Journal articles on the topic 'Hanafites – early works to 1800'

In essence, this article will focus on the subject classical Malay fiqh works 1600-1800. Classical Malay fiqh works are Malay intellectual works produced by Malay Muslim scholars in various topics of Islamic law including worship (ibadah), commercial transaction law (muamalah), family law (munakahat) and others. This fiqh Malay work played an important role in Malay society at the beginning of Islamic development in the Malay world. It is a means of communication, scientific knowledge or developmental science. The premise of this article analyzes the writing of fiqh works that developed in the early days of the great intellectual nature of the Malay world. There are features of fiqh writing in the year 1600 and it is different from the features of fiqh writing in 1700 and 1800. The discussion of this writing includes the difference between the writing text and the style of writing fiqh and being reviewed from various scopes, items and writing features. The method of analysis used is the method of historiography or historicalism which examines the development of an idea. Facts obtained will be thoroughly screened using the Malay induction history approach. Research shows that the earliest classic Malay fiqh writing has its own identity and superiority and is a Malay intellectual work.

This article discusses the reception of Kepler’s work in the earliest interpretations of the history of astronomy, which appeared in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The focus is not on the reception of Kepler’s work among astronomers themselves but instead on its significance for the history of science as seen by early historians of mathematics and astronomy. The first section discusses the evaluation of Kepler in the so-called “Prefatory Histories” of astronomy that appeared in various astronomical works during the seventeenth century. In these, Kepler was considered mainly to be the person who brought the work of Tycho Brahe to completion, rather than an original astronomer. The second section is devoted to the evaluation of Kepler in interpretations of the history of astronomy that appeared in the eighteenth century (often as part of the history of mathematics). In these works, Kepler is regarded as a genius who deserves tremendous credit for the advancement of the human spirit. Both sections also devote attention to Copernicus and Tycho Brahe because this facilitates the explanation of how Kepler’s contribution was judged. By studying the reception of Johannes Kepler’s work, we may gain greater insight into the transition from a cyclical perception of the history of science to the progressive model.

Ann Radcliffe’s novels were extremely popular in early nineteenth-century Russia. Publication of her work in Russian translation propelled the so-called gothic wave of 1800-10. Yet, many of the works Radcliffe was known for in Russia were not written by her; rather, they were works by others that were attributed to Radcliffe. This article traces the publication and translation histories of Radcliffiana on the Russian book market of 1800-20. Building on JoEllen DeLucia’s concept of a “corporate Radcliffe” in the anglophone world, this article proposes a Russian corporate Radcliffe. Identifying, classifying, and analysing the provenance of Russian corporate Radcliffe works reveals insight into the transnational circulation of texts and the role of copyright law within it, the nature of the early nineteenth-century Russian book market, the rise of popular reading and advertising in Russia, and the gendered nature of critical discourse at this time. The Russian corporate Radcliffe assures the legacy and influence of Radcliffe in later Russian literature and culture, although a Radcliffe that represents much more than just the English author. Exploring the Russian corporate Radcliffe expands our understanding of early nineteenth-century Russian literary history through specific case studies that demonstrate the significant role played by both women writers and translation, an aspect of this history that is often overlooked.

Swedish Short Stories in the Early 19th Century. Publication and Subgenres The present study of Swedish short stories published between the years 1810 and 1829 illustrates that authors representing the Romantic Movement made special efforts to put the short story on the market. At V. F. Palmblad’s publishing house, German contemporary short stories were translated and distributed, later followed by Swedish contributions to the genre, which appeared primarily in literary magazines. Only a small number of short stories were published over the course of these 19 years, and the means of publication varied. Out of 45 works found in the catalogues of the National Library of Sweden, 27 are published separately, while 14 are published in periodicals or newspapers and two in anthologies (one of which is a frame story and the other a modern collection). Authors connected to the Romantic school introduced two new varieties of short story: the exotic story and the fantastic story. The pre-existing subgenres included, for instance: adventures, satirical or comic stories, stories of family life, travel stories and historical short stories. Among these, the historical story was the only subgenre to be printed separately. Characteristic for the short story is its ability to be inserted into many different kinds of publications. Another result of the study is the discovery of the ease with which a short story may be transferred from one form of publication to another. For instance, the short story may originate as part of a novel, only to turn into a separate work in its own right. Alternatively, it may develop as a serial story in a newspaper and go on to be printed separately, and later appear in a publishing house series or in a volume of selected works. This adaptive, or transferable, quality should be included in the ongoing discussion pertaining to the definition of the short story.

In this paper, we develop machine learning techniques to identify unknown printers in early modern (c.~1500--1800) English printed books. Specifically, we focus on matching uniquely damaged character type-imprints in anonymously printed books to works with known printers in order to provide evidence of their origins. Until now, this work has been limited to manual investigations by analytical bibliographers. We present a Contrastive Attention-based Metric Learning approach to identify similar damage across character image pairs, which is sensitive to very subtle differences in glyph shapes, yet robust to various confounding sources of noise associated with digitized historical books. To overcome the scarce amount of supervised data, we design a random data synthesis procedure that aims to simulate bends, fractures, and inking variations induced by the early printing process. Our method successfully improves downstream damaged type-imprint matching among printed works from this period, as validated by in-domain human experts. The results of our approach on two important philosophical works from the Early Modern period demonstrate potential to extend the extant historical research about the origins and content of these books.

Marriage and the English Reformation. By Eric Josef Carlson. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Pp. ix+276. ISBN 0-631-16864-8. £45.00Gender, sex and subordination in England, 1550–1800. By Anthony Fletcher. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995. Pp. xxii+442. ISBN 0-300-06531-0. £19.95.Domestic dangers: women, words, and sex in early modern London. By Laura Gowing. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. 301. ISBN 0-19-820517-1. £35.00.The prospect before her: a history of women in western Europe, Volume one, 1500–1800. By Olwen Hufton. London: HarperCollins, 1995. Pp. xiv+654. ISBN 0-00255120-9. £25.00.Sex and subjection: attitudes to women in early modern society. By Margaret R. Sommerville. London: Edward Arnold, 1995. Pp. 287. ISBN 0-340-64574-1. £14.99.

AbstractThis paper investigates comparison as a fundamental practice within the early life sciences. Four episodes are selected that show how comparing species works in the early 19th century and how it builds bridges between scientific and literary culture: comparing living organisms in pre-Darwinian natural history (Lacépède, Treviranus), comparing species distribution in actualistic geology (Lyell), comparing organs in comparative anatomy (Müller), and – last but not least – comparing social classes in new literary genres such as sketch, ‘Paris physiology’, or travel feuilleton.

After some decades of historical debate about the early modern Atlantic, it has become a truism that the Atlantic may better be understood as a world of connections rather than as a collection of isolated national sub-empires. Likewise, it is commonly accepted that the study of this interconnected Atlantic world should be interdisciplinary, going beyond traditional economic and political history to include the study of the circulation of people and cultures. This view was espoused and expanded upon in the issue of Itinerario on the nature of Atlantic history published thirteen years ago—the same issue in which Pieter Emmer and Wim Klooster famously asserted that there was no Dutch Atlantic empire. Since this controversial article appeared, there has been a resurgence of interest among scholars about the role of the Dutch in the Atlantic. With Atlantic history continuing to occupy a prominent place in Anglo-American university history departments, it seems high time to appraise the output of this resurgence of interest with an historiographical essay reviewing the major works and trends in the study of the Dutch in the Atlantic.

“From daddy’s obedient Henric”: Pedagogical perspectives on educational travel of the early 1800s. This article analyses educational travel in the early 1800s from the perspective of its educational heritage and praxis. The aim is to develop an understanding of the pedagogical significance of educational travel. The article makes clear how upbringing and education are represented in the framework of travel narratives in pre-industrial landscapes. The argument is based on the influence of the mercantile class on educational travel and the informal effect of these trips on changes in pedagogical thinking. The travel letters of Johan Henrik Munktell from 1828 to 1830 are used as primary sources. Using Paul Ricoeur’s memory-critical hermeneutics, travel narratives become significant sources for how education is arranged, and immanent pedagogy is a key term. The results demonstrate that the individualisation process works together with forms of crypto-learning, the core of the personal development vision, and society’s long-term memory.

bstract. By arguing that the connection between Schelling’s reception of Plato and Kant’s conception of genius is relevant for Schelling’s early development, this essay demonstrates the following: (1) that Schelling’s early Idealism brings to the general problem that plagues German Idealists, i.e., the search for an unconditioned principle that unites theoretical and practical reason, the solution that is genuinely his own, this original solution consisting in Schelling’s conception of “creative reason [schöpfersiche Vernunft]”; (2) that the theme of an absolutely free creative subjectivity is shared by many of Schelling’s early works and, hence, that the early development of his Idealism can be interpreted as a beginning of the philosophical system or as a “proto-system” of what was later to become his 1800 System; (3) that when compared to Kant’s notion of genius, Schelling’s “absolute I” should be considered a regress rather than a progress.

The article focuses on the study of the dogmatic works of Heinrich Klee (1800–1840) in relation to his criticism and reception of contemporary philosophical systems. The dogmatic theology of Heinrich Klee is a little-studied page in the history of Catholic religious thought in the first half of the 19th century, yet for his contemporaries Klee was a significant thinker, and his theology was the subject of active discussion. The works of Klee are known to have been criticized more than once in connection with the possible borrowing of philosophical ideas in his dogmatic theology. This criticism, however, was taken for granted, without being corroborated by any specific study of his texts – a fault the present article seeks to amend. The article attempts to fit the theology of Heinrich Klee into a philosophical context and analyze the philosophical principles in his theology. In the conclusions of the article, we highlight the tendencies and features of the use of philosophical concepts characteristic for Klee and emphasize the breadth and variety of philosophical trends he was debating. The article uses specific examples to demonstrate that, while openly criticizing such сelebrities as Hegel, Fichte, Schelling, Schleiermacher, Klee not only embraced their philosophical language but also borrowed their foundational ideas. In the article, it was demonstrated with specific examples that, openly criticizing such authors as Hegel, Fichte, Schelling, Schleiermacher, he perceives not only the philosophical language of these authors, but also borrows their system-forming ideas. At the same time, his theological thought moved within the strict framework of the Catholic concept of the objectivity of divine Revelation and the authority of the Church. The article sheds light not only on some of the philosophical and theological positions of a particular theologian of the early 19th century, but also on the discussion about the degree of philosophical foundation of theological constructions in the modern era as a whole.

This work is devoted to a very little-studied topic of the Virginia Slave Conspiracy led by Gabriel and is the first study of this issue in Russian historiography. The present article analyzes in detail the causes and prerequisites of the failed uprising of 1800. At the same time, the author relies on the published materials of the trial and the works of leading Western researchers. The first part is devoted directly to the history of studying this issue. Using historical-genetic and retrospective methods, the author traces the influence of foreign policy, domestic political, social, economic, demographic, socio-cultural factors on the formation of a socially explosive situation in Virginia by 1800, and also identifies a number of subjective reasons and prerequisites for a slave conspiracy, such as: motives of personal revenge and banal miscalculations of the authorities who did not take proper measures. At the same time, the main emphasis is on comparing approaches and substantiating the complex of causes and prerequisites in Western historiography. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that in the case of Gabriel's conspiracy, it is not just about a failed uprising, but about the emergence in Virginia of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries of a real revolutionary situation, the formation of which was facilitated by a combination of interrelated factors. The results of the research conducted in this article can be used in research and teaching activities related to the study of American history and the history of the African-American people (Black History).

Abstract This article discusses a number of scholarly trends that fall under the rubric of global history, with particular regard for those that address the early modern period (c.1400–1800). It stresses the rubric’s lack of coherence from both a methodological and ideological perspective. Most importantly, it revisits longstanding debates about the intersection of microanalysis and global history by assessing landmark works by Italian microhistorians, scholars of the so-called great divergence, and historians of climate and the environment. In so doing, it also asks how recent contributions build on insights that classic studies had already yielded – at least on the margins of the profession – beginning in the 1970s.

