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Journal articles on the topic 'Habermas' theory'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 19 February 2022

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1

Diez, Thomas, and Jill Steans. "A useful dialogue? Habermas and International Relations." Review of International Studies 31, no. 1 (January 2005): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006339.

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It is now more than twenty years since Jürgen Habermas's work was first referred to in International Relations (IR) theory. Along with many other continental philosophers and social theorists, Habermas was initially mobilised in the critique of positivism, and in particular neorealism, in IR theory. As such, the interest in Habermas and IR must be located in the first instance within the context of the fourth debate. This Forum section of the Review provides us with the opportunity to take stock and ask whether the dialogue between Habermas and IR has, thus far, been useful in providing new conceptual and methodological tools to analyse international politics and in inspiring new research agendas in IR. We also ask whether the role that dialogue plays within Habermas's work has been useful in formulating a critical theory of international relations.

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Rochberg-Halton, Eugene. "Jürgen Habermas's Theory of Communicative Etherealization:The Theory of Cornmunicative Action, Jiirgen Habermas." Symbolic Interaction 12, no. 2 (November 1989): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/si.1989.12.2.333.

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Olafson, Frederick A. "Habermas as a PhilosopherThe Theory of Communicative Action.Jurgen Habermas." Ethics 100, no. 3 (April 1990): 641–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293215.

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4

Bennett, Michael. "Answering the Bioethicists’ Objection." Symposium 24, no. 1 (2020): 92–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium20202415.

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Bioethicists criticize Jürgen Habermas’s argument against “liberal eugenics” for many reasons. This essay examines one particular critique, according to which Habermas misunderstands the implications of human evolution. In adopting Hannah Arendt’s concept of “natality,” Habermas seems to fear that genetically modified children will lose the contingency of their births, which would impair their capacity for political action; but according to evolutionary theory, bioethicists argue, this fear is unfounded. I explore this objection by entertaining the hypothesis that Habermas’s argument assumes Arendt’s interpretation of Darwinian evolution in addition to her conception of natality, and then I answer it by contrasting the conceptions of evolution held by Habermas, by Arendt, and by Habermas’s critics. Les bioéthiciens critiquent l’argument de Jürgen Habermas contre « l’eugénisme libéral » pour de nombreuses raisons. Cet essai examine une critique en particulier, selon laquelle Habermas comprend mal les implications de l’évolution humaine : en adoptant le concept de la « natalité » de Hannah Arendt, Habermas semble craindre que les enfants soumis à une modification génétique ne perdent la contingence propre à leur naissance, une perte qui diminuerait leur capacité pour l’action politique, mais selon la théorie de l’évolution, les bioéthiciens soutiennent que cette peur est sans fondement. J’explore cette objection à Habermas en considérant l’hypothèse que, en plus du concept de la natalité, Habermas suppose aussi l’interprétation arendtienne de l’évolution biologique de Darwin, et j’y répond en confrontant cette conception de l’évolution avec la conception propre à Habermas et avec celle des bioéthiciens qui lui ont répondu.

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Couture, Tony. "Feminist Criticisms of Habermas's Ethics and Politics." Dialogue 34, no. 2 (1995): 259–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300014700.

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My project is to assess recent objections directed at Jürgen Habermas by Nancy Fraser, Iris Young and Seyla Benhabib. This dispute is significant because it concerns the value of the Enlightenment style, detached criticism promoted by Habermas as compared to new proposals about dissent from a stance connected to social movements. I argue that these feminist criticisms of Habermas's critical theory are compelling and that they require substantial changes in Habermas's thinking.

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SPECTER, MATTHEW. "HABERMAS'S POLITICAL THOUGHT, 1984–1996: A HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 1 (April 2009): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001959.

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Jürgen Habermas (b. 1929) has for decades been recognized as a leading European philosopher and public intellectual. But his global visibility has obscured his rootedness in German political culture and debate. The most successful historical accounts of the transformation of political culture in West Germany have turned on the concept of German statism and its decline. Viewing Habermas through this lens, I treat Habermas as a radical critic of German statism and an innovative theorist of democratic constitutionalism. Based on personal interviews with Habermas and his German colleagues, and by setting the major work alongside his occasion-specific political writings from 1984 to 1996, I interpret Habermas's political thought as an evolving response to two distinct moments in German history: first, the mid-1980s, and second, the revolutions of 1989 and German reunification in 1990. This essay challenges the dominant interpretations of Habermas's mature statement of his political theory. Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Democracy (1992), which have described it as marking a distinct break with, and reversal of, the commitments of his earlier work. By contrast, I describe the work as an intellectual summa, consistent with Habermas's previous thought and career, and containing remarkable historical interpretations of two intertwined phenomena: the intellectual and institutional dimensions of the Bonn Republic and Habermas's own biography.

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Siqueira, Daniel Valente Pedroso de. "Crises sistêmicas e racionalização social como reificação: uma reconstrução da teoria social marxiana." Trilhas Filosóficas 11, no. 3 (April 17, 2019): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25244/tf.v11i3.3400.

