschi<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T03:05:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2012<br>Resumo: O presente trabalho tem por objetivo investigar alguns conceitos centrais na obra de Hannah Arendt. Partimos do pressuposto de que a pensadora alemã compreende a esfera política a partir de conceitos mundanos como pluralidade, persuasão e imparcialidade. A investigação discorrerá sobre a posição ocupada por estes conceitos na constituição da esfera política arendtiana: postos no mundo como experiências históricas paradigmáticas, propiciaram o surgimento de uma esfera política a partir do fato de que homens vivem e agem em comum. Particularmente, nos interessa a compreensão arendtiana do lugar ocupado pelo conceito de imparcialidade na realização de uma esfera política orientada para a pluralidade e o significado de sua exigência quando se trata de trazer a público as ações humanas, bem como seus resultados. As principais reivindicações deste trabalho são: para Arendt o mundo se constitui como o resultado da pluralidade humana em meio a uma teia de relações; nesta teia, a imparcialidade não ocorre dissociada da liberdade individual de manifestar os próprios pontos de vista e opiniões, sob risco de uma parcela do mundo se perder no esquecimento. A vida pública implica a disposição de submeter as próprias opiniões, mesmo as tidas como as mais verdadeiras, ao exame dos outros na esfera pública e plural, isto é, submeter as certezas ao modelo do parece-me-que<br>Abstract: This work aims to investigate some central concepts of Hannah Arendt's work. We assume that the German thinker understands the political sphere from worldly concepts such as plurality, persuasion and impartiality. The investigation will discuss the position occupied by these concepts in the Arendtian constitution of the political sphere: they were put in the world as paradigmatic historical experiences and they provide the basis of a political sphere from the fact that men live and act in common. In particular, we are interested in the Arendtian comprehension of the role played by the concept of impartiality in the realization of a political sphere orientated by the plurality and in the meanings of its requirements when it comes to bring to the public human actions as well as their results. The main demands of this work are: for Arendt the world is constituted as the result of human plurality in the midst of a web of relationships. In this web, impartiality is not dissociated from the individual freedom to express one own views and opinions, under the risk of part of the world being lost in oblivion. The public life implies a willingness to submit one's own opinions, even those regarded as the truest, to the examination of others in the public sphere and plural, i.e., submitting the certainties to the seems to me that model<br>Doutorado<br>Filosofia<br>Doutor em Filosofia
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Ribeiro, Karla Pinhel. "O conceito de Gewalt em uma tentativa reconstrutiva da filosofia do direito de Walter Benjamin a partir da perspectiva de Hannah Arendt e Giorgio Agamben." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-19082016-133610/.
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O trabalho investiga o conceito de Gewalt na filosofia do direito de Walter Benjamin a partir de uma tentativa reconstrutiva sob a perspectiva da contribuição do pensamento de Hannah Arendt e de Giorgio Agamben. O conceito de Gewalt é apresentado a partir de sua dupla significação de poder e violência. Assim, a tese investigou as aproximações e os distanciamentos do conceito de Benjamin em comparação com concepção arendtiana do mesmo conceito e a contribuição de Giorgio Agamben para a filosofia do direito de Benjamin.<br>The work investigates the concept of Gewalt in Walter Benjamins philosophy of law by a reconstructive attempt from the perspective of the contribution of the thought of Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben. The concept of Gewalt is presented from its double meaning of power and violence. Thus, the thesis investigated the approaches and distancing the concept of Benjamin compared to Arendt\'s conception of the same concept and the contribution of Giorgio Agamben for the Walter Benjamins philosophy of law.
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Novaes, Adriana Carvalho. "Pensar sem apoios: Hannah Arendt e a vida do espírito como política do pensar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-02062017-095237/.