About seven years ago the journalItinerarioissued a special volume on theAncien Régimein India and Indonesia that carried the papers presented at the third Cambridge-Leiden-Delhi-Yogyakarta conference. The aim of the conference was a comparative one in which state-formation, trading net-works and socio-political aspects of Islam were the major topics. Thumbing through the pages of this issue (while preparing this essay) I had the impression that the results of the conference went beyond its initial comparative goals. Directly or indirectly, several papers stressed that during the early-modern phase India and Indonesia were still part of a cultural continuum that was only gradually broken up by the ongoing process of European expansion during the nineteenth century. It appeared that even after the earlier course of so-called ‘Indianisation’ – a designation that unjustly conveys an Indian ‘otherness’ – India and the Archipelago shared many characteristics, especially in terms of their political and religious orientation. More importantly, these shared traits were shaped by highly mobile groups of traders, pilgrims and courtiers who criss-crossed the Bay of Bengal, traversing both the lands above and below the winds.

This article is devoted to the visual language of children’s books and magazines of the first third of the XIXth century on the theme of art. The cultural and historical context of the development of illustrated literature on this topic is considered. The most popular plots and the artistic features of the published images are identified. A comparison is made of illustrations in Russian-language versions of books and foreign originals. The relationship between the publication format and graphic content is determined, as well as the options for interaction between text and picture. The most striking examples of domestic early printed books reflecting the trends of the era under consideration were selected for this work. These are children’s encyclopedias, alphabet books, biographical and game editions. The result of the research is the reconstruction of the situation of illustrating children’s art literature in Russia in the 1800– 1820s. It has been established that children’s book publishing of this period hardly sought to talk about art as such. It often appeared in the content of publications with other goals. Nevertheless, the authors of the books managed to cover certain aspects of art. These include types of art, artistic images, famous artists, as well as technical features of creating works of art.

The paper explores the historical correlation between the marginalization of C. P. E. Bach in his posthumous critical reception in the early and mid 19th century and the paradigm shift that occurred in the philosophical, aesthetic, and ideological conception of music in Europe around 1800, whereby music was reconceived as a radically abstract and disembodied art of expression, as opposed to the Enlightenment idea of music as an irreducibly sensuous, sonic art of representation. More precisely, the paper argues that the cause of C. P. E. Bach's marginalization in his posthumous critical reception should not be sought only in the shadow cast by his father, J. S. Bach, and the focus of 19th and 20th-century music historiography on periodization, itself centred around "great men", but also in the fundamental incompatibility between this new aesthetic and philosophical ideology of music from around 1800 and C. P. E. Bach's oeuvre, predicated as it was on an older aesthetic paradigm of music, with its reliance on musical performance, especially improvisation, itself undervalued in early and mid 19th-century music criticism for the same reasons. Other factors might also include C.P. E. Bach's use of the genre of fantasia, as well as the sheer stylistic idiosyncrasy of much of his music, especially the fantasias and other works he wrote für Kenner ("for connoisseurs"). This might also explain why his music was so quickly sidelined despite its pursuit of "free" expression, a defining ideal of early to mid 19th-century music aesthetics.

Beamish Murdoch (1800–76) was a young man when the first of the four volumes of hisEpitome of the Laws of Nova-Scotiarolled off Joseph Howe's press at Halifax in the spring of 1832. He was an old man when the first installment of his three-volumeHistory of Nova-Scotia, or Acadieappeared under James Barnes's imprint in the spring of 1865. These two works have received surprisingly disparate attention in the century since Murdoch's death. Today it is Murdoch the historian who is well known: No treatment of nineteenth-century Canadian historiography would omit reference to hisHistory. Murdoch's contributions to literary and political life, as editor of theAcadian Magazineand member of the Nova Scotia House of Assembly from 1826 to 1830, have also attracted attention. Murdoch the lawyer and legal treatise-writer, by contrast, is virtually unknown in both professional and legal academic circles, even in his home province. Until recently the Epitome has attracted virtually no scholarly attention of any kind.

Around the middle of the Classical period, there was a paradigm shift concerning sectional repeats in sonata-form movements. Whereas previously the repeat of both halves (exposition and development/recapitulation) was virtually pro forma, by the late 1700s composers typically only indicated the first repeat. When composers began to indicate the second repeat infrequently, this decision took on greater musical significance.<br/> Whereas Haydn and Mozart indicated the second repeat frequently, even in their late works, Beethoven indicated this repeat rarely (nineteen times in works with opus numbers). This infrequency is noteworthy and prompts the question: Are there issues of formal balance or tonal/motivic connections that would be lost if performers omitted this repeat? I will examine these works in depth, noting similarities in formal balance, motivic content, tonal procedures, and large-scale design. Although many of these movements date from Beethoven's early period, he also indicated the second repeat six times after 1800, including the finale of his last quartet, Op. 135. We can conclude that repeating a sonata-form movement's second half remained an option for Beethoven late in life, even after he had ostensibly broken definitively with the formal conventions of his Classical predecessors.

This paper is the first to perform a systematic quantitative analysis of the arguments used to motivate selections in grammatical entries from normative works on Standard Dutch written between ca. 1550 and 1650. Thus, it aims to obtain insight into what language ideologies were characteristic of this early modern period, what these reveal about how Standard Dutch took shape in its initiating phase, and what the differences are between the codification of Dutch in the early modern period (16th/17th century) and the (post)modern period (20th/21st century; analysed in earlier studies). Although certain issues within the annotation method need to be addressed in future research, the results indicate that the following principles were particularly characteristic of the early modern period: for Dutch to be a good language in terms of its grammar, it ought to differentiate, display consistency, mirror Latin and Greek, and reflect the use of certain authorities. These linguistic principles form the roots of the part of the Dutch standard language ideology (SLI; which, as previous research has shown, came into existence in the decades around 1800) that connects ‘language’ with ‘norm’ and that bestows value on the language’s regularity. However, the additional connection to social identity, that forms a second and crucial part of the SLI, played no major part in the arguments used in this time period yet. Moreover, two important differences between the early modern period and the (post)modern period were found: (1) the latter period showed a higher degree of consensus and therefore of canonisation of the normative discourse than the former period; (2) the nature of the metalanguage used in normative publications was explicitly prescriptive in the later period but mostly ostensibly descriptive/implicitly prescriptive in the earlier period. This indicates that, in terms of the metalanguage used, the normative discourse in the formative period of Standard Dutch was in between description and prescription.

Abstract In this paper, we are going to demonstrate that the writings of Russian travelers of the early 19th century laid the foundation of a discourse of Slavism. The travelers stopped perceiving the Balkans as part of the Near East and began considering them as ‘Ours’. This allowed the Russians to assert their identity within the boundaries of the European community while simultaneously separating themselves from the Roman-Germanic “West”. We examined four different types of descriptions of the Balkans by Russian travelers of the 1800–1830s. The authors’ approaches to these narratives were either orientalist or Slavic in nature. Works written in the framework of Orientalism are often characterized by the view of the Balkans as the land of the past, and travels perceived the Balkans as the antithesis of Russia, which they saw as being part of the West. Discourse of Slavism was fundamentally different from Orientalism. Firstly, it replaced the East-West binary relationship with a West-Russia-East triptych. Secondly, it sought to equate Russia and the Slavs. The travelers of the 3rd group were the first to discover a way to reconcile with the “backwards” past within the West-Russia-East triptych. Fourthly, Venelin verbalized a new paradigm in Russia’s description of the Balkans. He was the first to consider Russia as the center of the Slavic world, as opposed to the wild European periphery.

Because both parts of Charles Brockden Brown's Arthur Mervyn; or, Memoirs of the Year 1793 (1799–1800) were clearly not composed under the same creative impetus as his other novels were (critics conjecture that the novel was written in three segments within a two-year span), the novel as a whole evinces the author's propensity to improvise more than any of his other works do (Ringe, 49). Early critics, notably R. W. B. Lewis (The American Adam) and David Lee Clark (Pioneer Voice in America), choose to ignore and/or gloss over the troublesome second part. Later criticism, however, deals with both part 1 and part 2. Kenneth Bernard, for one, concisely identifies one of the novel's themes as the correlation between innocence and experience, the first part dealing with Mervyn's innocence and inexperience, and the second dealing with his experience and his cognizance because of that experience (441).

Western historical scholarship has taught us much about Southeast Asia in the period between 1800 and 1940. This was a time when the insistent, intensifying and transforming influence of Dutch colonial society and its culture became widespread in Bali and more broadly in the archipelago. Much too has been written about the analytical framework of European histories of these times. In this essay I discuss Balinese paintings from this same period which shed light on how painters and their works spoke to their viewers both about how the Balinese knew, imagined, thought and felt about the world in which they lived and about the visual representation and communication of these ideas, imaginings and feelings through the medium of narrative paintings. In this paper I hope to draw attention to a number of historiographical issues concerning the reception of the ideas, imaginings and feelings conveyed in paintings. In particular I shall have some remarks to make about the role of philology in this regard.

A middle class ‘did not begin to discover itself (except perhaps in London) until the last three decades of the [eighteenth] century’. So wrote E. P. Thompson in the 1970s in a now-famous analysis which divided English society into patricians and plebeians, and which, along with J. H. Hexter's ‘The Myth of the Middle Class in Tudor England’, largely eliminated ‘middle class’ from the vocabulary of early modern English historians. During the past decade, however, there has been renewed focus on the middle ranks in early modern England, now commonly labelled ‘the middling sort’, and such studies explicitly or implicitly call into question Thompson's polarized portrayal of English society. A number of earlier works analyzed the middling in the countryside, particularly in the period 1540 to 1640; but recent discussions focus largely on townsmen, and most are concerned with a later period, the second half of the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. Even in a volume such asThe Middling Sort of People: Culture, Society and Politics in England 1550–1800, a collection of essays presenting recent scholarship on the subject, the rural middling sort receive very little attention (a fact acknowledged by one of the editors). This essay will draw upon detailed evidence from several parishes to consider characteristics of the middling in the countryside during the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.

The article presents the forgotten book “The Model of Children, or the Life of the Little Count Platon Zubov” (1801), written in French by A. S. Vsevolozhskaya and translated into Russian by S. Sokovnin. The son of General Valerian Zubov (a favorite of Catherine II) died in 1800 at the age of 4 and a half years and is presented in the book as an ideal child. The text is examined in the context of literature about children of the 18th — early 19th centuries. We can see here the influence of A.-F.-J. Freville’s “Life of the famouses children”. Compared with most of the texts, “Model of Children”, although it contains canonical features of hagiographic and didactic works, demonstrates an attempt to introduce elements of psychologism and reality, to capture a specific image of a little aristocrat of his time. It combines elements of a sensitive nature as a result of female upbringing and the traits inherited from little count’s father as a courtesan with class prejudices. This image anticipates the characters of Nokolai Karamzin’s later prose.

The article presents the forgotten book “The Model of Children, or the Life of the Little Count Platon Zubov” (1801), written in French by A. S. Vsevolozhskaya and translated into Russian by S. Sokovnin. The son of General Valerian Zubov (a favorite of Catherine II) died in 1800 at the age of 4 and a half years and is presented in the book as an ideal child. The text is examined in the context of literature about children of the 18th — early 19th centuries. We can see here the influence of A.-F.-J. Freville’s “Life of the famouses children”. Compared with most of the texts, “Model of Children”, although it contains canonical features of hagiographic and didactic works, demonstrates an attempt to introduce elements of psychologism and reality, to capture a specific image of a little aristocrat of his time. It combines elements of a sensitive nature as a result of female upbringing and the traits inherited from little count’s father as a courtesan with class prejudices. This image anticipates the characters of Nokolai Karamzin’s later prose.

Tadeusz Czacki was one of the key figures who participated in the great scholarly discussions about the history, sources of development, and the position of Roman law in old Polish law. The discussion initiated by Czacki and Jan Wincenty Bandtkie in the early years of the nineteenth century lasted for many decades. Its consequences are still present today in modern Polish legal history scholarship. Although Czacki was an author of several legal treatises, most of his pivotal concepts regarding the above-mentioned issues were presented by him in his opus magnum, i.e. O litewskich i polskich prawach, published for the very first time in 1800. Czacki is well known as a self-educated scholar who referred to numerous works, both Polish and foreign. However, the objective of this article is to analyse Czacki’s knowledge and the use of English sources. During the Enlightenment, some Polish intellectuals became fascinated by English culture, politics, and the legal system. The impact of English law, however, has never been analysed in the context of Czacki’s work. The purpose of this article is to fill that gap.