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Resumo: Como entender o desenvolvimento teórico e as mudanças históricosociais que impulsionaram a recuperação e alteração da teoria marxiana no século XX e como esta ainda se encontra atuante sobre nosso horizonte social contemporâneo? Fazendo uso da reconstrução crítica de Habermas, a recuperação se inicia com Weber, a passagem por Lukács e na recepção horkheimeriana-adorniana, que tanto influenciou a crítica social do século XX, o presente artigo busca apresentar uma possibilidade de leitura. Palavras-chave: Teoria crítica. Reificação. Marx. Habermas. Modernidade. Abstract: How can we understand the theoretical development and all the socialhistorical changes which drove the incoming recovery and the further alteration of the Marxian theory in the twentieth century and how is it still possible to assumes it on our contemporary societies? Recovering Habermas’s critical reconstruction, which starts with Weber, the next step over Lukács, and the Horkheimerian-Adornian theoretical reception, which has largely influenced twentieth social critic, the aim paper intents to show up a possible reading. Keywords: Critical theory. Reification. Marx. Habermas. Modernity. REFERÊNCIAS ARAUTO, A. “Lukács’ Theory of Reification”. In: Telos, n. 11, 1972. ARGÜELLO, K. O Ícaro da Modernidade: Direito e Política em Max Weber. São Paulo: Acadêmica, 1997. BERNSTEIN, R. J. Habermas and Modernity. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1991. BRAATEN, J. Habermas’s Critical Theory of Society. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991. COUTINHO, C. N. Lukács: A Ontologia e a Política. In: ANTUNES, R. & RÊGO, W. L. (orgs.). Lukács: Um Galileu no Século XX. São Paulo: Boitempo Editorial, 1996. GIDDENS, A. “Reason without Revolution? Habermas’s Theorie des Kommunikativen Handelns”. In :BERNSTEIN, R. J. Habermas and Modernity. Cambridge, Massaschusetts : The MIT Press, 1991. HABERMAS, J. “Does Philosophy still have a Purpose?”. In: HABERMAS, J. Philosophical-Political Profiles. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1983. HABERMAS, J. The Theory of Communicative Action, Volume I: Reason and the Rationalization of Society. Boston: Beacon Press, 1984. HABERMAS, J. Técnica e Ciência como “Ideologia”. São Paulo: Unesp, 2014. HONNETH, A. The Critique of Power: Reflective Stages in a Critical Social Theory. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1997. HORKHEIMER, M. Eclipse da Razão. São Paulo: Centauro Editora, 2002. HORKHEIMER, M. Teoria Tradicional e Teoria Crítica. São Paulo: Abril Cultural, 1975. HORKHEIMER, M.; ADORNO, T. W. Dialética do Esclarecimento. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 2006. LEO MAAR, W. “A Reificação como Realidade Social: Práxis, Trabalho e Crítica Imanente em HCC”. In: ANTUNES, R. & RÊGO, W. L. (orgs). Lukács: Um Galileu no século XX. São Paulo: Boitempo Editorial, 1996. LUKÁCS, G. História e Consciência de Classe: Estudos sobre a Dialética Marxista. São Paulo: WMF Martins Fontes, 2016.MARX, K. A Ideologia Alemã. São Paulo: Boitempo Editorial, 2007. MARX, K. Grundrisse: Manuscritos Econômicos de 1857-1858 & Esboços da Crítica da Economia Política. São Paulo: Boitempo Editorial, 2011. MELO, R. Marx e Habermas: Teoria Crítica e os Sentidos de Emancipação. São Paulo: Editora Saraiva, 2013. MENEZES, A. B. N. T. Habermas e a Modernidade: Uma “Metacrítica da Razão Instrumental”. Natal: EDUFRN, 2009. NETTO, J. P. “Lukács e o Marxismo Ocidental”. In: ANTUNES, R. & RÊGO, W. L. (orgs.). Lukács: Um Galileu no Século XX. São Paulo: Boitempo Editorial, 1996. NOBRE, M. A Dialética Negativa de Theodor W. Adorno: A Ontologia do Estado Falso. São Paulo: Iluminuras/FAPESP, 1998. NOBRE, M. A Teoria Crítica. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editor, 2004. PINZANI, A. Habermas: Introdução. São Paulo: Artmed, 2004. REPA, L. A Transformação da Filosofia em Jürgen Habermas: Os Papéis de Reconstrução, Interpretação e Crítica. São Paulo: Editora Singular, 2008. TEIXEIRA, M. Razão e Reificação: Um Estudo sobre Max Weber em “História e Consciência de Classe” de Georg Lukács. Campinas: Unicamp, Dissertação de mestrado, in mimeo, 2010. WELLMER, A. “Reason, Utopia, and the Dialectic of Enlightenment”. In: BERNSTEIN, R. J. Habermas and Modernity. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1991.

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Scrivener, Michael. "Habermas, Romanticism, and Literary Theory." Literature Compass 1, no. 1 (January 2004): **. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-4113.2004.00127.x.