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Esta tese tem como objetivo mostrar que as atividades do espírito às quais Hannah Arendt se dedicou nos últimos anos de vida foram elaboradas ao longo de toda a sua obra. Para isso, as apropriações do pensamento de Immanuel Kant foram decisivas, assim como a crítica às reduções identificadas na interpretação das experiências da história principalmente pelo pensamento moderno. O método de Arendt é destacado e consiste na identificação da origem e interpretação das experiências que geraram significados e como esses significados foram transformados pelo distanciamento das origens ou pela escolha de uma abordagem limitada de negação do caráter contingente dos assuntos humanos. A história da maneira pela qual princípios da filosofia foram tomados e o reexame desses sentidos atribuídos à experiência dirigem os esforços de Arendt para a elaboração de uma política do pensar, fundamentada na defesa da espontaneidade e da resistência que a ação exige de nossas faculdades no contexto violento do século XX, cenário este que contaminou a compreensão da política pela experiência inédita do mal do totalitarismo. A partir da crítica à funcionalização, às falácias metafísicas e aos conceitos totalizantes e personalizados, Arendt combate a negação da filosofia e busca conciliar pensamento e ação pela redefinição das atividades do espírito e pela defesa da contingência e da imprevisibilidade da história. Assim, as atividades do espírito o pensamento, a vontade e o juízo ganham estatuto ontológico, pois afirmados como transcendentes e constitutivos do modo pelo qual o ser humano estabelece e compartilha sua existência e as atribuições de significado. A afirmação da vida do espírito por Arendt se dá como um pensar sem apoios, o que significa a compreensão da filosofia como interpretação da realidade que não se deixa determinar por quaisquer explicações universalizantes sejam advindas da natureza, de teorias ou ideologias. A filosofia de Arendt é um pensar sem apoios na afirmação da insegurança do pensamento filosófico como uma política do pensar.<br>This thesis aims to demonstrate that the activities of the mind, to which Hannah Arendt dedicated herself in the last years of her life, were indeed elaborated throughout her work. To this end, the appropriations of Immanuel Kant\'s thinking were decisive, so was her criticism to the reductionism employed by modern thought in the interpretation of historical experiences. Arendt\'s method highlighted herein is two-fold. On the one hand, it identifies the origin and interpretation of experiences that have generated meanings. On the other, it shows how distancing from origins has transformed such meanings as well as how the limited approach imposed by the denial of the fact that human affairs are intrinsically contingent. The history of the way in which principles of philosophy were treated, and the reexamination of these meanings attributed to experience, guide Arendt\'s efforts through the elaboration of a politics of thinking, which is based on the defense of spontaneity and resistance. The violent context of the twentieth century, the unprecedented experience of evil brought out by totalitarianism, required the redefinition of the activities of our mind. From critique to functionalization and to totalizing and personalized concepts, Arendt fights the denial of philosophy and seeks to reconcile thought and action by redefining the activities of the mind and by defending the contingency and the unpredictability of history. Therefore, the activities of the mind thinking, willing and judging gain ontological status as affirmed as constitutive of the way in which individuals establish and share their existence and attributions of meaning. The assertion of the life of the mind by Arendt is given as thinking without bannisters, which means understanding philosophy as an interpretation of reality that is not left to be determined by any universalizing explanations, either by nature, by theory or ideology. Thus, she asserts the thinking without bannisters: the insecurity of philosophical thought as a politics of thinking.
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Roodt, Vasti. "Amor fati, amor mundi : Nietzsche and Arendt on overcoming modernity." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1230.
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Correm, Tal. "From Force to Political Power: Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt on Violence, Political Action, and Ethics." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/285388.
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Philosophy<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation analyzes the problem of political violence in popular struggles for freedom and regime change. It seeks not only to explicate the different arguments for and against the use of violence in political struggle, but also the extent to which these various ways set the conditions for the political landscape after the struggle. To do that, I engage the arguments of Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt. While these authors diverge with regard to the role of violence in popular struggles, all three conceptualize ways to achieve nonviolent politics or at least to reduce the role of violence in normal everyday politics. While Fanon and Gandhi offer viable diagnoses of the problem of violence and liberation, by stressing the structural and affective dimensions of political violence, Arendt challenges the traditional equation between political power and violence and offers an institutional alternative in her theory of a federated council system. My analysis reconstructs the link between the critique of violence (state, colonial, or mass violence) and the constructive theory of foundation and preservation of stability and effective relations of trust. These relations of trust are necessary to prevent recurring violence and escalation in the period following the struggle. By analyzing the intersections of violence, political action, and ethics in the work of Fanon, Gandhi, and Arendt, I provide a theoretical framework for understanding the role of violence in popular struggles and everyday politics, while avoiding the limitations of each theory. The aim of this study is threefold: first, to provide an alternative to the prominent positions of realism and moralism in political philosophy through an evaluation of ethical argumentation in politics regarding the problem of violence; second, to contribute to debates about political freedom, and sovereignty in democratic theory through examination of different solutions for the conservation of power and freedom in the transition from struggle to ordinary politics; and third, to develop a critical lens with which to examine situations of conflict and popular struggles, the place of violence, and the transition to ordinary politics. By way of conclusion, I demonstrate the relevance of this study through examination of a concrete case from the Middle East: the Egyptian revolution of 2011. The theoretical framework set by the multifocal debate provides a resource to analyze the promise and the ensuing crisis of the Egyptian project.<br>Temple University--Theses
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McCarthy, Karen L. "The World in Common: Hannah Arendt, Jean-Luc Nancy and the Re-housing of the Political Self." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1261507853.
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Mueller, Monica Elizabeth. "An inquiry into the relationship between thought and action interpreting phronesis /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.
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