This article represents the first stage of a research project dedicated to analyzing the structuration of Russian society throughout the period since the mid 1800’s and until this day. The timeline for part one includes the period up until 1917, while part two will be dedicated to Soviet and post-Soviet times. This article utilizes the methodology of A. Giddens, who suggested using the term “structuration” in order to analyze social relationships in space and time. This methodology implies examining structuration processes through the lens of those studies which were conducted during periods when radical shifts were occurring within the structure of Russian society. The main event which defined the direction for social change turned out to be the emancipation of the serfs in the Russian Empire, which lead to shifts in the population’s structure: accelerated development of a working class, social transformations in the village, and the advancement of internal migration in Russia. The article shows that in Russia these processes were accompanied by science, which included official agencies conducting population censuses, studying the composition and working conditions at factories and plants (this function was carried out by plant and manufactory inspectorates), as well as studies conducted by scientists and practitioners. The works of Nikolai Kalachov, N. Flerovsky, Evgeny Pogozhev, Mykhailo Tuhan-Baranovskyi and others aided in developing detailed social characteristics of workers and their position in the structure of society and at work. Studying the village (and consequently the largest social class – the peasants) was the prerogative of provincial councils. Comprehensive monographic studies were conducted by Piotr Semionov, Vassily Pokrovsky, Vassily Orlov, Piotr Chervinsky, Fedor Shcherbina, as well as other researchers. The article shows that the population’s structuration at the turn of the century in regards to the territorial aspect depended on resettlement and internal migration to a significant degree. Remarkable studies of this process were conducted by Denis Davydov, Evgeny Anuchin, Isaac Hourwich, Ivan Yamzin and other Russian scientists. Aside from scientists, practitioners also took part in these studies. The Russian intelligentsia actively partook in field research. The educated class’ efforts made it possible to attain valuable data on society’s structure, on the state of social relationships in Russia, migration processes, and the social characteristics of society’s key structural elements – peasants and workers.

Abstract Schleiermacher’s anonymous Soliloquies of 1800 were written as a Supplement to his likewise anonymous book On Religion, Speeches to its Cultured Despisers of 1799. They are addressed to the circle of intellectuals around the early Romantic periodical Athenaeum, to the „Holy family“ (Friedrich Schlegel), and moreover to the despisers of Transcendental philosophy whose state of discussion is reflected. Thus they belong to the history of modern individual thought. The form of the book follows the contemporary imitation of classical poetic form (Hölderlin) which was prevalent among the Athenaeum Circle as well. Schleiermacher discusses the separation of philosophy and life (Fichte), the forming one’s self and the forming of artistic works (Goethe), i. e. the dichotomy of individuality and artistry. He confesses himself not to be an artist. Schleiermacher’s intention in Soliloquies was to give philosophical idealism a personal depth beyond intellectual speculation. Looking back in 1803 he realizes, in the draft of a poem, that he had idealized his empirical self in his literary self. Except for a few remarks by Schlegel, who at first did not umask the author‘s anonymity, there was no reaction whatever from the Athenaeum Circle. Soliloquies later became a popular Protestant book for spiritual edification.

The last decade of the eighteenth century was a transitional period in the political as well as the cultural history of Europe. Aesthetic values underwent far-reaching changes everywhere: the field of keyboard music and keyboard performance was no exception. In Vienna, the once legendary performances of W.A. Mozart already seemed out of date for some musicians before the turn of the century. ‘Pearly’ playing gave way to singing legato style, and the occasional use of damper pedals. Of course, the appearance of the young Beethoven made a profound effect on the Viennese piano scene. He competed with four pianists on the keyboard (Gelinek, Wölfl, Steibelt, Vogler) in the course of his first ten years in Vienna: through the contemporary descriptions of these events we can learn a great deal about the current styles of piano playing. The keyboard works of the pianist-composers of the time varied in their style and level of craftsmanship. Textures became denser, and more demanding to play. The general style approached the tone of the early nineteenth century, Schubert’s in particular. Of the younger generation, Hummel was the first who performed on Viennese stages before the end of the century. After 1800, the significant Viennese debut of three young artists, Kalkbrenner, Czerny and Moscheles, initiated a new kind of bravura in pianism, which prepared the era of the instrumental virtuosity of the nineteenth century.

This article reassesses the “mechanical” style of playing featured in Carl Czerny's pedagogical works and keyboard arrangements—specifically, the Complete Theoretical and Practical Piano Forte School, op. 500 (1839), its supplementary text Letters to a Young Lady (ca. 1840), and the four-hand transcription of Beethoven's Symphony no. 9 in D Minor, op. 125 (the “Choral”). The first part of the article situates opus 500 within the larger pedagogical milieu of Biedermeier music culture and Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi's progressivist educational reforms, exploring the way it tasked predominantly women amateurs with assembling basic finger sensations in an exercise-by-exercise—“progressive”—fashion. I propose that this cumulative logic reflects an early-century epistemic norm—what Friedrich Kittler dubs a “mechanical program” of assembly and augmentation. The second part considers Czerny's transcription of the finale of Beethoven's Ninth from the perspective of ludo-musicology and cultural techniques media analysis, outlining the reductive and replicative—“reproductive”—techniques by which Czerny accommodated his former teacher's work to the hands he shaped in the private sphere. I argue that his pedagogies and transcriptions were recursively interrelated. Czerny was simultaneously a mechanic of the hand pedagogically and a mechanical reproducer of symphonies transcriptively, creating a multivalent corpus that forces us to rethink the media-theoretical concept of “mechanical reproduction” vis-à-vis “Discourse Network 1800.”

The article presents an analysis of scientific literature devoted to the study of the linguistic local history direction of language learning. The aim of the work is to describe the origins of Russian linguistic local history, regional onomastics based on the use of textological analysis, descriptive method, elements of comparative and comparative-historical methods. The material of the research is presented by works that have a linguistic local history character, starting from the 30s of 18th century. Based on the analysis of scientific works of the 18th and early 19th centuries, including the linguistic local history component, the author comes to the following conclusions. Since the first third of the 18th century in Russia, there have been some fragmentary attempts at linguistic local lore commenting when describing settlements by historians, geographers, physicians, and biologists who participated in research expeditions across Russia. Of particular importance in this respect was the historical and regional studies activities of V.N. Tatishchev, who compiled detailed questions for the study of settlements in Russia, prepared the first part of the “Lexicon of Russian historical, geographical, political and civil”. The material of the research shows that the origins of scientific linguistic regional studies in Russia are associated with the activities of V.K. Trediakovsky and M.V. Lomonosov. M.V. Lomonosov consistently introduced the linguistic local history component into the research methodology, which was applied in practice in the compilation of the “Russian grammar”, in the organization of centralized work on the historical and geographical study of Russian settlements, in the development of the foundations of teaching Russian students in their native language. M.V. Lomonosov is the founder of the linguistic local history direction in Russian linguistics. The beginning of scientific regional onomastic research is associated with the activities of E.A. Bolkhovitinov, who for the first time in 1800 gave a detailed historical and linguistic description of the toponymy and microtoponymy of the Voronezh Territory.

This essay examines the Japanese reception of the Korean painter Yi Am 李巌(b. 1499), and by extension considers the relationship between ink painting technique and pictorial meaning. In particular, it examines how Yi Am’s unique approach to the painting of puppies with blended washes of ink opened up new interpretive possibilities among Japanese viewers. Although Yi Am’s puppy paintings appear to have been circulating in Japan as early as the seventeenth century, they were misattributed to Chinese painters such as Mao Yi, and Yi Am’s seal was mistaken as belonging to a Japanese monk-painter of the Muromachi period. The monochrome ink puppy paintings of the Kyoto artist Tawaraya Sōtatsu 俵屋宗達(ca. 1600-1640), however, depict the bodies of their canine protagonists with the same wash-based approach found in Yi Am’s works, and appear to have been catalyzed in some way by an encounter with the Korean artist’s paintings. In the case of Sōtatsu, this approach eventually came to be known as tarashikomi, a signature technique of the Rinpa School, and therefore it is no exaggeration to state that Yi Am’s works played a role in inspiring one of the most recognizable techniques of early modern Japanese painting. Although dog and puppy paintings are traditionally linked to auspicious meanings, Sōtatsu’s puppy paintings appear to have been associated within a Zen Buddhist themes, in particular the koan “A Dog Has No Buddha-Nature.” This Zen Buddhist framework of meaning can be gleaned from inscriptions on his paintings by Zen monks such as Isshi Bunshu 一絲文守(1608-1646) and Tangai Musen 丹崖無染(1693-1763). I would propose that the particular wash-based approach of Yi Am and Sōtatsu to this subject was particularly significant in generating this association. The eighteenth-century painter-poet Yosa Buson 与謝蕪村(1716-1784) also based his puppy paintings upon models derived from Yi Am. In the case of Buson, however, the cultural meaning of these works can be gleaned from his haikai poetry, in particular a poem accompanying a Maruyama Okyo 円山応挙(1733-1795) painting of a puppy that associates its inky body with the interiority of a poetic subject. The final case study examined in this essay is Itō Jakuchū 伊藤若冲(1716-1800). Jakuchū left a number of puppy paintings that embody Zen Buddhist themes in highly sophisticated ways. Because he was close to Tangai Musen, it is likely that he was aware of Sōtatsu’s puppy paintings, and indirectly familiar with those of Yi Am. Thus the case could be made that Yi Am’s wash-based technique opened up a new horizon of interpretive possibility among Japanese painters extending from Sōtatsu to Jakuchū.

Solomon Maimon (1753–1800), one of the most significant Jewish philosophers of modern times, in his writings tried to critically approach the tradition of Jewish thought and compare its teachings with the views of European philosophers. In re­cent decades, he and his views have attracted close attention of historians of phi­losophy. Recently, seven volumes of his works were published in Russia, translated from German and Hebrew. One of his most famous books is his Lebensgeschichte (Autobiography), an autobiography written by him in the 1790s and revealing both the stages of his life path and spiritual development, as well as his understanding of various problems of philosophy, religion, ethics and mysticism. This book has en­joyed a reputation as a classic in the genre of “intellectual biography” for two cen­turies. The article discusses the main features of this book, as well as its perception in the 19th – early 20th centuries. The stereotypical image of Maimon as a free­thinker Jew, a fighter against religious superstitions and social inequality, almost overshadowed his significance as an original philosopher, whose views were ap­preciated by I. Kant and J.G. Fichte. This attitude towards Maimon was fully re­flected in the translations of his Autobiography. Our article pays special attention to the Russian translations of this book. We are publishing for the first time docu­ments related to an attempt to publish in the 1930s a complete commented transla­tion of Maimon’s book. Famous Soviet philosophers and translators participated in the preparation of this translation (Boris G. Stolpner, Isaak M. Alter, and others), but the book was never published for political reasons.

ResuméBegreberne pædagogik, opdragelse, frihed, demokrati, kausalitet og totaliserende elementer analyseres ud fra sprogteorien i filosofisk hermeneutik (Gadamer). I Oplysningstiden ser vi en konfrontation mellem pædagogik (Pädagogik), som føres frem af de nye socialvidenskaber (Sozialwissenschaft, Staats-; Achenwall, Schlözer), og opdragelse (Erziehung), som føres frem i filosofi (Kant). Oplysningstidens begreb om kausalitet i pædagogik (Schlözer; det, der virker) antages at være forbundet med vore dages totaliserende elementer (Rousseau, Arendt). Frihedens betydning i Oplysningstidens opdragelsesfilosofi (Kant; det, der sker) svækkes i 1800-tallet. Derimod er frihed et stærkt begreb i den politiske proces omkring såvel det repræsentative demokrati (Nevers) som ved opbygningen af danske institutioner for børn og for uddannelse af pædagoger. Gennem den lange politiske kamp for frihed blev samfundet også reformeret med børnehaver og fritidshjem, der blev skabt i tæt sammenhæng med uddannelse af pædagoger; tilsammen kaldet den reformpædagogiske bevægelse. I dag ser vi totaliserende elementer vinde frem og true børns og voksnes myndighed og frihed. AbstractThe concepts of pedagogy, upbringing, freedom, democracy, causality and totalizing elements are analysed through the theory of language in philosophical hermeneutics (Gadamer). During The Enlightenment we find a confrontation between pedagogy (Pädagogik) promoted by the new social sciences (Sozialwissenschaft, Staats-) and upbringing (Erziehung) promoted by philosophy. Enlightenments conception of causality in pedagogy (Schlözer, what works) is assumed to have connection with todays totalizing elements (Arendt). The position of freedom in the Enlightenment philosophy of upbringing (Kant, what happens) is weakend during the 19th century. Nevertheless freedom is a strong political concept connected with representative democracy (Nevers) and the field of Danish early childhood education. During the long political fight for freedom Kindergartens were established together with education of pedagogues, and the reform-pedagogical movement were promoted. Today we are in a transition where totalizing elements gain strength and threatens genuine independency in the life of children and adults.