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9

Edwards, Gemma. "Habermas and Social Movement Theory." Sociology Compass 3, no. 3 (May 2009): 381–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2009.00207.x.

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10

walker, brian. "habermas and pluralist political theory." Philosophy & Social Criticism 18, no. 1 (January 1992): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019145379201800105.

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11

Vandenburgh, Henry. "Habermas, Critical Theory, and Health." Historical Materialism 12, no. 4 (2004): 473–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206043505149.

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Harnowo, Tri. "PENERAPAN TEORI DISKURSUS HABERMAS SEBAGAI ALTERNATIF PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA." Mimbar Hukum - Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada 32, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jmh.45145.

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AbstractAccording to Habermas's discourse theory, communicative actions justified through validity claim can build a common understanding and social collaboration. Mediation is one form of dispute resolution through a negotiation process to obtain a mutual agreement facilitated by a neutral third party oriented to common interests by maintaining good relations between the parties in the future. Communication techniques such as listening actively, asking questions, and reframing statements are important skills that mediators must possess. This conceptual paper analyzes the interaction between Habermas's discourse theory and the concept of mediation. Habermas's discourse theory can be a basic framework of analysis for mediators to predict the creation of consensus, identify statements based on validity claims, and search for common understanding options. IntisariMenurut teori diskursus Habermas, tindakan komunikatif yang dijustifikasi melalui klaim kesahihan dapat membangun suatu pemahaman bersama dan kerjasama sosial. Mediasi merupakan salah satu bentuk penyelesaian sengketa melalui proses perundingan untuk memperoleh kesepakatan bersama difasilitasi oleh pihak ketiga netral yang berorientasi pada kepentingan bersama dengan menjaga hubungan baik para pihak di masa mendatang. Teknik komunikasi seperti mendengar aktif, bertanya, dan membingkai ulang pernyataan merupakan keahlian penting yang harus dimiliki oleh mediator. Artikel ini menganalisis interaksi antara teori diskursus Habermas dan penerapannya dalam teknik mediasi. Teori diskursus Habermas dapat menjadi kerangka dasar analisis bagi mediator untuk memprediksi terciptanya konsensus, mengidentifikasi pernyataan-pernyataan berdasarkan klaim kesahihan dan mencari opsi-opsi kesepakatan bersama.

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Afrasiabi, K. L. "Communicative Theory and Theology: A Reconsideration." Harvard Theological Review 91, no. 1 (January 1998): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000006453.

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Judging by the proliferation of a new body of theological works that have encouraged a deliberate rethinking of the intellectual premises of Christian theology, scholarly discussion appears to have come to the juncture of an exciting though unpredictable stage in theology. Perhaps this is nowhere clearer than in the realm of the ongoing dialogue on the theological relevance of communication theory associated with the German philosopher, Jürgen Habermas. Contrary to what has become an article of faith in recent theological forays into social theory, I contend: (a) that Habermasian theory has little to contribute to theological thought and is more valuable as an indirect aid in critiquing various deficient theological discourses; (b) that the current Habermas-sympathetic attempts at a communicative theology are, by and large, open to criticism for the same shortcomings and problems found in Habermas's own works; and (c) that the need to address these problems necessarily points us toward an alternative postcommunication theology.

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Morris, Martin. "On the Logic of the Performative Contradiction: Habermas and the Radical Critique of Reason." Review of Politics 58, no. 4 (1996): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500020441.

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Jürgen Habermas levels the charge of performative contradiction as a scathing rebuke of inconsistency in his recent engagements with post-Nietzschean and Frankfurt critical theory. Focusing on this aspect of Habermas's critique of Theodor W. Adorno, the article argues against Habermas that Adorno's radical critique of reason actually pursues consistency in its radical critique of reason. It is contended that while Adorno's radical critique of reason may be total, it is not thereby hopeless and “aporetic” as critique. At root Adorno's critical theory may embody a “performative contradiction,” but this does not mean his project is necessarily incoherent or inconsistent.

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Powell, Jason L. "Modernity, Communicative Action and Reconstruction of Rationality." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 27 (May 2014): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.27.177.

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Associated with the Frankfurt School, Jurgen Habermas's work focuses on the modern foundations of social theory and epistemology, the analysis of advanced capitalistic societies and democracy, the rule of law in a critical social-evolutionary context, and contemporary politics, particularly German politics. Habermas's theoretical system is devoted to revealing the possibility of reason, emancipation, and rational-critical communication latent in modern institutions and in the human capacity to deliberate and pursue rational interests. Habermas is known for his work on the concept of modernity, particularly with respect to the discussions of rationalization originally set forth by Max Weber. He has been influenced by American pragmatism and action theory. This paper sets out to explore the problems and possibilities of communicative action and the reconstruction of rationality which Habermas claims was lost in postmodern genre.

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Fleming, Ted. "Critical Theory and Transformative Learning." International Journal of Adult Vocational Education and Technology 9, no. 3 (July 2018): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijavet.2018070101.

