Journal articles: 'Guilt'

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Fisher, Talia. "Half the Guilt." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2021-0005.

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Abstract Criminal law conceptualizes guilt and the finding of guilt as purely categorical phenomena. At the end of trial, the defendant is pronounced either “guilty” or “not guilty” of the charges made against her, excluding the possibility of judgment of degree. Judges or juries cannot calibrate findings of guilt to various degrees of epistemic certainty by pronouncing the defendant “probably guilty,” “most certainly guilty,” or “guilty by preponderance of the evidence.” Nor can decision makers qualify the verdict to reflect normative or legal ambiguities. Findings of guilt are construed as asserting factual and legal truths. The penal results of conviction assume similar “all or nothing” properties: punishment can be calibrated, but not with the established probability of guilt. The prevailing decision-making model, with its ‘on-off’ formulation of guilt, is so broadly established that it is considered an axiom— but there is nothing natural or pre-political about it, nor about the derivative distribution of punishment. This Article attempts to expose the hidden potential rooted in the construal of criminal verdicts as judgments of degree, by drawing three hypothetical manifestations of a linear conceptualization of conviction and punishment in the criminal trial and plea-bargaining arena. It also offers a normative assessment of converting criminal verdicts from categorical decisions to continuities.

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Cohn, Haim H. "Judicial Cognizance of Guilt-Consciousness." Israel Law Review 27, no. 1-2 (1993): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002122370001685x.

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The term “guilt” connotes many different phenomena: theology, philosophy, ethics, psychology and law all contributed to the variety of connotations. It is not my purpose, nor do I pretend to engage in etymological or anthropological research into the evolution of the various aspects and concepts of guilt: I shall try to describe and distinguish only those phenomena of guilt of which judges may have to take cognizance for the proper exercise of punitive discretion.First and foremost, there is “guilt” within the meaning of criminal law. On the one hand, guilt is spoken of as denoting the mental element in crime: the guilt of one who committed a criminal act — actus reus — presupposes the criminal mind — mens rea; or, an actus reus is transformed into guilt by the supervenience of mens rea. Whether the mens rea is intent or wilfulness, or only negligence or recklessness, does not affect the incidence of guilt, but may well raise the question of degree of guilt. On the other hand, “guilt” is the result of a verdict to the effect that the accused is criminally responsible (“finding of guilty”), and it is in this sense that the accused may “plead guilty”.

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Pfeifer, Jeffrey E., and James R. P. Ogloff. "MOCK JUROR RATINGS OF GUILT IN CANADA: MODERN RACISM AND ETHNIC HERITAGE." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 31, no. 3 (January 1, 2003): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2003.31.3.301.

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This research investigated whether the prejudicial attitudes of mock jurors in Canada produce criminal sanction disparities similar to those reported by research in the United States. In order to investigate this hypothesis, English Canadian participants read a transcript of a sexual assault trial that varied the ethnic background of both the victim and the defendant (i.e., English, French or Native Canadian). Participants were then asked to rate the guilt of the defendant in two ways: (1) on a 7-point bipolar scale in accordance with their personal beliefs (i.e., Subjective Guilt Rating), and (2) on a dichotomous scale (guilty/not guilty) in accor- dance with judicial instructions (i.e., Legal Standard Guilt Rating). Participants were also asked to rate the victim and defendant on a number of personality traits. Results indicate that participants asked to rate the degree of guilt of the defendant according to the Subjective Guilt Rating found him more guilty if he was French, or Native Canadian as opposed to English Canadian. These prejudicial ratings, however, dissipated when participants were asked to rate the guilt of the defendant according to the Legal Standard Guilt Rating that included jury instructions. This apparent paradox in results is discussed in terms of modern racism theory.

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Nelkin, Dana Kay. "GUILT, GRIEF, AND THE GOOD." Social Philosophy and Policy 36, no. 01 (2019): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052519000219.