This paper examines about Romanticism or Romantic era, themes and some famous writers, poets and poems of romantic era. Romanticism is one of the repetitive topics that are connected to either creative mind, vision, motivation, instinct, or independence. The subject frequently condemns the past, worries upon reasonableness, disconnection of the essayist and pays tribute to nature. Gone before by Enlightenment, Romanticism brought crisp verse as well as extraordinary books in English Literature. Begun from England and spread all through Europe including the United States, the Romantic development incorporates well known journalists, for example, William Wordsworth, Coleridge, Keats, Lord Byron, Shelley, Chatterton, and Hawthorne. ‘Romantic’ has been adjusted from the French word romaunt that implies a story of Chivalry. After two German scholars Schlegel siblings utilized this word for verse, it changed into a development like an epidemic and spread all through Europe. Romanticism in English writing started during the 1790s with the distribution of the Lyrical Ballads of William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor Coleridge. Wordsworth's "Preface" to the subsequent version (1800) of Lyrical Ballads, in which he portrayed verse as the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings", turned into the statement of the English Romantic development in verse. The first phase of the Romantic movement in Germany was set apart by advancements in both substance and artistic style and by a distraction with the mysterious, the intuitive and the heavenly. An abundance of abilities, including Friedrich Hölderlin, the early Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Jean Paul, Novalis, Ludwig Tieck, A.W. what's more, Friedrich Schlegel, Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder, and Friedrich Schelling, have a place with this first phase. The second phase of Romanticism, involving the period from around 1805 to the 1830s, was set apart by a reviving of social patriotism and another regard for national roots, as bore witness to by the accumulation and impersonation of local old stories, people songs and verse, society move and music, and even recently disregarded medieval and Renaissance works. The resuscitated recorded appreciation was converted into creative composition by Sir Walter Scott, who is frequently considered to have imagined the verifiable novel. At about this equivalent time English Romantic verse had arrived at its peak in progress of John Keats, Lord Byron, and Percy Bysshe Shelley.

En las últimas décadas las referencias al Análisis de Redes han ganado protagonismo entre los historiadores. Hemos asistido a una auténtica proliferación de artículos, monográficos y proyectos de investigación en los que el estudio de las interconexiones en sociedades del pasado ocupa un papel central. Desafortunadamente, en algunos de estos trabajos la conceptualización y la cuantificación han estado ausentes. El presente artículo pretende explorar el potencial del Análisis de Redes como herramienta metodológica aplicable a la disciplina histórica en sus distintos campos de investigación. Pretendemos hacer una apuesta clara por la integración de esta herramienta, superando la retórica de las palabras, pero también de la imagen. Para ello, incorporamos una panorámica de las principales aportaciones al Análisis de Redes en la historiografía. Además, analizamos sus elementos fundamentales y describimos su uso con ejemplos de publicaciones recientes, explorando los retos que se plantean de cara al futuro. Palabras Claves: Análisis de Redes, Metodología, Métricas, VisualizaciónTopónimos: Latinoamérica, EuropaPeriodo: Neolítico-Siglo XX ABSTRACTDuring recent decades, historians have referred with increasing frequency to network analysis. We have witnessed a veritable proliferation of papers, monographs and research projects in which the study of interconnections among individuals from past societies plays a central role. Unfortunately, conceptualization and quantifications have been absent from most of these works. This paper aims to explore the potential of network analysis as a methodological tool applied to history. The objective is to integrate this tool into the historian’s work, transcending the rhetoric of words and images. 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(2012), “Random walks on temporal networks”, Physical Review, 85, núm. 5.Vieira Ribeiro, A. S. (2011), Mechanisms and Criteria of Cooperation in Trading Networks of the First Global Age. The case study of Simón Ruiz network. 1557-1597 (Tesis doctoral defendida en la Universidad de Oporto), http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra/mechanisms-and-criteria-of-cooperation-in-trading-networks-of-the-first-global-age-the-case-study-of-simon-ruiz-network-1557-1597/ (Consulta: 23-12-2020)Vieira Ribeiro, A. S. (2015), Early Modern Trading Networks in Europe. Cooperation and the case of Simon Ruiz, Abingdon, Routledge.Wetherell, C. (1998), “Historical Social Network Analysis”, International Review of Social History, 43, pp. 125-144.

The History of Revisions of Prayers in Johann Arndt’s ROJAUS DARǮELIS (1807 – 1817) S u m m a r y Johann Arndt (1555–1621), the German theologian and next-generation religious reformer is the author of the uniquely successful prayer book titled Paradiesgärtlein (Magdeburg,1612). The first known Lithuanian translation of Arndt’s Paradiesgärtlein appeared in early 19th century in Prussian Lithuanian. It was published in 1807 by the widow of Gottlieb Lebrecht Hartung, a printer from Königsberg. This article aims to reveal the history of revisions of six prayers from Johann Arndt’s Rojaus Darelis (The Garden of Paradise) that were first published in Königsberg in 1807. The goal is to show the revision trends and content transformations Arndt’s texts underwent in the second, 1816 Königsberg edition of Rojaus Darǯelis, the 1816 Tilsit edition, and the unofficial 1817 conventiclers’ (Lith. surinkimininkai) hymnal Wiſſokies Naujes Gieſmes arba Ewangelißki Pſalmai (Tilsit). The analysis of the prayers has shown that the language of the hymnal Rojaus Darelis (Königsberg, 1807) is rather grounded on the standard of the official ecclesiastical and philological papers of Prussian Lithuania: the prevalent southern subdialect of the Western Aukštaitians of Prussian Lithuania. It is dominated by rather stable normative elements of morphology and diacritic orthography, as evidenced in the philological written works of the period: the grammars of the Lithuanian language by Gottfried Ostermeyer (1791) and Christian Gottlieb Mielcke (1800). The only identifiable non-grammatical orthography trait is the ending -ęs that sometimes appears in the acc. sg. endings of feminine adjectives, pronouns, and numerals. A comparison of the prayers from Rojaus Darǯelis that were published in Königsberg in 1807 and in 1816 has revealed that the texts had remained stable and free from major or significant revisions content-wise. This edition is even more consistent in its placement of the stress-marks than the one before. Efforts are made to keep up with the standard trend of spelling and language that prevailed in the official printed texts (grammars) of Prussian Lithuanian. It has been established that the making of the new edition of Rojaus Darelis published by the printing house of Johann Heinrich Post in Tilsit in 1816 relied on the Königsberg edition that had been released earlier that year. This is evidence in the morphological and lexical revisions that had been carried over. Structurally, the prayers in the 1816 Tilsit edition had remained intact. There were a little bit more orthography and syntactic differences compared to the 1816 Königsberg edition. It is probable that the Tilsit edition had had an effect on the preparation of Arndt’s prayers that were later featured in Wiſſokies Naujes Gieſmes arba Ewangelißki Pſalmai, a hymnal by Kristijonas Endrikis Mertikaitis (Tilsit, 1817). Nonetheless, it is the 1816 Königsberg edition (or the prior 1807 edition) that is to be considered the original source of the prayers published in Mertikaitis’s hymnal. It was in Wiſſokies Naujes Gieſmes arba Ewangelißki Pſalmai by Kristijonas Endrikis Mertikaitis (Tilsit, 1817) that Arndt’s prayers underwent the greatest extent of transformation. Contrary to the Königsberg or Tilsit editions mentioned in this article, this edition is teeming with differences on all sorts of levels: orthography, phonetics, morphology, lexis, word formation, and syntax. Analysis of the relationship between the sources shows that Mertikaitis’s hymnal did not try to follow the widely recognised grammatical usage. This unconventional approach most probably was the product of Mertikaitis’s savvy of the period language and lack of literacy. It is worth mentioning that Mertikaitis was not a man of academic or spiritual elite, but rather a vibrant preacher of the home-prayer service and schoolteacher who tended to pastoral care, matters of saving his own soul and those of the others as well as eternal life, someone who did not see making language more grammatically correct and standard-compliant as an important part of his earthly concern.

Fra Hamann til Fasc. 209.10. Om Grundtvigs forhold til Johann Georg Hamann og dennes samtidige[From Hamann to Fascicle 209.10. On Grundtvig's relation to Johann Georg Hamann and his contemporaries]By Bent ChristensenThe German critic and Enlightenment philosopher Johann Georg Hamann (1730-88) can be seen as a German forerunner of Grundtvig who according to a few places in his Verdenskrøniken (World Chronicle), 1817, has known about his writings and perhaps felt a spiritual kinship to him. By all accounts, the only other mention of him at all by Grundtvig occurs in a brief and somewhat enigmatic manuscript entitled “Synchronismer” (synchronisms) (The Grundtvig Archive, Fascicle 209 nr 10). It lists names of 24 German authors supplied with dates marking periods in their careers between the years 1741 and 1781 and has been regarded as a preliminary study for the World Chronicle 1817. But it can also be seen as a view of these authors from a specific “synchronistic” angle, resulting in a particular profile of these 40 years. The list also reflects Grundtvig’s detailed knowledge of German literary history.After a presentation of Hamann, Grundtvig’s evaluation of him in the World Chronicle of 1817 is quoted and commented upon, followed by a an examination of the manuscript list author by author, inclusive of references to treatments in the World Chronicle.The list begins with “Rabener 1741-57” and finishes with “Bürger 1769- 78”; the latest year brought up, however, is “1781” (under the names of Kant and Hamann). In his World Chronicle, Grundtvig states that the period he wants to depict, covers the reign of the Prussian king Frederick the Great (1740-86). The list corresponds almost exactly to this ambition. Hamann’s first year, 1759, is the year in which Sokratische Denkwürdigkeiten appeared, his first work addressing a general public. Hamann’s last year, 1781, indicates that he at that time started to write a critical review of Kant’s Kritik der reinen Vernunft, having read the proofs of it, as a personal friend of the philosopher, before its publication that same year. At first, however, Hamann did not print his text but only communicated it to Herder in a personal letter. The Metakritik über den Purismum der Vernunft was finished in 1784 but not published until 1800. When Kant in his work asks for a foundation of cognition prior to and independent of experience, Hamann accuses him of aiming at constituting a new kind of metaphysics. Two later works published by Hamann (1784 and 1786) are of a retrospective and summary nature.Concerning the other authors listed, the “first year” in most cases presents the very first step in their literary careers, and the “last year” marks the ending of their initial period. This applies, for example, to Rabener’s “last year”, 1757, when his satires had started already to appear in book form. In Lessing’s case, 1761 is the year in which he accepted a position as secretary for the governor of Breslau. Wieland was appointed town clerk in Biberach in 1760, but in the World Chronicle Grundtvig emphasizes the importance of his Shakespeare translations which did not begin to appear until 1762, though it is likely that Wieland had been encouraged to take up this project as early as 1759. Herder’s “last year” is 1767, the date of publication featured on the title page of Fragmente über die neuere deutsche Literatur—a date often considered to be the prime year of the “Sturm und Drang” (“Storm and Stress”) movement. Goethe’s “last year” is 1774 due to the publication of his best-seller novel Die Leiden des jungen Werthers.In several cases the often paired dates of Grundtvig’s list differ from those found in ordinary histories of literature as well as in the World Chronicle of 1817. A closer study of them—and a study of Grundtvig as compared to Hamann—might cause important contributions to Grundtvig research and to the study of German intellectual and literary history.