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Mezirow relies on the critical theory of Habermas to give his theory of transformative learning rigor. Yet critiques persist and focus on whether the theory has an adequate understanding of the social dimension of learning and whether it is overly rational. This article addresses these issues and explores relevant ideas from Habermas and Honneth. Critical theory has evolved and Honneth's theory of recognition has implications for transformative learning. Following the communicative turn of Habermas, Honneth makes recognition and freedom key concepts that contribute to developing transformative learning theory. Intersubjectivity and recognition become the necessary preconditions for critical reflection, discourse, democracy and transformative learning. Freedom is also reconfigured and these ideas address the main critiques of transformation theory.

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Davies, Gloria, and Gloria Davis. "Habermas in China: Theory as Catalyst." China Journal 57 (January 2007): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/tcj.57.20066241.

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Mayer, Seth. "Interpreting the Situation of Political Disagreement: Rancière and Habermas." Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 27, no. 2 (November 26, 2019): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2019.888.

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Although Jacques Rancière and Jürgen Habermas share several important commitments, they interpret various core concepts differently, viewing politics, democracy, communication, and disagreement in conflicting ways. Rancière articulates his democratic vision in opposition to important elements of Habermas’s approach. Critics contend that Habermas cannot account for the dynamics of command, exclusion, resistance, and aesthetic transformation involved in Rancière’s understanding of politics. In particular, the prominent roles Habermas affords to communicative rationality and consensus have led people to think that he cannot grasp the radical forms of political disagreement Rancière describes. While some have viewed Rancière as offering a trenchant challenge to Habermas, I will contend that Rancière’s critique is less compelling than some have thought. Habermasian understandings of third personal speech and aesthetic expression are nuanced and adaptable enough to evade Rancière’s criticisms. I conclude by suggesting that Habermasian theorists have also developed crucial forms of social and political critique that Rancière’s theory systematically excludes.

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Gilabert, Pablo. "Two Sets of Concerns about Heath's “Pragmatic Theory of Convergence”." Dialogue 44, no. 2 (2005): 383–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300006272.

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A central concern of Joseph Heath's Communicative Action and Rational Choice is to find a plausible response to “the problem of convergence … to explain why we should ever expect to secure agreement on moral questions” (pp. 8–9). In Chapter 7 of his book, Heath proposes what he calls “a pragmatic theory of convergence.” This account is presented as contrasting with the one proposed by Jürgen Habermas, which emphasizes the existence of an internal relation between convergence and moral truth. According to Habermas, there is a “connection … between moral cognitivism and the expectation of convergence” (p. 220). One cannot take moral judgements to be amenable to rational justification (i.e., be a cognitivist) unless one also assumes that an agreement among those participating in the discursive evaluation of that moral judgement is possible in principle. (Habermas adds that this a priori possibility lies in the use of a procedural criterion of moral validity, which in his moral theory is provided by a discursive principle of universalization.) Heath considers this claim about a supposed internal connection as a remnant of foundationalism in Habermas's otherwise promissory contextualist account of moral justification. To reject non-cognitivism, according to Heath, we need not demonstrate that convergence on moral judgement is always forthcoming. It is enough to show that ordinary moral thinking takes moral claims as amenable to discursive justification. As to whether actual practices of discursive justification of moral claims will indeed end in agreement or convergence, a “wait and see” attitude seems all we can legitimately hope for.

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Jakubowski, Radosław. "Rola kategorii równości w modelu społecznych relacji komunikacyjnych Jürgena Habermasa." Rocznik Europeistyczny 2 (September 27, 2016): 187–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2450-274x.2.12.

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Model społecznych relacji komunikacyjnych skonstruowany przez Jürgena Habermasa stanowi podstawę jego teorii prawowicie legitymizowanej władzy politycznej. Kluczową rolę w tym modelu odgrywa kategoria równości, która gwarantuje inkluzję i dostęp obywateli do obiegów komunikacyjnych, będących podwaliną sfery publicznej. Z działań komunikacyjnych Habermas wyprowadza również dyskursywną koncepcję stanowienia prawa, której istotę także stanowi kategoria równości. Zinstytucjonalizowanie zasady równości poprzez medium prawa zapewnia bowiem komunikacyjną reprodukcję mechanizmu demokratycznego. Jest to możliwe dzięki aktywnemu w sferze publicznej społeczeństwu obywatelskiemu, którego działania komunikacyjne nieustannie przekładają się na proces stanowienia prawa odpowiadającego bieżącym potrzebom społecznym.The role of category of equality in Habermas’s model of social communicative relationsHabermas’s model of social communicative relations creates the ground for his theory of legitimized political power with the category of equality as its key component. Category of equality guarantees citizens inclusion and access to communication circuit which constitutes the ground for public dialogue in sphere of communicative actions. Habermas brings out also a discursive concept of law-making as its substance also lies in category of equality. The institutionalization of the equality rule through the law ensures communicative reproduction of democratic mechanism. That is possible by dint of civil society active in public sphere and its communicative activities which invariably transfer to the law-making process meeting the current social needs.