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Abstract:In this essay, I consider a particular version of the thesis that the blameworthy deserve to suffer, namely, that they deserve to feel guilty to the proper degree (a thesis I call "Desert-Guilt"). Two further theses have been thought to explicate and support the thesis, one that appeals to the non-instrumental goodness of the blameworthy receiving what they deserve (in this case, the experience of guilt), and the other that appeals to the idea that being blameworthy provides reason to promote the blameworthy receiving what they deserve (again, in this case, the experience of guilt). I call the first "Good-Guilt" and the second "Reason-Guilt.” I begin by exploring what I take to be the strongest argument for Good-Guilt which gains force from a comparison of guilt and grief, and the strongest argument against. I conclude that Good-Guilt might be true, but that even if it is, the strongest argument in favor of it fails to support it in a way that provides reason for the thesis that the blameworthy deserve to feel guilty. I then consider the hypothesis that Reason-Guilt might be true and might be the more fundamental principle, supporting both Good-Guilt and Desert-Guilt. I argue that it does not succeed, however, and instead propose a different principle, according to which being blameworthy does not by itself provide reason for promoting that the blameworthy get what they deserve, but that being blameworthy systematically does so in conjunction with particular kinds of background circumstances. Finally, I conclude that Desert-Guilt might yet be true, but that it does not clearly gain support from either Good-Guilt or Reason-Guilt.

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Wijaya, Yunus Adi, Tita Hariyanti, and Tina Handayani Nasution. "Feeling Guilt and Happiness Police of The Regional Traffic Management Center (RTMC) of The East Java Regional Police to Their Families (Phenomenology Study)." Research Journal of Life Science 8, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.rjls.2021.008.02.2.

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Guilts is the first and foremost in the form of emotional outbursts. Guilts is not a very good motivator. It is more accurate to regard guilt as an internal condition and a negative feeling. Happiness is a feeling of satisfaction, that life is as it should be and all needs have fulfilled. This study aims to find meaning in the experience of feeling guilt and happiness police of the Regional Traffic Management Center (RTMC) to their families. Qualitative interpretive phenomenology approach was conducted an in-depth interview with semistructured questions on five police officers at RTMC by purposive sampling conducted in December 2018. Based on Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), this study found two themes namely: feeling guilty to the family and feeling happy with family. The findings obtained were that members of the police at RTMC could be free from stress while working and were able to return and get support from the family. Being able to live happily, both happy at work and happy with the family that will reflect in the calmness in their life.

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CONGDON, MATTHEW LYONS. "Hegel's Guilty Conscience: Three Forms of Schuld in the Phenomenology of Spirit." PhaenEx 3, no. 1 (February 8, 2008): 32–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v3i1.296.

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In what we might call its particularly Christian manifestation, “guilt” denotes the feeling or fact of having offended, the failure to uphold an ethical code. Under such terms, “guilt” connotes negative consequences: shame, punishment, and estrangement. Yet, penetrating further into its meaning and value, one finds that guilt extends beyond this narrow classification, playing a productive, necessary, and ineluctable role for recognitive sociality. This paper examines guilt as it appears in Hegel’s thinking. I find that Hegel’s understanding of Schuld (guilt) in the Phenomenology, undergoes a crucial development over the course of the chapter titled, “Spirit,” culminating in a robust understanding of guilt that represents not a hopelessly broken bond, but a bond that awaits its fulfillment, its very incompleteness exerting a palpable pull upon the guilty party towards its fulfillment. I examine three key moments in “Spirit”: Hegel’s treatments of Antigone, the French Revolution, and the confession and forgiveness of evil. By comparing these moments, I distinguish between “abstract guilt,” guilt that only brings about shame and punishment, and what we might call “determinate guilt”: guilt that brings about action, reminds one of her/his indebtedness to the other. Understanding the development of guilt from the beginning to end of “Spirit” provides an entryway into a discussion of the social and political relevance of Hegel’s conception of the subject as—in a certain sense—always already guilty. I go on to argue that guilt as indebtedness and responsibility only exists as embedded within an already recognitive social structure. Re-thinking guilt as responsibility is not, therefore, a call to a new objective a priori moral system. Rather, it invites us to think through our recognitive being-together in a way that shakes off its metaphysical fetters. Such an ethics of recognitive intersubjectivity is an infinite task—not in the futile sense of the “unhappy consciousness”—but in the sense that we are responsible for constantly understanding, critiquing, and reforming ethical commitments that can only be (understood as) ours.

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Julle-Danière, Eglantine, Jamie Whitehouse, Aldert Vrij, Erik Gustafsson, and Bridget M. Waller. "The social function of the feeling and expression of guilt." Royal Society Open Science 7, no. 12 (December 2020): 200617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.200617.