Statement of the problem. Etienne Ozi stands out as a bassoonist due to his significant creative achievements in various spheres of his multifaceted activities. As a bassoonist soloist, he successfully debuted in the “Concerts Spirituels” and for more than two decades was actively performed in front of Parisians in the best halls of the capital. An equally significant achievement of Ozі as a teacher was the preparation of the first instructional manual for the specialists “Nouvelle m&#233;thode de basson adoptue par le Conservatoire” (1803), which remained the main official publication of the Paris Conservatory for many years. The composer’s work also became an important part of the bassoon repertoire, which was actively used by him and his students in performing and teaching activities. Despite the importance of E. Ozi’s contribution to all spheres of bassoon art, the artist’s multifaceted creative activity still has not been properly assessed by modern researchers and requires a more detailed study. Recent research and publications. Among the works of domestic scientists, there are hardly any publications dedicated to E. Ozi’s creative activity. An outstanding Ukrainian musician, teacher and scientist V. M. Apatsky (2017) in his fundamental reference publication «Bassoon from A to Z» covers only individual episodes of the musician’s biography. The figure of the French artist is considered more deeply by foreign researchers, among which it is necessary to single out the dissertation and monograph of H. E. Griswold «Etienne Ozi (1754–1813): Bassoonist, Teacher, and Composer» (1979), in which E. Ozi’s work is revealed in sufficient detail. However, over the forty-year period of its existence, a certain updating of historical materials took place, which requires clarification and correction of some facts. Among the latest publications, which in one way or another highlight E. Ozi’s work, it is worth mentioning O. Tiffou’s monograph «The French Bassoon in the 19th Century. Theory and Repertoire» (2022) and &#193;. D. Moreno’s thesis «Bassoon Playing in Perspective. Character and Performance Practice from 1800 to 1850» (2013). In each of the studies, the authors partly consider individual aspects of the musician’s creative work according to the chosen research direction. Objectives, methods, and novelty of the research. The purpose of the study is to identify the main directions of Etienne Ozi’s performance and his role in the process of formation of the French bassoon school of the late 18th – early 19th centuries. The scientific novelty of the paper is determined by disclosing little-known facts of E. Ozi’s performance and his contribution to the formation of the French bassoon school. The study of E. Ozi’s performance required the use of a number of methods, such as historical to reveal the ideological and socio-economic factors of influence of the French Revolution on the development of musical art; historiography analyses to study and interpret musical and critical sources of the 18th century, chronological one to determine the time sequence of E. Ozi’s main concert performances; contextual and biographical approaches to highlight important stages of the artist’s creative work. Research results. The process of becoming Ozi as a performer is related to military brass bands, which, due to the lack of special musical educational institutions in France in the 18th century, remained the only place, where it was possible to learn to play wind instruments. Then, successful bassoon lessons under the leadership of the outstanding German bassoonist G. V. Ritter opened him the door to the concert stage. From 1779, he became an active performer-soloist of the prestigious “Concerts Spirituels” in the royal palaces. After the French Revolution and the overthrow of the monarchy, E. Ozi continued a successful performing and teaching career in the Paris Conservatory, the orchestras of the Th&#233;&#226;tre Italien, Th&#233;&#226;tre Feydeau and Th&#233;&#226;tre de la R&#233;publique et des Arts. An important achievement of the talented musician was a convincing victory in the competition of nominees for the post of soloist of the Grand Op&#233;ra Th&#233;&#226;tre, which allowed him to take the most prestigious place for a bassoonist in France. Conclusion. E. Ozi is one of the first French musicians who presented the bassoon as a solo instrument and created a multi-genre concert repertoire for it. Regular performances at the most prestigious halls of Paris allowed him to confidently occupy a leading positions not only among the French, but also European bassoonists. Active performing activity of E. Ozi and his fruitful teaching practice at the Paris Conservatory had a crucial influence on the development of European bassoon art of the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

Abstract Dissecting the genetics of classical Hodgkin lymphoma (cHL), a common lymphoma derived from germinal center B (GCB) cells, has remained a difficult task compared to other lymphomas, due to the rarity (usually <5%) of tumor cells (the Hodgkin and Reed/Sternberg - HRS - cells) in the lymph node. Thus, we microdissected 1200-1800 single HRS cells per case from frozen biopsies of 36 patients, along with a similar number of adjacent non-neoplastic cells, and performed in duplicate whole-genome DNA amplification (WGA) followed by independent whole-exome sequencing, thus allowing to control for possible biases introduced by the WGA step. The putative somatic protein-changing mutations identified in a major tumor clone (i.e., ≥20% variant allele frequency) were then validated by targeted deeper sequencing of the same WGA DNA, as well as by ultra-deep sequencing and digital PCR of unamplified whole-biopsy DNA. We found highly recurrent (11/36 patients; 31%), heterozygous, STAT6 missense mutations in exons encoding for the DNA binding domain, identical to the activating STAT6 variants known in primary mediastinal B-cell lymphoma (PMBCL), diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) and follicular lymphoma. ShRNA-induced STAT6 knockdown caused marked apoptosis in the STAT6-mutated cHL cell line L1236, which expresses phosphorylated STAT6 (pSTAT6), while it showed little or no effect in the STAT6-unmutated/pSTAT6+ cHL lines L428 and HDLM2, and in the STAT6-unmutated/STAT6-unphosphorylated cHL line L540. Thus, STAT6 mutations in cHL appear to confer a survival advantage distinct from (and beyond that of) STAT6 phosphorylation, possibly due to their aberrant DNA binding activity following pSTAT6-dependent entry into the nucleus. Interestingly, STAT6 mutations were often associated with disruptive somatic mutations of the JAK-STAT signaling inhibitor SOCS1 (frequency in the evaluable STAT6-mutated versus unmutated patients: 6/7, i.e. 87%, versus 4/14, i.e. 29%; p=0.02), suggesting a genetic interaction. Indeed, transduction of wild-type SOCS1 induced apoptosis of STAT6-mutated L1236 cells to a much greater extent than STAT6-unmutated L428 cells, despite both carry a SOCS1disruptive mutation and express pSTAT6. Furthermore, the presence in additional cases of genetic lesions of other JAK-STAT pathway members (mutations activating STAT3, STA5B, JAK1 or inactivating the inhibitor PTPN1; JAK2 copy number gains) attests to the pervasive role of JAK-STAT signaling in the genetics of cHL (up to ~70% of patients affected). GNA13, encoding Gα13, carried mutations, mostly heterozygous, in 8/36 (22%) patients. By transmitting signals from the S1PR2 and P2RY8 receptors, Gα13 ensures the confinement of proliferating GCB cells within secondary lymphoid follicles, while constraining at the same time their expansion by facilitating apoptosis in this potentially dangerous niche (Nature 2014;516:254). GNA13 mutations in cHL included disruptive (frame-shifting and non-sense) variants and were similar to those identified in GC B cell-derived Burkitt lymphoma and DLBCL of the GCB-type. The apparent histogenetic selectivity of inactivating GNA13mutations, almost never found in post-germinal center ABC-DLBCL, suggests they may facilitate cHL lymphomagenesis by rescuing from apoptosis crippled GC B cells (the proposed HRS cell precursors) and by promoting their dissemination outside the follicles, where HRS cells are indeed observed in lymph nodes with early, partial involvement by cHL (Am J Surg Pathol 1983;7:145). Heterozygous missense mutations of XPO1 occurred in 6/36 patients (17%) at the hot-spot amino acid residue E571, which is recurrently targeted also in chronic lymphocytic leukemia and PMBCL. XPO1encodes exportin-1, which shuttles outside the nucleus more than 200 proteins, including tumor suppressors involved in cHL pathogenesis and functioning in the nucleus (e.g., NFKBIA, FOXOs, TP53) (Blood 2012;120:4621). XPO1 inhibition by the clinical compound selinexor caused growth inhibition and apoptosis of cHL cell lines in a mutation-dependent manner. By providing a global characterization of the cHL coding genome, this works uncovered several new genes implicated in the genetics of this lymphoma, and most prominently in the JAK-STAT pathway, that likely play a significant role in its biology. #Shared first authorship °Shared last authorship Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

In the first half of the 19th century in literature on art the term ‘Old Masters’ was disseminated (Alte Meister, maître ancienns, etc.), this in relation to the concept of New Masters. However, contrary to the widespread view, it did not result from the name institutionalization of public museums (in Munich the name Alte Pinakothek was given in 1853, while in Dresden the Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister was given its name only after 1956). Both names, however, feature in collection catalogues, books, articles, press reports, as well as tourist guides. The term ‘Old Masters’ with reference to the artists of the modern era appeared in the late 17th century among the circles of English connoisseurs, amateur experts in art (John Evelyn, 1696). Meanwhile, the Great Tradition: from Filippo Villani and Alberti to Bellori, Baldinucci, and even Winckelmann, implied the use of the category of ‘Old Masters’ (antico, vecchio) in reference to ancient: Greek-Roman artists. There existed this general conceptual opposition: old (identified with ancient) v. new (the modern era). An attempt is made to answer when this tradition was broken with, when and from what sources the concept (and subsequently the term) ‘Old Masters’ to define artists later than ancient was formed; namely the artists who are today referred to as mediaeval and modern (13th–18th c.). It was not a single moment in history, but a long intermittent process, leading to 18th- century connoisseurs and scholars who formalized early-modern collecting, antiquarian market, and museology. The discerning and naming of the category in-between ancient masters (those referred to appropriately as ‘old’) and contemporary or recent (‘new’) artists resulted from the attempts made to systemize and categorize the chronology of art history for the needs of new collector- and connoisseurship in the second half of the 16th and in the 17th century. The old continuum of history of art was disrupted by Giorgio Vasari (Vite, 1550, 1568) who created the category of ‘non-ancient old’, ‘our old masters’, or ‘old-new’ masters (vecchi e non antichi, vecchi maestri nostri, i nostri vecchi, i vecchi moderni). The intuition of this ‘in-between’ the vecchi moderni and maestri moderni can be found in some writers-connoisseurs in the early 17th (e.g. Giulio Mancini). The Vasarian category of the ‘old modern’ is most fully reflected in the compartmentalizing of history conducted by Carel van Mander (Het Schilder-Boeck, 1604), who divided painters into: 1) oude (oude antijcke), ancient, antique, 2) oude modern, namely old modern; 3) modern; very modern, living currently. The oude modern constitute a sequence of artists beginning with the Van Eyck brothers to Marten de Vosa, preceding the era of ‘the famous living Netherlandish painters’. The in-between status of ‘old modern’ was the topic of discourse among the academic circles, formulated by Jean de La Bruyère (1688; the principle of moving the caesura between antiquité and modernité), Charles Perrault (1687–1697: category of le notre siècle preceded by le siècle passé, namely the grand masters of the Renaissance), and Pellegrino Antonio Orlandi writing from the position of an academic studioso for connoisseurs and collectors (Abecedario pittorico, 1704, 1719, 1733, 1753; the antichimoderni category as distinct from the i viventi). Together with Christian von Mechel (1781, 1783) the new understanding of ‘old modernity’ enters the scholarly domain of museology and the devising of displays in royal and ducal galleries opened to the public, undergoing the division into national categories (schools) and chronological ones in history of art becoming more a science (hence the alte niederländische/deutsche Meister or Schule). While planning and describing painterly schools at the Vienna Belvedere Gallery, the learned historian and expert creates a tripartite division of history, already without any reference to antiquity, and with a meaningful shift in eras: Alte, Neuere, and lebende Meister, namely ‘Old Masters’ (14th–16th/17th c.), ‘New Masters’ (Late 17th c. and the first half of the 18th c.), and contemporary ‘living artists’. The Alte Meister ceases to define ancient artists, while at the same time the unequivocally intensifying hegemony of antique attitudes in collecting and museology leads almost to an ardent defence of the right to collect only ‘new’ masters, namely those active recently or contemporarily. It is undertaken with fervour by Ludwig Christian von Hagedorn in his correspondence with his brother (1748), reflecting the Enlightenment cult of modernité, crucial for the mental culture of pre-Revolution France, and also having impact on the German region. As much as the new terminology became well rooted in the German-speaking regions (also in terminology applied in auction catalogues in 1719–1800, and obviously in the 19th century for good) and English-speaking ones (where the term ‘Old Masters’ was also used in press in reference to the collections of the National Gallery formed in 1824), in the French circles of the 18th century the traditional division into the ‘old’, namely ancient, and ‘new’, namely modern, was maintained (e.g. Recueil d’Estampes by Pierre Crozat), and in the early 19th century, adopted were the terms used in writings in relation to the Academy Salon (from 1791 located at Louvre’s Salon Carré) which was the venue for alternating displays of old and contemporary art, this justified in view of political and nationalistic legitimization of the oeuvre of the French through the connection with the tradition of the great masters of the past (Charles-Paul Landon, Pierre-Marie Gault de Saint-Germain). As for the German-speaking regions, what played a particular role in consolidating the term: alte Meister, was the increasing Enlightenment – Romantic Medievalism as well as the cult of the Germanic past, and with it a revaluation of old-German painting: altdeutsch. The revision of old-German art in Weimar and Dresden, particularly within the Kunstfreunde circles, took place: from the category of barbarism and Gothic ineptitude, to the apology of the Teutonic spirit and true religiousness of the German Middle Ages (partic. Johann Gottlob von Quandt, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe). In this respect what actually had an impact was the traditional terminology backup formed in the Renaissance Humanist Germanics (ethnogenetic studies in ancient Germanic peoples, their customs, and language), which introduced the understanding of ancient times different from classical-ancient or Biblical-Christian into German historiography, and prepared grounds for the altdeutsche Geschichte and altdeutsche Kunst/Meister concepts. A different source area must have been provided by the Reformation and its iconoclasm, as well as the reaction to it, both on the Catholic, post-Tridentine side, and moderate Lutheran: in the form of paintings, often regarded by the people as ‘holy’ and ‘miraculous’; these were frequently ancient presentations, either Italo-Byzantine icons or works respected for their old age. Their ‘antiquity’ value raised by their defenders as symbols of the precedence of Christian cult at a given place contributed to the development of the concept of ‘ancient’ and ‘old’ painters in the 17th–18th century.