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White, Stephen K. "Foucault's Challenge to Critical Theory." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 419–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958266.

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Power, subjectivity, otherness, and modernity are concepts that contemporary political theorists increasingly find to be closely interwoven. In search of an adequate comprehension of the interrelationships among these concepts, I examine the work of Michel Foucault and Jürgen Habermas. I argue that Foucault, although he is provocatively insightful on a number of key points, ultimately provides a less satisfactory account than Habermas. The core problem is Foucault's inability to conceptualize juridical subjectivity, something which is necessary if he is going to connect his notion of aesthetic subjectivity with his endorsement of new social movements.

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Martínez, David. "Habermas’s discourse ethics and Hegel’s critique of Kant." Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 9 (April 17, 2018): 997–1014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718769422.

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In this article I follow James Gordon Finlayson who claims that a Hegelian criticism applies both to Kant and also to Habermas, namely, the criticism of the will as a tester of maxims. The issue is that Kant cannot connect the will of morality and the will of the particular agent and this leaves the empirical will unaffected. According to Finlayson, Habermas can be charged with this criticism, insofar as he draws a distinction between agent-neutral and agent-relative reasons. The upshot is that in Discourse Ethics the empirical will seems to be left also unaffected by the moral will. In light of an analysis of ideal role taking, and rational discourse, I claim that Habermas can rebut the Hegelian criticism. Nonetheless, I show that these concepts are incompatible with the distinction between agent-relative and agent-neutral reasons. Hence, either the concepts or the distinction have to be removed. Habermas can only afford to discard the distinction, and indeed this modification answers the criticism. The final issue that arises is why does Habermas maintain the distinction? And what would be the consequences for his moral theory if he discards it? At the end of the article I sketch some of the implications and challenges that this alternative could have for Habermas’s Discourse Ethics.

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Iphofen, Ron, and Ian Craib. "Modern Social Theory: From Parsons to Habermas." British Journal of Sociology 36, no. 2 (June 1985): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590827.

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Sciulli, David, and Ian Craib. "Modern Social Theory: From Parsons to Habermas." Contemporary Sociology 15, no. 2 (March 1986): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071764.

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Sciulli, David. "Habermas, Critical Theory, and the Relativistic Predicament." Symbolic Interaction 15, no. 3 (August 1992): 299–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/si.1992.15.3.299.

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OBATAKE, Akira. "Theory and Practice in Habermas and Honneth." Japanese Sociological Review 53, no. 3 (2002): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4057/jsr.53.3_365.

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Nagai, T. "Political Theory of Jürgen Habermas." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 53 (2002): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.53.0_133.

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Baxter, Hugh. "Habermas’ sociological theory of law and democracy." Philosophy & Social Criticism 40, no. 2 (January 3, 2014): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453713518327.

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O’Donnell, David. "Habermas, critical theory and selves‐directed learning." Journal of European Industrial Training 23, no. 4/5 (June 1999): 251–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03090599910272121.

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Leydesdorff, Loet. "Luhmann, Habermas and the theory of communication." Systems Research and Behavioral Science 17, no. 3 (May 2000): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1743(200005/06)17:3<273::aid-sres329>3.0.co;2-r.

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Heath, Joseph. "Review essay : Habermas and speech-act theory." Philosophy & Social Criticism 21, no. 4 (October 1995): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019145379502100408.

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Bloom, Peter N. "Book review: Habermas, Critical Theory, and Education." Management Learning 43, no. 1 (January 31, 2012): 134–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350507611426447.

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Kramer, Lloyd S. "Habermas and the foundations of critical theory." History of European Ideas 8, no. 6 (January 1987): 762–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(87)90195-1.

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Winter, Rainer. "On the Contemporary Relevance of Jürgen Habermas’ Social Theory." Theory, Culture & Society 37, no. 7-8 (October 27, 2020): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276420959438.

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This introduction discusses the contemporary relevance of Jürgen Habermas’ social theory following the publication of his recent work, Auch eine Geschichte der Philosophie (2019). It deals with his key topics and interventionist style of thinking. The essence of Habermas’ critical theory is its unwavering commitment to the utopia of communicative reason.

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Couto, Felipe Fróes, and Alexandre de Pádua Carrieri. "Habermas, the conceptual debates about public-private-social spheres and the communicative action in organization theory." RACE - Revista de Administração, Contabilidade e Economia 16, no. 3 (December 13, 2017): 827–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18593/race.v16i3.12752.