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Humans are uniquely cooperative and form crucial short- and long-term social bonds between individuals that ultimately shape human societies. The need for such intense cooperation may have provided a particularly powerful selection pressure on the emotional and communicative behaviours regulating cooperative processes, such as guilt. Guilt is a social, other-oriented moral emotion that promotes relationship repair and pro-sociality. For example, people can be more lenient towards wrongdoers who display guilt than towards those who do not. Here, we examined the social consequences of guilt in a novel experimental setting with pairs of friends differing in relationship quality. Pairs of participants took part in a cooperative game with a mutual goal. We then induced guilt in one of the participants and informed the other participant of their partner's wrongdoing. We examined the outcome using a dictator game to see how they split a joint reward. We found that guilty people were motivated to repair wrongdoing regardless of friendship. Observing guilt in others led to a punishment effect and a victim of wrongdoing punished close friends who appeared guilty more so than acquaintances. We suggest, therefore, that guilt has a stronger function between close friends as the costs of relationship breakdown are greater. Relationship context, therefore, is crucial to the functional relevance of moral emotions.

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Rodogno, Raffaele. "GUILT, ANGER, AND RETRIBUTION." Legal Theory 16, no. 1 (March 2010): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325210000066.

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This article focuses primarily on the emotion of guilt as providing a justification for retributive legal punishment. In particular, I challenge the claim according to which guilt can function as part of our epistemic justification of positive retributivism, that is, the view that wrongdoing is both necessary and sufficient to justify punishment. I show that the argument to this conclusion rests on two premises: (1) to feel guilty typically involves the judgment that one deserves punishment; and (2) those who feel guilty after wrongdoing are more virtuous (or less vicious) than those who do not. I shall argue that premise (1) is false on both empirical and conceptual grounds and that there are no particularly good grounds supporting this premise (2). Finally, I consider and reject the claim that anger, as opposed to guilt, can afford the type of epistemic justification needed by positive retributivism.

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Velleman, J. David. "XIV. Don't Worry, Feel Guilty." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 52 (March 2003): 235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100007992.

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One can feel guilty without thinking that one actually is guilty of moral wrongdoing. For example, one can feel guilty about eating an ice cream or skipping aerobics, even if one doesn't take a moralistic view of self-indulgence. And one can feel guilty about things that aren't one's doing at all, as in the case of survivor's guilt about being spared some catastrophe suffered by others. Guilt without perceived wrongdoing may of course be irrational, but I think it is sometimes rational, and I want to explore how it can be.

10

Clark, Janine Natalya. "Collective Guilt, Collective Responsibility and the Serbs." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 3 (April 16, 2008): 668–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408318533.

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Can an entire nation be collectively guilty for crimes committed in its name? Focusing on the case of Serbia, this article argues that collective guilt is a morally flawed and untenable concept that should be rejected. It presents various moral and practical objections to both the generic notion of collective guilt and the more specific idea of Serbian collective guilt and contends that the latter is a fundamental impediment to peace-building and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. On what basis might it be argued that the Serbs are collectively guilty? To claim that they are collectively guilty for having supported Milošević both exaggerates levels of support for the former Serbian leader and does a major injustice to those individuals who bravely fought against the Milošević regime. Drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers, the article concludes by suggesting that perhaps we can speak of Serbian collective responsibility.

11

Erreich, Anne. "More Than Enough Guilt to Go Around: Oedipal Guilt, Survival Guilt, Separation Guilt." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 59, no. 1 (February 2011): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003065111403147.

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Yu, Hongbo, Leonie Koban, Luke J. Chang, Ullrich Wagner, Anjali Krishnan, Patrik Vuilleumier, Xiaolin Zhou, and Tor D. Wager. "A Generalizable Multivariate Brain Pattern for Interpersonal Guilt." Cerebral Cortex 30, no. 6 (February 21, 2020): 3558–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhz326.

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Abstract Feeling guilty when we have wronged another is a crucial aspect of prosociality, but its neurobiological bases are elusive. Although multivariate patterns of brain activity show promise for developing brain measures linked to specific emotions, it is less clear whether brain activity can be trained to detect more complex social emotional states such as guilt. Here, we identified a distributed guilt-related brain signature (GRBS) across two independent neuroimaging datasets that used interpersonal interactions to evoke guilt. This signature discriminated conditions associated with interpersonal guilt from closely matched control conditions in a cross-validated training sample (N = 24; Chinese population) and in an independent test sample (N = 19; Swiss population). However, it did not respond to observed or experienced pain, or recalled guilt. Moreover, the GRBS only exhibited weak spatial similarity with other brain signatures of social-affective processes, further indicating the specificity of the brain state it represents. These findings provide a step toward developing biological markers of social emotions, which could serve as important tools to investigate guilt-related brain processes in both healthy and clinical populations.