RESUMENLa presente investigación ahonda en el tratamiento integral de fuentes geohistóricas textuales. Está basada en la recuperación, el análisis y la apertura de nuevas fórmulas de conocimiento científico abiertas y extensivas a la sociedad global. Entre 1850 y 1940 se elaboran en España más de cuatrocientas obras médicas (geografías o topografías médicas), bajo influencia de las teorías higienistas en el urbanismo y la sociedad en su conjunto, que constituyen unas fuentes de información y documentación enormemente valiosas, y relativamente poco estudiadas, para el conocimiento de los espacios, urbanos y rurales, de la época. El uso del método hipotético-deductivo, modelo de amplia utilización en las ciencias geográficas y las humanidades, ha establecido como hipótesis fundamental que el paisaje y el territorio, y la información contenida en las obras médico-geográficas “Datos médico-topográficos de Ciudad Rodrigo” (1899) y “Datos para la geografía médica de Ciudad Rodrigo” (1920), se utilizarán como base para el análisis de la información que, a escala geográfica, aporta esta tipología documental, estableciendo una metodología para la extracción de información geográfica contenida en documentación histórica. Con ello, se pretende optimizar el uso de fuentes secundarias de conocimiento sobre el territorio y la sociedad, teniendo en cuenta la variedad y cantidad de información que se puede extraer de ellos, abriendo, a la vez, una vía de investigación que liga la salubridad del territorio y las estrategias para abordar problemas territoriales desde la geografía humana e histórica. Palabras clave: fuentes geohistóricas, topografías médicas, higienismo urbano, naturalismo terapéuticoTopónimos: Ciudad Rodrigo (Salamanca)Periodo: siglos xix y xx ABSTRACT This research delves into the comprehensive treatment of textual geohistorical sources based on the recovery, analysis and opening of new formulas of scientific knowledge open and extensive to global society. Between 1850 and 1940, more than four hundred medical works (medical geographies or topographies) were produced in Spain under the influence of hygienist theories in urban planning and constituting society a source of valuable information and documentation relatively little studied for the knowledge of the urban and rural spaces of the time. The use of the hypothetical-deductive method, a model widely used in geographical sciences and humanities, has established as a fundamental hypothesis that landscape and the territory and the information contained in the Medical-geographical works “Medical-topographical Data of Ciudad Rodrigo” (1899) and “Data for the Medical Geography of Ciudad Rodrigo” (1920), will be used as a basis for the analysis of the information that, on a geographical scale, provides this documentary typology and proposes a methodology for the extraction of geographic information contained in historical documentation. With this, it is intended to optimize the use of secondary sources of knowledge about the territory and society considering the variety and amount of information that can be extracted from them and opening, at the same time, a path of research that links health of the territory and the strategies to the approach territorial problems from the human and historical geography. 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AbstractAs was the case with silversmiths (Note 3), many more cabinet-makers were wcrking in Amsterdam during the second half of the 18th century than in any other city in the Dutch Republic, the names of 195 of them being now known as opposed to 57 in The Hague and 32 in Rotterdam (Note 2). Most of those 195 names have been culled from the few surviving documents of the Guild of St. Joseph in Amsterdam, to which the cabinet-makers belonged (Note 4), supplemented by other sources, such as printed registers of craftsmen and shopkeepers (Note 6). Another important source is the newspaper the Amsterdamsche Courant with its advertisements placed by craftsmen themselves, with notices of sales, bankruptcies, lotteries and annual fairs and with advertisements concerning subsidiary or related trades. Since these advertisements were directed at the consumer, they often contain stylistic descriptions such as are not found elsewhere. Moreover, they aford valuable clues to archival material. Hence an investigation of all the advertisements from the years 1751-1800 has formed the basis for a study of Amsterdam cabinet-making, some results of which are presented here. Such a study is doomed largely to remain theoretical. The records can hardly ever be linked with surviving pieces, as these are virtually always anonymous since Amsterdam cabinet-makers were not required to stamp or sign their work. Moreover, only a few pieces of Dutch 18th-century furniture have a known provenance, so that it is only rarely possible to link a piece with a bill or another document and identify its maker. Thus it is not yet possible to form a reliable picture of a local Amsterdam style, let alone embark on attributions to individual makers (Note 8). In this light special importance may be attached to two commodes of the third quarter of the century which are exceptional in that they bear a signature, that of Andries Bongen (Figs. 1, 2, Notes 10, 11). These commodes, being entirely French-inspired, illustrate a specific and little-known aspect of Amsterdam cabinet-making. French furniture was so sought after in Amsterdam at that period that in 1771 a strict ban was imposed on its importation in order to protect local cabinet-makers (Note 12). It had begun to be imitated even before that and the commodes by Bongen exemplify this development. Andries Bongen, who was probably born in Geldern, south of Cleves and just east of the border of the Dutch Republic, is first recorded in Amsterdam in May 1763 on his marriage to Willemina, daughter of the smith Lambert van der Beek. He registered as a citizen on 5 July 1763 and became a master cabinet-maker some time between March 1763 and March 1764 (Note 19), so that, accordirtg to the Guild regulations, he must previously have trained for two years under an Amsterdam master (Note 20). At the time of his marriage he was living in St. Jorisstraat, but by the end of 1766 he had moved to Spui and between 1769 and 1771 he moved again, to Muiderpleinlje. When he and his wife made their will in 1772, their possessions were worth something under 8000 guilders (Note 23). This suggests that the business was quite flourishing, which seems to be confirmed by the fact that Bongen received a commission from the city of Amsterdam in 1771. Two more pieces were made for the city in 1786 and 1789, but in the latter year Bongen was declared bankrupt. The inventory of his possessions drawn up then (see Appeytdix) shows how parlous his conditions had become, his goods being valued at only 300 guilders. The reference to a shop indicates that Bongen sold his own furniture, although he had no stock to speak of at that point. The mention of eight work-benches, however, sugests that his output had previously been quite large. This is confirmed by the extent of his debts, notably that to the timber merchant Jan van Mekeren (Note 27). Other creditors included 'Rudolfeus Eyk', who probably supplied iron trelliszvork for bookcases and the like (Note 28), and the glass merchants Boswel en Zonen (Note 29) No debtors are listed and the only customer who can tentatively be identified is a 'Heer Hasselaar' who might be Pieter Cornelis Hasselaer (1720-95), several times burgomaster of Amsterdam between 1773 and 1794 (Note 30). Bongen died three years after his bankruptcy, at which time he was living in Nieuwe Looiersstraat. He appears to have continued working as a cabiytet-maker up to his death and his widow probably carried on the business until her own death in 1808, but nothing is known of this later period. The clearest insight into the character of part of Bongen's output is aforded by the advertisement he placed in the Amsterdamsehe Courant of 4 December 1766, describing three pieces of furniture 'in the French manner'. This is the first announcement by an 18th-century Amsterdam cabinet-maker of work in the French style. Bongen mentions two commodes decorated with floral marquetry, a technique which had flourished in Amsterdam in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Note 34), but which had largely fallen into disuse on the advent around 1715 of a more sober type of furniture with plain walnut veneers on the English model (Note 36). In France a form of floral marquetry reappeared in the 1740s, being further developed in the following decade under the influence of Jean-François Oeben (1721-63). From the late 1750s there are indications of the presence of pieces of French marquetry furniture in the new style in Amsterdam (Notes 42, 43). The earliest explicit description of floral marquetry appears in a sale catalogue of 5 June 1765 (Note 44), while in another of 25 March 1766 (Note 46) many French pieces are detailed. Obviously, then, Bongen was endeavouring to capture a share, of this new market. The reappearance of elaborate marquetry on Amsterdam-made furniture was the result of a desire to emulate the French examples. The two commodes described in Bongen's advertisement can be identified with the one now in Amsterdam (Fig.2) and the one sold in London in 1947 (Fig.1). The latter still had more of its original mounts at the time nf the sale (Fig. 4) and the two probably formed a pair originally. The unusual fact that they are signed indicates that Bongen intended them to serve as show-pieces to demonstrate his skill at the beginning of his career (cf. Note 51, for another craftsman from abroad who began his career in Amsterdam by similarly advertising a spectacular piece). The commode in Amsterdam, with all its original mounts, demonstrates most clearly how close Bongen came to French prototypes, although his work has many personal traits nonetheless. In the marquetry the vase on a plinth on the front and the composition of the bouquets on the sides are notable (Fig.5), as are the large, full-blown blooms. The carcase, made entirely of oak, is remarkably well constructed and has a heavy, solid character. The commodes are outstanding for the complete integration of the marquetry and the mounts, in the manner of the finesl French furniture. The mounts presenl a problem, as it is not clear where they were made. They do not appear to be French or English, but one hesitates to attribute them to Amsterdam, as it is clear from documentary material that ornamental furniture-mounts were hardly ever made there in the second half of the 18th century. The mounts advertised by Ernst Meyrink in 1752 (Note 53) were probably still of the plain variety of the early part of the century and there is no further mention of mounts made in Amsterdam in the Amsterdamsche Courant. Once, in 1768, the silversmith J. H. Strixner placed an advertisement which refers to their gilding (Note 55). There is virtually no indication either of French mounts being imported and there is little Dutch furniture of this period that bears mounts which are indisputably French. In contrast to this, a large number of advertisements from as early as 1735 show that many mounts were imported from England, while among English manufacturers who came to sell their wares in Amsterdam were Robert Marshall of London (Note 60), James Scott (Note 61), William Tottie of Rotterdam (Note 62), whose business was continued after his death by Klaas Pieter Sent (Note 64), and H. Jelloly, again of Rotterdam (Notes 66, 67). It seems surprising that in a period when the French style reigned supreme so many mounts were imported from England, but the English manufacturers, mainly working in Birmingham, produced many mounts in the French style, probably often directed expressly at foreign markets. On the two commodes by Bongen only the corner mounts and the handles are of types found in the trade-catalogues of the English manufacturers (Figs. 7, 8, Notes 65, 70). The corner mounts are of a common type also found on French furniture (Note 71), so they doubtless copy a French model. The remaining mounts, however, are the ones which are so well integrated with the marquetry and these are not found elsewhere. Recently a third commode signed by Bongen has come to light, of similar character to the first two (Fig.3). Here all the mounts are of types found in the catalogues (Figs.7-10, Note 72). Apparently Bongen could not, or did not choose to, obtain the special mounts any more, although he clearly wanted to follow the same design (Fig. 6). This third commode was undoubtedly made somewhal later than the other two. The marquetry on it is the best preserved and it is possible to see how Bongen enlivened it with fine engraving. Because this piece is less exceptional, it also allows us to attribute some unsigned pieces to Bongen on the basis of their closeness to it, namely a commode sold in London in 1962 (Fig.11, Note 73) and two smaller, simpler commodes, which may originally have formed a pair, one sold in London in 1967 (Fig.12, Nole 74) and the other in a Dutch private collection (Figs.13, 14). The first one has a highly original marquetry decoration of a basket of flowers falling down. On the sides of this piece, and on the front of the two smaller ones, are bouquets tied with ribbons. These were doubtless influenced by contemporary engravings, but no direct models have been identified. The construction of the commode in the Netherlands tallies completely with tltat of the signed example in Amsterdam. The mounts are probably all English, although they have not all been found in English catalogues (Fig.15, Note 76). A seventh commode attributable to Bongen was sold in Switzerland in 1956 (Fig.16, Note 77). It is unusual in that walnut is employed as the background for the floral marquetry, something virtually unknown in Paris, but not uncommon on German work of French inspiration (Note 78). That commodes constitute the largest group among the furniture in the French style attributable to Bongen should cause no surprise, for the commode was the most sought after of all the pieces produced by the ébénistes not only in France, but all over Europe. Two other pieces which reveal Bongen's hand are two tables which look like side-tables, but which have fold-out tops to transform them into card-tables, a type seldom found in France, but common in England and the Netherlands (Note 80). One is at Bowhill in Scotland (Figs.17, 19, 20), the other was sold in London in 1972 (Fig.18, Note 79). The corner mounts on the Bowhill table, which probably also graced the other one originally, are the same as those on the two small commodes, while the handles are again to be found in an English catalogue (Fig.21, Note 81). What sounds like a similar card-table was sold at auction in Amsterdam in 1772 (Note 82). In Bongen's advertisement of 1766 mention is also made of a secretaire, this being the first appearance of this term in the Amsterdamsche Courant and Bongen finding it necessary to define it. No secretaire is known that can be attributed to him. A medal-cabinet in the form of a secretaire in Leiden (Figs.22, 23) hasfloral marquetry somewhat reminiscent of his work, but lacking its elegance, liveliness and equilibrium. Here the floral marquetry is combined with trompe l'oeil cubes and an interlaced border, early Neo-Classical elements which were first employed in France in the 1750s, so that this piece represents a later stage than those attributable to Bongen, which are all in a pure Louis xvstyle. Virtually identical in form to the medal-cabinet is a secretaire decorated solely with floral marquetry (Fig. 24, Note 87). This also appears not to be by Bongen, but both pieces may have been made under his influence. The picture we can form of Bongen's work on the basis of the signed commodes is clearly incomplete. His secretaire was decorated with '4 Children representing Trade', an exceptionally modern and original idea in 1766 even by French standards (Note 88). His ambitions in marquetry obviously wentfar beyondflowers, but no piece has yet beenfound which evinces this, nor is anything known of the Neo-Classical work which he may have produced after this style was introduced in Amsterdam around 1770. Bongen may perhaps have been the first Amsterdam cabinet-maker to produce marquetry furniture in the French style, but he was not to remain the only one. In 1771 and 1772 furniture in both the Dutch and French mode was advertised for sale at the Kistenmakerspand in Kalverstraat, where all furniture-makers belonging to the Guild of St. Joseph could sell their wares (Note 89). The 'French' pieces were probably decorated with marquetry. Only a small number of cabinet-makers are known to have worked in this style, however. They include Arnoldus Gerritsen of Rheestraat, who became a master in 1769 and sold his stock, including a 'small French inlaid Commode', in 1772, and Johan Jobst Swenebart (c.1747 - active up to 1806 or later), who became a master in 1774 and advertised in 1775 that he made 'all sorts of choice Cabinet- and Flower-works', the last term referring to furniture decorated with floral marquetry. Not only French types of furniture, but also traditional Dutch pieces were now decorated with French-inspired marquetry,for example a collector's cabinet advertised in 1775 by Johan Jacob Breytspraak (c.1739-95), who had become a master in 1769-70; a bureau-bookcase, a form introduced in the first half of the century probably under English influence (Note 100), exhibited in 1772 (Note 99); and a display cabinet for porcelain supplied, though not necessarily made, by Pieter Uylenburg en Zoon in 1775 (Notes 101, 102). Even long-case clocks were enriched with marquetry, witness the one advertised by the clock-maker J. H. Kühn in 1775 and another by him which was sold by auction in Edam in 1777 (Note 104). The latter was, like the bureau-bookcase exhibited in 1772, decorated with musical instruments, again a motif borrowed from France, where it was used increasingly from the 1760s onwards (Note 105). A clock signed by the Amsterdam clock-maker J. George Grüning also has a case with marquetry of musical instruments. This must date from about 1775-80, but its maker is unknown (Fig. 25, Notes 106, 107). All four of the Amsterdam cabinet-makers known to have done marquetry around 1770 came from Germany and all were then only recently established in Amsterdam. In fact half of the 144 Amsterdam cabinet-makers working in the second half of the 18th century whose origins it has been possible to trace came from Germany, so the German element was even stronger there than in Paris, where Germans comprised about a third of the ébénistes (Note 108) and where they had again played an important role in the revival of marquetry. None qf the four in Amsterdam was exclusively concerned with marquetry. Indeed, for some of them it may only have been a secondary aspect of their work. This was not true of Bongen, but he too made plain pieces, witness the four mahogany gueridons he made for the city of Amsterdam in 1771 or the two cupboards also made for the city in 1786 and 1789 (Notes 111, 112).No marquetry is listed in his inventory either. Perhaps fashions had changed by the time of his bankruptcy. Such scant knowledge as we have of Amsterdam cabinet-making between 1775 and 1785 certainly seems to suggest this. In the descriptions of the prizes for furraiture-lotteries, such as took place regularly from 1773 onwards (Note 114), marquetry is mentioned in 1773 and 1775 (Notes 115, 116), but after that there is no reference to itfor about tenyears. Nor is there any mention of marquetry in the very few cabinet-makers' advertisements of this period. When the clock-maker Kühn again advertised long-case clocks in 1777 and 1785, the cases were of carved mahogany (Notes 121, 122). Certainly in France the popularity of marquetry began to wane shortly before 1780 and developments in the Netherlands were probably influenced by this. Towards the end of the 1780s, however, pieces described as French and others decorated with 'inlaid work' again appear as prizes in lotteries, such as those organized by Johan Frederik Reinbregt (active 1785-95 or later), who came from Hanover (Note 128), and Swenebart. The latter advertised an inlaid mahogany secretaire in 1793 (Note 132) and similar pieces are listed in the announcement of the sale of the stock of Jean-Matthijs Chaisneux (c.1734-92), one of a small group of French upholsterers first mentioned in Amsterdam in the 1760s, who played an important part in the spread of French influence there (Note 134). In this later period, however, reference is only made to French furniture when English pieces are also mentioned, so a new juxtaposition is implied and 'French' need not mean richly decorated with marquetry as it did in the 1760s. In fact the marquetry of this period was probably of a much more modest character. A large number of pieces of Dutch furniture in the late Neo-Classical style are known, generally veneered with rosewood or mahogany, where the marquetry is confined to trophies, medallions on ribbons, geometric borders and suchlike. A sideboard in the Rijksmuseum is an exceptionally fine and elaborately decorated example of this light and elegant style (Fig. 26) None of this furniture is known for certain to have been made in Amsterdam, but two tobacco boxes with restrained marquetry decoration (Fig.27, Note 136) were made in Haarlem in 1789 by Johan Gottfried Fremming (c.1753-1832) of Leipzig, who had probably trained in Amsterdam and whose style will not have differed much from that current in the capital. Boxes of this type are mentioned in the 1789 inventory of the Amsterdam cabinet-maker Johan Christiaan Molle (c.1748-89) as the only pieces decorated with inlay (Note 138). In the 1792 inventory of Jacob Keesinger (active 1764-92) from Ziegenhain there are larger pieces of marquetry furniture as well (Note 139), but they are greatly in the minority, as is also the case with a sale of cabinet-makers' wares held in 1794 (Note 141), which included a book-case of the type in Fig.28 (Note 142). Similarly the 1795 inventory of Johan Jacob Breytspraak, one of the most important and prosperous cabinet-makers of the day, contains only a few marquetry pieces (Note 144). The 1793 inventory of Hendrik Melters (1720-93) lists tools and patterns for marquetry, but no pieces decorated with it (Note 145). Melters seems to have specialized in cases for long-case clocks, the Amsterdam clock-maker Rutgerus van Meurs (1738-1800) being one of his clients (Note 146). The cases of clocks signed by Van Meurs bear only simple marquetry motifs (Note 147). The Dutch late Neo-Classical furniture with restrained marquetry decoration has no equivalent in France; it is more reminiscent of English work (Note 148). The pattern-books of Hepplewhite and Sheraton undoubtedly found their way to the Dutch Republic and the 'English' furniture mentioned in Amsterdam sources from 1787 probably reflected their influence. However, the introduction of the late, restrained Neo-Classical style in furniture was not the result of English influence alone. Rather, the two countries witnessed a parallel development. In England, too, marquetry was re-introduced under French influence around 1760 and it gradually became much simpler during the last quarter of the century, French influences being amalgamated into a national style (Notes 150, 151). On the whole, the Frertch models were followed more closely in the Netherlands than in England. Even at the end of the century French proportions still very much influenced Dutch cabinet-making. Thus the typically Dutch late Neo-Classical style sprang from a combirtation of French and English influences. This makes it difficult to understand what exactly was meant by the distinction made between ;French' and 'English' furniture at this time. The sources offer few clues here and this is even true of the description of the sale of the stock of the only English cabinet-maker working in Amsterdam at this period, Joseph Bull of London, who was active between 1787 and 1792, when his goods were sold (Notes 155, 156).