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AbstractIn this essay, we aim to delineate elements of the Habermas and Hannah Arendt theories about the division between public, private and social spheres, as well as about communicative action in Habermas, in an attempt to convey transpositions of these concepts into the field of organizations. The analysis of the basics of Habermasian construction allows us to take a direct look at the delimitation of the field of interactions and the adoption of linguistic categories of analysis directed to the individual in the environment. Our argument is that the analysis of language in the world of life, for Habermas, means questioning what has not been receiving attention and "discovering" what is hidden in the linguistic universe of human interaction and intention.Keywords: Public sphere. Private sphere. Social sphere. Communicative sction. Jürgen Habermas. Habermas, os debates conceituais sobre as esferas pública-privada-social e a ação comunicativa na teoria das organizaçõesResumo Objetivamos, neste ensaio, delinear didaticamente elementos das teorias de Habermas e Hannah Arendt sobre a divisão entre as esferas pública, privada e social, bem como sobre o agir comunicativo em Habermas, em uma tentativa de aduzir transposições desses conceitos para o campo das organizações. A análise das noções básicas da construção habermasiana permite dar um olhar direcionado à delimitação do campo de interações e à adoção de categorias linguísticas de análise voltadas para o indivíduo no meio. Nosso argumento é que a análise da linguagem no mundo da vida, para Habermas, significa questionar o que não vem recebendo atenção e “descobrir” o que está oculto no universo linguístico da interação e da intenção humana.Palavras-chave: Esfera pública. Esfera privada. Esfera social. Ação comunicativa. Jürgen Habermas.

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Anievas, Alexander. "Critical Dialogues: Habermasian Social Theory and International Relations." Politics 25, no. 3 (September 2005): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2005.00238.x.

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The works of Jürgen Habermas have been a theoretical inspiration for many students of international relations (IR). To date, however, the majority of critical IR approaches drawing from the Habermasian perspective have done so on purely philosophical grounds. This article will thus explore the utility of the social-theoretical aspects of Habermas's work for critical inquiries into world politics. To this end, it will examine four main elements of his work: the theory of communicative action; public sphere; lifeworld/system architecture; and discourse ethics. It will be argued that adopting the Habermasian conceptual apparatus provides a social-theoretical route to explaining the contradictory and often paradoxical nature of international relations in the epoch of ‘globalisation’. While various constructivist approaches to IR have recently offered more socially-oriented applications of Habermas's theoretical framework, the majority of these studies have done so from predominately non-critical standpoints. This article will thus seek to explore the utility of Habermas's work in offering a critical social theory of world politics.

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Swindal, James. "Can Strategic Reasoning Alone Account for the Formation of Social Norms?" Dialogue 44, no. 2 (2005): 363–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300006259.

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Joseph Heath's Communicative Action and Rational Choice stands out clearly as one of the most astute and original of the several critiques of Jurgen Habermas's theory of communicative action to have emerged in the last decade. Heath refrains from engaging merely in skirmishes with various details of Habermas's theory; he rather aims directly at its core issue: the critique of instrumental reason. Heath argues that Habermas's key criticism—that instrumental reason cannot account for successful communication—is not critical enough. Heath argues that instrumental reason cannot account even for the successful monological action. Heath then claims that one can construct a critical rational theory without much of the problematic addenda that Habermas requires, particularly the need for a tripartite theory of validity claims.

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El-Msaoui, Mohammed. "Islamic-Secular Dialogue in the Arab World." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000005.

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Many debates between Islamists and secularists have taken place in the Arab political sphere with the aim of building bridges of communication between the two actors who contributed to the transformations that have taken place in the Arab world. Despite the multiple dialogues between Islamists and secularists, conflict and tension have prevailed on both sides, with conflict taking on all forms of material and moral violence. One of the most significant indicators of the crisis in communication is the emergence of violence. That being so, this study broaches the problem using Habermas’s basic idea, which focuses on violence as a disease of human discourse and communication. According to Habermas, violence is the result of distorted discourse between fundamentalists and others; it is a distorted discourse because it does not recognize the other as it is. The study employs the Habermas communicative action theory as a central concept. Accordingly, Habermas’s theory of communication is invoked to understand the causes of the escalation of violence in the Arab political sphere.

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Xavier, Vinicius Dos Santos. "Um ponto cego na teoria do jovem Habermas: A problemática relação entre Esfera Pública e Emancipação/A blind spot in the theory of young Habermas: the problematic relation between public sphere and emancipation." Pensando - Revista de Filosofia 6, no. 12 (July 24, 2015): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/pensando.v6i12.3478.