13

Drake, Daniel S. "Assessing Machiavellianism and Morality-Conscience Guilt." Psychological Reports 77, no. 3_suppl (December 1995): 1355–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1995.77.3f.1355.

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If Machiavellians behave relatively morally or ethically as stated by Leary and colleagues in 1986, then hypotheses regarding their immorality should be reexamined. 84 MBA students in a program at Fairleigh Dickinson University completed Christie and Geis' 1970 Mach IV scale and the Guilty-Conscience subscale of Mosher's 1988 Revised Mosher Guilt Inventory. Results indicate that some students scored high on both Machiavellianism and Morality-Conscience Guilt.

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Cabras, Cristina, Roberta Tumatis, Marina Mondo, and Cristina Sechi. "The influence of sexual objectification on guilt assessment on a sample of Italian graduates." Journal of Criminal Psychology 11, no. 2 (July 12, 2021): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcp-08-2020-0036.

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Purpose The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of sexual objectification on the attribution processes of the guilt of a defendant – and also on the level of guilt. It was also hypothesized that legal expertise could be a protective factor in countering the influence of sexual objectification. Design/methodology/approach Sexual objectification can be defined as the perspective in which a person is evaluated solely in terms of his or her body parts or sexual function. As yet, no studies have assessed the influence of sexual objectification on guilt assessment in the legal system; this paper aims to explore whether sexual objectification has an influence on the attribution processes of a defendant's guilt. Findings The statistical analysis revealed that the sexually objectified defendant received a guilty verdict more often than a non-sexually objectified defendant; additionally, legal experts were more likely to identify the defendant as not guilty than non-legal experts. The findings support the hypothesis that sexual objectification is indeed one of the common stereotypes that lead to discrimination. Originality/value The present study provides novel findings regarding sexual objectification in the forensic context in which the defendant is viewed and evaluated.

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Tam, Kim-Pong. "Anthropomorphism of Nature, Environmental Guilt, and Pro-Environmental Behavior." Sustainability 11, no. 19 (September 30, 2019): 5430. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11195430.

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Feeling guilty about the occurrence of environmental problems is not uncommon; however, not everyone experiences it. Why are there such individual differences? Considering that guilt is a predominantly interpersonal phenomenon, as emotion research has demonstrated, how is it possible that some individuals feel guilty for the degradation of the non-human environment, and some others do not? The present investigation tests an integrated solution to these two questions based on the concept of anthropomorphism. In three studies, with an individual difference approach, it was observed that anthropomorphism of nature predicted the experience of environmental guilt, and this feeling in turn was associated with engagement in pro-environmental behavior. That is, it appears that individuals who view nature in anthropomorphic terms are more likely to feel guilty for environmental degradation, and they take more steps toward environmental action. This observation not only improves existing understanding of environmental guilt, but also adds evidence to the theoretical possibility of describing and understanding the human–nature relationship with reference to psychological knowledge regarding interpersonal relationships.

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Elder, Ryan S., and Gina Slejko Mohr. "Guilty displeasures: How imagined guilt dampens consumer enjoyment." Appetite 150 (July 2020): 104641. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2020.104641.

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Chen, Xuan-Mei, Ji-Young Song, and Hyewook Jeong. "The Influence of Guilt on Preference towards Imported Products: Focusing on Chinese Consumers." Institute of Management and Economy Research 13, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32599/apjb.13.2.202206.51.

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Purpose - This paper investigates how consumers' feelings of guilt affect their preference for imported products. Choosing imported products over domestic products reveals that consumers' motivation is to improve themselves. This study also tries to examine whether choosing imported goods has a restorative effect on feelings of guilt. Design/methodology/approach - We ran two experiments to test our hypothesis. Participants were recruited in China and the data analysis software used in this study was SPSS 26.0 for analysis. Findings - The results show that consumers with guilt feelings are more likely to import products than to consume domestic products, the second result shows that choosing imported products has an effect on guilt. In addition, consumers with low self-efficacy in a guilty condition prefer imported products to domestic products. Research implications or Originality - Based on previous research that focused on how guilt activates consumers' self-improvement goals, this study shows that when consumers experience feelings of guilt, they prefer imported products to reduce their negative feelings. These findings are discussed in the light of their implications for research on consumer self-motivation and ways of coping with it.

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Moreno Martín, Florentino, Icíar Fernández-Villanueva, Elena Ayllón Alonso, and José Ángel Medina Marina. "Guilt, Psychological Well-Being and Religiosity in Contemporary Cinema." Religions 13, no. 4 (March 24, 2022): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040277.