Ramps and scaffoldsThe lifting of large stones during antiquityUntil well into the 18th century, many scholars thought that megaliths were erected by giants. Less supernatural theories did not occur in print until the 19th century. One of these was expressed in a small pamphlet from 1857, “On the Building Manner of the Passage Graves of the Antiquity”, written by the Danish King Frederik the Seventh. Earlier (1853), the king had been convinced that first the capstones had been placed on a mound and then the uprights had been placed in holes dug out under the capstone (fig. 7). When all uprights were in place, the remaining earth was removed. This so-called mound theory is almost completely forgotten, but it surfaced sporadically in the 20th century, last when J. Osenton was reconstructing dolmens in the Cotswold Hill Quarry by Cheltenham in England in 1996-97.In 1857, Frederik the Seventh put forward the ramp theory, according to which the capstone is pulled up on a ramp to the already finished chamber (fig. 7-8). According to Frederik the Seventh’s proposal, the ramp was built from earth lengthwise covered with timber, on top of which the capstone would have been pulled up on rolls.However, the king had not invented this theory. It was known in Scandinavia and Holland already around 1800. In 1815, N. Westendorf in Holland suggested the use of earth ramps, and the following years the Dutch developed the ramp theory further.Both the early Dutch antiquarians and others referred to the fact that from the 16th to the 19th century (after the Spanish conquest), Inca workers in Peru, when erecting large buildings, used earth ramps for pulling large stones in place. During their golden age (1300-l500 AD), the Incas were masters in building with large stones that weighed up to well over 200 metric tons. Perhaps the know ledge of Inca earth ramps inspired the early European antiquarians to suggest that the megaliths had also been pulled in place by the use of ramps.In 1983, an experiment was carried out in Skånes Djurpark (Scania’s Animal Park) under G. Burenhuldt’s supervision: the building of a long barrow. The capstone was mounted on a wooden sledge and pulled in place using a rope and a 16-m long earth ramp covered with timber lengthwise (fig. 9). The gradient of the ramp was 5 degrees. It took fourteen men a mere twelve seconds to pull op the capstone.In Indonesia, the use of wooden ramps for pulling up grave capstones is well known. Such a situation was docu mented in 1910, when four hundred people pulled the stone in place without the use of rolls (fig. 10-11). In Holland, postholes suggesting the use of a similar method have been found in connection with some megalith graves (fig. 12).When using the scaffold method, one end of the stone is lifted using one or more levers while timber is being pushed under the stone. Then the other end is lifted and timber pushed underneath. The stone is then lifted again, and timber is pushed under in the opposite direction of the previous layer of timber – and so forth, until the stone has reached the planned height (fig. 13-14). The stone is lifted up on a steadily growing scaffold, so to speak. When the lever is high up, ropes are attached to it for pulling. This method was used in Denmark during the 19th century, when the National Museum was placing capstones that had fallen from their original position back onto the megalith graves. In 1897, the Danish archaeologist Sophus Müller suggested that the capstones of the megalith graves had origin ally been positioned in this way. In 1979, J.P. Mohen initiated an experiment in Bougon, France, involving the lifting of a 32-tons copy of a capstone (fig. 15).The lifting was carried out using three levers, each operated by twenty men. By pushing timber under the stone, it was easily lifted one meter. During the same experiment, twenty men easily lifted the stone using a single lever. In 1994, in Ramioul in Belgium, the scaffold method was also used for placing a capston e on a newly built alleé couverte. In Cotswold’s Hill Quarry, England, J. Osenton built three dolmens in 1996-97. A five-ton capstone was lifted one meter by two persons, one using a 3.5-meter long lever, the other pushing timber underneath.Levers are thus very effective, as heavy loads may be lifted using small effort. According to the lever principle, Kl x L1 = K2 x L2, where L1 and L2 are the long and short arm (divided by the fulcrum) respectively, Kl is the force used for pulling, and K2 is the force, which in combination with L2 has an effect on the stone itself. If using a completely regular stone, like an over-sized brick, it will be merely half of the stone’s weight that is lifted, as its edge is resting on the support. However, as the stones are usually irregular, the lifted weight in the following calculations is estimated to be 60% of the total weight.At Cotswold Hill Quarry, the relation between effort and load was 1:100, hence, one man had to pull with a mere power of 30 kg in order to lift the heavy stone. At Bou­gon, each of the 60 persons had to pull with a force of 32 kilos, if the relation was 1:10, in order to lift the 32-tons block. A capstone in the Spanish passage grave Cueva de Menga weighs 180 metric tons. It could be lifted by 72 men each pulling 50 kg, if the relation was 1:30.It appears that capstones may be easily lifted using a scaffold. When the stones reached the level of the top of the uprights, they could be pulled in over the chamber. At the experiment at Ramioul, Poissonier and Collin used a method in spired by the transportation of stones in a quarry. In the ends of the round timber just under the stone were drilled holes, in which sticks were placed. When the sticks were turned, the stones could be rolled in position over the chamber (fig. 16 ). The use of Stone’s A-frame, which will be mentioned later, would have been very effective indeed, even when very large stones had to be moved from the scaffold onto the chamber.At Stonehenge, the large sarsen stones were erected 2400 BC towards the end of the late Stone Age (fig. 17). The lintels of the large circle weigh approximately seven tons and are positioned at 4.3 meters above the earth. In the middle of the circle is the “horse shoe” consisting of five thrilitons (a thriliton is a pair of uprights carrying a lintel). These lintels weigh up to 16.5 metric tons and are raised seven meters above ground level.In 1924, the engineer E.H. Stone suggested that the lintels had been pulled up an earth ramp that had been so large that it had a platform on top. Here the final adjustment of the lintel could take place using levers.In 1935, another – simpler – technique, the scaffold method, was suggested by colonel R.H. Cunnington. The engineer C.A. Gauld later developed his idea further. He advocated the use of a rather complicated scaffold, which completely surrounded the uprights (fig. 19).In 1991, the engineer P. Pavel carried out an experiment by Strakonice in the Czech Republic (fig. 20). A copy of two uprights in the Stonehenge circle had been erected, and a lintel was to be put in position. The height was 3.5 meters, and the lintel weighed five metric tons. The procedure was surprisingly simple. Using levers and ropes, the stone was pulled up a ramp made from two heavy stems. The pulling was done in 30-cm tugs, and behind the lintel was a“brake rod”, which was moved along to prevent th e stone from sliding down. The levers were of spruce, 4.5 m long and 25 cm in diameter. The ropes were 3 cm thick. The stone was pulled up in three days by ten men.In 1994, M. Whitby was carryin g out experiments near Stonehenge. They included the placin g of lintels using both ramp and scaffold. For this purpose, concrete copies of two uprights and a lintel had been made. The lintel weighed ten metric tons and had to be lifted seven meters. First, it was lifted using the scaffold method. As this went easily, and it was obvious that it could be easily lifted in place, the experiment was called off The scaffold was a simple one, which did not surround the uprights. The lintel was pulled up a metal ramp, which served as an earth ramp. On the surface, the ramp had three tracks of timber lengthwise, and 90 people pulled up the stone in three ho urs. T he pu llin g was don e usin g an A-frame, which works as anupright lever (fig. 21). E.H. Stone had suggested this method in 1924 when the uprights were erected (fig. 22). Whitby’s experiment had the special point that the timber on the ramp surface was separated at the top, so that it would tip with the stone when it reached the top.One or the other? A ramp or a scaffold? The huge disadvantage of the earth ramp is that it would have taken a very long time to both build it and remove it. It would be faster and easier to use Pavel’s wooden ramp, strengthened and supported by timber and then pull up the stone either using Pavel’s method or an A-frame. Finally, there is the scaffold method, which Whitby and Richards found very rewarding. However, this method seems too simple and undramatic as opposed to the ramps. At any rate, many scholars have become obsessed by the ramps and will not consider the scaffold as an alternative. The theories of how Egypt’s large pyramids were erected are a fine example of this.The Great Pyramid was build for the Pharaoh Cheops, who died around 2580 BC. It is an impressive monument, which was originally 146.5 meters high, with each side measuring 230 meters. It was built from 2.300.000 box-shaped stones, each weighing approximately 2.5 metric tons or less.How the Egyptian pyramids were built is still a matter of speculation. The many suggested methods can be divided into two groups: ramps or gradual raising using levers (the scaffold method). The ramp method is preferred by most, but the shape of the ramps remains a mystery (fig. 23). Ramps have been found next to some very small and unfinished pyramids, but they were less than seven meters high. These ramps were made from limestone rubble, sand, gypsum, and clay. It seems obvious that ramps may have been used for the building of small pyramids and for the lower parts of larger pyramids. However, in the case of the great pyramids, the ramps would gradually become very steep and very long, or both, when the pyramid rose upwards.In his book, “The Complete Pyramids” (1997), Mark Lehner, one of the leading pyramid scholars, strongly advocates the ramp theory. In 1996, he took part in the building of a 6-m high pyramid “to test some of the current theories of armchair pyramid builders and try out ancient theories”. The small pyramid was built using a ramp. The scaffold method was also tested for the raising of a stone weighing two metric tons. The experiment was unsuccessful and therefore dismissed. However, elementary mistakes were made, as for instance using boards stacked in layers as a substitute for heavy timber.In spite of this, there are in fact numerous advantages of lifting the stones step by step. For instance,several teams can work simultaneously on each step; the distance is shorter; there is no long return with an empty sledge; and huge ramps do not have to be built and removed again .When Herodotus visited The Great Pyramid around 440 BC, he was told that it had been built by lifting the stones step- by-step using special devices (mechania). This information was omitted in “The Complete Pyramids”.The method used for building a large pyramid could have been a combination of the two techniques. Ramps were used at first, until they became too large or steep or both, then stones were lifted step- by-step using levers. This change may well have taken place at a height of 50 meters, when 72% of the stone mass was already in place. Also, the use of ramps and scaffolds does not have to be an either/or. Perhaps both methods were used.The heavy bluestones at Stonehenge, each weighing between 3 and 4 metric tons, were quarried in antiquity in the Preseli Mountains in Wales. The 80 bluestones were transported more than 350 km across land and water. In 2000, a group of volunteers wanted to repeat this great achievement of the past by transporting a 3-ton stone along the same route. The project, called The Millenium Stone, was a total failure and had to be given up. The participants met too many obstacles on the way and had to use modern techniques; the stone was transported far shorter distances a day than expected; a crane had to be used for lifting the stone on to a vessel, which later sank in 17 meters of water. One important reason for the poor out come was not just the lack of technical skills, but also lack of planning, expertise, and motivation among the participants. These factors are indeed the prerequi site for a successful implementation, in the past as well as now.The experiments at Bougon, Cotswold, and Strakonice showed that a few people were able to lift the stones. However, in the antiquity this would have taken place at community events, which gathered huge crowds. This was certainly the case when dolmens were built in Indonesia in modern time. Here, the presence of many people gave prestige to the organizers, who in return demonstrated their wealth and hospitality by throwing large parties where the guests were lavishly entertained. For both organizers and participants these occasions offered the possibility of making or renewing agreements and alliances.One of the many reasons behind the erection of the megalith graves was its stabilizing effect on society. The megalith builders would have been highly motivated and very determined, as the balance of their social and spiritual universe depended on a successful completion of the work with the huge stones. The muscle power of hundreds of men is not enough; it also takes a foreman with ingenuity, coordination and determination (fig. 24). The foremen of the English archaeologist, C.L. Woolley, were good at moving large stones. Once, Woolley showed his foreman, the Arab Hamoudi, the large stone, measuring 21.5 x 4.3 x 4.2 meters, which during the first century AD was placed at seven meter’s height in the wall of Acropolis in Baalbek in Syria. “He sat in silence, looking at it for perhaps twenty minutes, and then rose to his feet.‘I must go away,᾿ he said,‘my head aches᾿; and as he went, I heard him murmur: ‘By Allah, what a foreman!᾽”In this context, Woolley mentions that at his time (1953), such a stone could not be lifted that high by machines, but that the people of the antiquity were able to do it because they lacked machines!Palle EriksenRingkøbing MuseumTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