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O objetivo deste artigo é apontar alguns problemas na relação entre esfera pública e emancipação na teoria do jovem Habermas. Para tanto, o recurso a dois textos habermasianos da década de 1960 é imprescindível: Mudança estrutural da esfera pública e Trabalho e Interação. No primeiro, Habermas fundamenta sua teoria pela perspectiva de uma esfera pública normativa, possibilitada pela configuração do período pós-guerra; no seguinte, além de utilizar outra categoria esfera pública, diferente daquela normativa, sua intenção é demonstrar como os indivíduos se formam no âmbito privado de suas existências. Todavia, em ambos os textos há uma linearidade acerca da fundamentação teórica: o trabalho e a interação simbólica são separados no que tange aos desenvolvimentos da humanidade. A emancipação estaria a cargo da interação, enquanto o trabalho somente proviria a subsistência genérica. Isto é decorrente de uma reformulação problemática na teoria marxiana no que tange ao trabalho social e à perspectiva da totalidade. É nesse imbróglio que este artigo se situa: verificar até que ponto o que Habermas compreende por trabalho poderia desbancar, de fato, a teoria de Marx; e, por outro lado, demonstrar que a crítica dialética marxiana acerca do trabalho social, caso levada em consideração por Habermas, faria a teoria deste perder a lógica de seus fundamentos, deslocando sua ideia de emancipação para uma aceitação da realidade efetiva vigente.Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to point out some problems in the relation between public sphere and emancipation on the young Habermas’s theory. Therefore, it is going to be essential to rely on two habermasians works of the 1960s: The structural transformation of the public sphere and Work and Interaction. On the first one, the book The structural transformation of the public sphere, which was first published in 1962, Habermas founds his theory by the prospect of a normative public sphere, made possible by the configuration of the post-war period; whereas on the essay Work and Interaction, from 1967, besides using another public sphere category, different from that normative, his intention is to demonstrate how individuals are formed in the private sphere of their existence. However, both in the book from 1962 and in the text from 1967, there is linearity on the theoretical foundation: concerning humanity development, work and symbolic interaction are separated. Emancipation would be in charge of interaction, while work would simply provide for the generic livelihood. This is due to a problematic reformulation of marxian theory regarding social labor and the totality perspective. It is in this imbroglio that stands the point of this paper: to verify to what extent Habermas’s understanding of work could, in fact, debunk Marx's theory; and on the other hand, to show that the marxian dialectical critique about social labor, when taken into account by Habermas, loses the logic of its foundations, shifting his idea of emancipation to an acceptance of the present actual reality. Keywords: Habermas; Public Sphere; Private Sphere; Emancipation; Marx.

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Fritsch, Matthias. "A New Critical Theory Based on Rational Choice?" Dialogue 44, no. 2 (2005): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300006247.

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Joseph Heath's Communicative Action and Rational Choice may be read as a critical commentary upon Habermas's critical social theory, but it may also be read as merely using the latter as “scaffolding” (p. 10) for the presentation of Heath's own version of critical theory. In what follows, I will focus on the second option and thus largely ignore the exegetical question to what extent Heath provides a fair reading of Habermas. This does not mean, however, that I will not make comparative judgements. On the contrary, my overall claim will be that Heath's new critical theory is more functionalist, and. partly as a result, less critical than Habermas's. Since lack of space does not permit me to argue this in accordance with the standards of detail that Heath's own book generally observes, my procedure may be justified by the attempt to provoke a clarificatory response from Heath.

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Hutchings, Kimberly. "Speaking and hearing' Habermasian discourse ethics, feminism and IR." Review of International Studies 31, no. 1 (January 2005): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006352.

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It is impossible not to encounter Habermas as an important interlocutor in the fields of critical theory, feminist theory and international relations theory across which I work. He is the outstanding critical theorist of his generation, in the tradition of critique which was carried through the Frankfurt School and traces itself back to Kant, Hegel and Marx. And for feminists and international relations theorists, he represents one of the directions in which feminist theory or post-positivist IR could develop, deepening its epistemological and sociological understanding without sacrificing the possibility of the rationally grounded critique of contemporary world politics. This article is the beginning of an attempt to trace through layers of difficulty encountered in using Habermas as a normative resource for a particular version of feminist international theory, which understands feminism to be a transnational, cosmopolitan (but not univocal) project, neither authorised nor legitimised by any foundational ground or teleological end. I will argue that although Habermas's notion of discourse ethics seems initially promising as a way forward for non-foundational feminist theory, in the end any ‘dialogue’ on Habermasian terms turns out to be one-sided and exclusive.

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‘Irfaan, Santosa. "Jurgen Habermas: Problem Dialektika Ilmu Sosial." KOMUNIKA 3, no. 1 (March 2, 2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/kom.v3i1.2009.pp101-113.

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Habermas critical theory is a reconstruction effort to Frankfurt school that inspired by Karl Marx’s critical theory, thatfacing dead end. With continuing concern of his previous thinkers to radically alter practical thinking structure, Habermasformulate that concern with new and original critical theory concept. This is clear on changing process dimension, whereHabermas choosing different way from his predecessors, with non-revolutionary and non-violence. Namely, through socialtransformation, with emancipate dialogs, communicative method, without domination method

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Müller-Doohm, Stefan. "Member of a school or exponent of a paradigm? Jürgen Habermas and critical theory." European Journal of Social Theory 20, no. 2 (December 23, 2015): 252–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431015622049.

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The label ‘Frankfurt School’ became popular in the ‘positivism dispute’ in the mid-1960s, but this article shows that it is wrong to describe Jürgen Habermas as representing a ‘second generation’ of exponents of critical theory. His communication theory of society is intended not as a transformation of, but as an alternative to, the older tradition of thought represented by Adorno and Horkheimer. The novel and innovative character of Habermas’s approach is demonstrated in relation to three thematic complexes: (1) the public sphere and language; (2) democracy and the constitutional state; and (3) system and lifeworld as categories for a theory of modernity.