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This study explains the change in meaning that psychology has given to the relationship between religiosity and psychological well-being since the beginning of the 20th century, dating it back to the deep change introduced by post-modernity. Guilt is interpreted as a paradigm of this change in meaning, and the reflection that the different ways of understanding guilt have had on the screen is analyzed. The Content Analysis of a sample of 94 films showed 5 modes of expression of guilt that can be placed on a continuum from the traditional Judeo-Christian model that serves as a benchmark—harm-repentance-penitence-forgiveness—to the removal of guilt as a requirement for self-realization. The other three models emerge between these two poles: the absence of guilt as a psychiatric pathology; the resignification of the guilty act for the reduction in dissonance; and idealized regret at no cost. Studying guilt-coping models of the films allows us to infer the hypothesis that a large part of the current positive view of religiosity in psychological well-being is related to a culture that does not demand psychological suffering as a requirement for a full experience of spirituality.

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Chang, Victoria. "Guilt." Yale Review 108, no. 1 (2020): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tyr.2020.0084.

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Rugo, Marieve. "Guilt." College English 57, no. 5 (September 1995): 586. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/378830.

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Swartz, Talia H. "Guilt." Pathogens and Immunity 5, no. 1 (August 31, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.20411/pai.v5i1.395.

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the air is tense and unsafeshimmering veils obscure emotionfears and hopes digitized misunderstoodwarm tears stream for himboth vying for indefinite optionshis lungs are weakershe pleads for himhe cannot pleadhe cannot breathebut not seen through plexiglass wallsand faceshields and masksis guiltguilt that she was on the other sidethat she brought this homethat he is here because of herguilt cannot escape because it is protectedinside the confines of this roomfor no one else to perceiveand in these walls of protectionthat there is nothing to protect herfrom this immutable guilt

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Simon, Bryant. "Guilt." Rethinking History 3, no. 1 (March 1999): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529908596333.

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Oppenheim, Lois. "Guilt." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 56, no. 3 (September 2008): 967–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003065108323463.

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Chang, Victoria. "Guilt." Yale Review 108, no. 1 (April 2020): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/yrev.13609.

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Ananova, I. V. "QUANTITATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF EXPERIENCING THE FEELING OF GUILT." Ukrainian Psychological Journal, no. 2 (12) (2019): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/upj.2019.2(12).1.

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The article proposes to describe feeling of guilt through the quantitative characteristics of experiencing this emotion. The modern approaches to understanding the functional certainty of emotion of guilt are analyzed and it is noted that the functionalist approach is a perspective direction of scientific search. The elaboration of the problem of research of quantitative characteristics of the feeling of guilt in modern psychology is analyzed and it is offered to consider quantitative characteristics as criteria of evaluation of functional transformation of the feeling of guilt from social-adaptive emotion to destructive experience. To determine the quantitative characteristics of experiencing the feeling of guilt as an empirical toolkit, author’s methods were used that allow to subjectively evaluate experiencing the emotion of guilt: author’s interview, modified version of Dembo-Rubinstein’s method and author’s questionnaire “Experiencing the feeling of guilt” (EFG). The results of empirical research are presented, which show that the quantitative characteristics of feeling of guilt, namely, duration, intensity, frequency and ease of occurrence, significance, subjective difficulty, habit of experiencing – determine the nature of experiencing this emotion and related to this aspect of experiencing the feeling of guilt as an interest in others. It is established that quantitative characteristics of experiencing the feeling of guilt differentiate persons by the tendency to feel guilty, and the criteria for such differentiation are revealed. According to the analysis of the interviews the quantitative characteristics of the feeling of guilt, such as the frequency of occurrence, duration and subjective difficulty of the experiencing are substantially evaluated and characterized. Quantitative characteristics have been shown to be relevant to the dynamics of experiencing the feeling of guilt. It is revealed that the duration of experiencing is determined by the nature of the evaluation of the guilt, the circumstances of the situation, the orientation on interaction with another and the situation of such interaction, the actions of overcoming or self-sedation, the apology, the nature of the attitude to oneself, the intensity and depth of the emotional experiencing, the general emotional state; and that the difficulty of experiencing the feeling of guilt induces constructive actions or protective ways of behaving.

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Mancini, Francesco, and Amelia Gangemi. "Responsibility, Guilt, and Decision under Risk." Psychological Reports 93, no. 3_suppl (December 2003): 1077–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2003.93.3f.1077.