In this article, I analyse some food practices surrounding betel in early Indian history. Betel consumption was not prescribed for everyone in Brahmanical society. Hence I examine texts referring to betel from the late pre-modern to early modern era (roughly 300–1800 ce) in order to explain proscriptions of betel in the legal discourse that discusses religious practice. The literature I consider in my analysis of betel consumption ranges from the kāmaśāstra genre, influential works of tantra, texts detailing worship, and ascetic and renunciant guides. Material cultural studies aid my exploration of betel as a socio-religious identity marker and my development of three modes of betel consumption and one mode of non-consumption.

India grows a large variety of fruits and nuts (hard-shelled fruit or seed) which play an important role in the economy of the country. A large number of fruit and nut yielding species grown in India are introductions during the medieval period (1200-1800 A.D.) from foreign countries and centres of origin of cultivated plants. Some of these species introduced have been successful and later became important export crops such as cashewnut and groundnut. Much of the information on the early history of plant introduction is scattered in archaeological accounts, ethnographies, gazetteers and travelogues of several visitors and dignitaries to India, and in the classical works, memoirs and autobiographies of Moghul emperors published during the medieval period. The Present account deals with the introduction of fruit and nut crops in India during the medieval period. (1200-1800 A.D.). There is need for collaborative work between the plant systematist, horticulturist, linguist and biohistorian for compilation of an authenticated history of pomology and horticulture in India.

An account of the brachyuran crab diversity along the Andhra Pradesh coast of India has been represented in this communication. The checklist of brachyuran crabs has been prepared for the state of Andhra Pradesh based on reviews and compilation of published research works for this particular region. A total of 156 species belonging to 91 genera and 33 families have been listed here from Andhra Pradesh. Visakhapatnam showed the highest diversity with 86 species in all the marine areas and Vizianagaram has the lowest diversity recorded from the state with one species. Although the study on the brachyurans from Andhra Pradesh had been started from early 1800 but recent works on brachyurans from Andhra Pradesh is lacking and with a focused study from the area would help in exploration of brachyuran’s diversity from the east coast of India.

In the canon of the Dutch Indies literature, the works of female writers are sometimes overlooked. Mainly when it appears in the early period of the Dutch colonial period, the central issue and genre in most of the literary works are frequently written by male authors through a masculine colonial perspective. This paper explores the works of female authors in the period of the Dutch East Indies (1800-1942) using two computational tools. The aim is to examine the most common themes that are appeared in the female authors' works throughout this long period. Using two computational tools, Stylo and Antconc, this paper reveals genre closeness and the most common themes that are appeared in twelve Dutch East Indies female novels which are collected from dbnl.org. Based on the cluster analysis, this paper divides the novels into four different clusters. More over the computational analysis also shows the three main themes; exploration, disadvantages of being a repressed group, and fighting against the oppressed. The use of extensive digital data in this research gives an alternative for literary researchers to find an alternative way of doing their research during this pandemic time, which makes the physical visit to the library limited. It also gives an alternative in the literature field to combine this discipline with computational tools.KEYWORDS: Indies literature, female literature, computational literary studies, digital humanities.