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Møen, Atle. "Democracy and public communication: A Durkheimian lens on Habermas." Acta Sociologica 62, no. 1 (February 7, 2018): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699317752793.

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The article proposes a comparison of Durkheim’s and Habermas’s views about public communication and democratic deliberation. They seem to share an understanding that democratic deliberation requires support from the public sphere. Nonetheless, Durkheim believed that rational public communication must gain strength from ceremonies, whereas Habermas essentially focused on communicative rationality and rational discourse within the public sphere. The article thus asks whether Habermas’s theory of rational discourse implies a rationalist fallacy, largely because he offers no plausible explanation of the way in which social actors are emotionally motivated to participate in rational discourses, rather than resorting to violence and manipulation. Could Durkheim’s view about public communication, and its need to gather strength from collective ceremonies and collective sentiments, resolve this theoretical conundrum in that Durkheim’s view is complementary to Habermas’s?

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Browne, Craig. "THE ANTINOMIES OF HABERMAS'RECONSTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL MATERIALISM." Revista Inter-Legere 2, no. 24 (May 1, 2019): 17–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21680/1982-1662.2019v2n24id17477.

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There are few attempts to reformulate the historical perspective of classical sociological theory comparable to that of Jürgen Habermas’ reconstruction of historical materialism. Habermas considered historical materialism to be principally a theory of social evolution and he sought to revise its conception of historical development. In Habermas’ opinion, the logic of the development of normative structures, social identities and cultural understandings differs from that of material production and the organizational complexity of social systems. My analysis reveals how the major innovation of Habermas’ reconstruction of historical materialism is the ensuing conceptualizations of the social relations of production as forms of social integration and the function of systematically distorted communication in their historical institution. Despite the significant implications of this supplementation of the paradigm of production with a theory of communication, Habermas’ reconstruction of historical materialism is shown to be limited by its inflexible logic of development and disengagement from the conflicts internal to processes of material production. It is proposed that the historical perspective of other strands of contemporary social theory may rectify these limitations through their concern with social creativity, institutional variations and the dialectics of social struggle.

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Li, Kang, Fengyan Wang, Zhendong Wang, Juan Shi, and Mimi Xiong. "A polycultural theory of wisdom based on Habermas’s worldview." Culture & Psychology 26, no. 2 (September 22, 2019): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x19877915.

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Building on Habermas’s worldview, this paper attempts to construct a theory of wisdom that integrates the advantages of Eastern and Western cultures. To this end, we review previous definitions of wisdom and their problems and analyze the importance of worldview for wisdom. A worldview provided by the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas is eminently persuasive. We argue that Habermas’s worldview provides a more suitable basis for a polycultural theory of wisdom. The specific components of the wisdom theory are: (1) a relationalist belief in the universal world; (2) transcendental agency in the subjective world; (3) intersubjective communication orientation in the social world; and (4) integrated principles of certainty and uncertainty in the objective world. Inspired by this theory, people could adopt different principles for their subjective, social, and objective worldviews and coordinate them to deal with the problems of human survival, which would also promote the long-term flourishing of human civilization.

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Finlayson, James Gordon. "Where the Right Gets in: On Rawls’s Criticism of Habermas’s Conception of Legitimacy." Kantian Review 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415416000017.

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AbstractMany commentators have failed to identify the important issues at the heart of the debate between Habermas and Rawls. This is partly because they give undue attention to differences between Rawls’s original position and Habermas’s principle (U), neither of which is germane to the actual dispute. The dispute is at bottom about how best to conceive of democratic legitimacy. Rawls indicates where the dividing issues lie when he objects that Habermas’s account of democratic legitimacy is comprehensive and his is confined to the political. But his argument is vitiated by a threefold ambiguity in what he means by ‘comprehensive doctrine’. Tidying up this ambiguity helps reveal that the dispute turns on the way in which morality relates to political legitimacy. Although Habermas calls his conception of legitimate law ‘morally freestanding’, and as such distinguishes it from Kantian and natural law accounts of legitimacy, it is not as freestanding from morality as he likes to present it. Habermas’s mature theory contains conflicting claims about the relation between morality and democratic legitimacy. So there is at least one important sense in which Rawls’s charge of comprehensiveness is made to stick against Habermas’s conception of democratic legitimacy, and remains unanswered.

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Torpey, J. "Ethics and Critical Theory: From Horkheimer to Habermas." Telos 1986, no. 69 (October 1, 1986): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0986069068.

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Grumley, John. "Hegel, Habermas and the Spirit of Critical Theory." Critical Horizons 6, no. 1 (February 21, 2005): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851605775009573.

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Caterino, Brian, and Phillip Hansen. "Macpherson, Habermas, and the Demands of Democratic Theory." Studies in Political Economy 83, no. 1 (March 2009): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2009.11675057.

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