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We hypothesize that individuals' choices (risk-seeking/risk-aversion) depend on moral values and, in particular, on how subjects evaluate themselves as guilty or as victims of a wrong rather than on the descriptions of the outcomes as given in the options and evaluated accordingly as gains or losses (framing effect). People who evaluate themselves as victims are expected to show a risk-seeking preference (context of innocence). People who evaluate themselves as guilty are expected to show a risk-averse preference (context of guilt). Responses of 232 participants to a decision problem were compared in four different conditions involving two-story formats (innocence/guilt) and two-question-options formats (gain/loss). Regardless of the format of the question options, the story format appears to be an important determinant of individuals' preferences.

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Willmer, Haddon. "The Justification of the Godless: Heinrich Vogel and German Guilt." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 7 (1990): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001459.

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Guilt has proved an irresistible category for making and interpreting the twentieth-century history of which Germany has been the focus. In that history individuals, organizations, and nations have become guilty. The history of guilt is not made by the wrongdoers alone, but also by those who judge them. Doing wrong and being moralistic often have an evil symbiosis in individuals and communities. Guilt has not always been accurately allocated, and accusations of guilt have been manipulated for political purposes so producing more complex evil. There was guilt for the First World War, but it was untruthfully imposed on Germany alone by Article 231 of the Versailles Treaty. Within Germany, assigning guilt to political opponents, while refusing to accept any responsibility for what had happened, intensified the divisions within the nation and ensured that its policies were inspired by inward as well as outward enmity and unreality. The theologian H. J. Iwand argued in 1954 that the Nazis had taken the Freund-Feind conception of politics to absurdity, blaming (versündigt) the Left for all that happened after 1918. Consequently, Iwand judged the nationalist front in the Weimar Republic to have represented die organisierte Unbussfertigkeit of the German people. Too late, after 1945, it had become politically clear to many, but not to all, that complex historical guilt must be met by a complex response lest its power escalate yet again beyond the control of truth, understanding, and humanity.

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Brooke, Roger. "What Is Guilt?" Journal of Phenomenological Psychology 16, no. 2 (1985): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916285x00070.

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AbstractThis summary is offered as a psychological definition of being-guilty. Guilt is lived pre-reflectively in a context of real or imaginary accusatory others, and is constituted as a person accepts responsibility for damaged world-relationships whose meanings constitute shared and personally appropriated values. The contradiction between valued and damaged world-relationships is lived existentially as a rupture between revealed and hidden modalities, in which an appearance of harmony and integrity is maintained by concealing both the hidden, damaged world-relationships to which the person feels guiltily indebted, and the fact of the existential rupture. Guilt's mood is constituted as feelings, not necessarily clearly articulate, of lack of self-acceptance. Guilt is resolved as, and to the extent that, the existential rupture is closed, and the person is able to be fully and unambiguously present in his openness to the world.

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Norova, Nasiba. "THE CONCEPT AND IMPORTANCE OF AN AGREEMENT ON THE RECOGNITION OF GUILT IN THE CRIMINAL PROCESS: AN INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL ASPECT." Jurisprudence 1, no. 2 (December 10, 2021): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.51788/tsul.jurisprudence.1.2./awab9847.

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The article substantiates the relevance of the consideration and application of the Institute for the recognition of guilt, which is new to the domestic system of criminal proceedings. The situation is justified that the guilt agreements will facilitate the simplification and acceleration of procedures at the pre-trial preparation stage and in court. The application in practice of the Institute of Agreement between the prosecutor and the suspect, accused of recognizing guilt, is aimed at the fact that the prosecutor goes to some concessions to the side of protection in exchange for recognition by the accused of his guilt. The concession of the protection side can be to reduce the amount of charge and softening the punishment. The provisions on the confession of the guilt of the fault in the articles of the Criminal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Regulations were analyzed, regulating the agreement on the recognition of guilt, some foreign countries - the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Russia. The definition of the Institute of Agreement on Wine Recognition, and not the transaction, as is the name of the specified institution in the legislation of some states. The importance of the Agreement on the recognition of guilt in the criminal and criminal procedure legislation of the Republic of Uzbekistan is considered. The circumstances that must be taken into account by the prosecutor in addressing the issue of concluding an agreement on the recognition of guilt are determined. The provisions on the requirements for the form and content of the guilty recognition agreements are substantiated. Claims are identified and analyzed, which impede the conclusion of the Agreement on the recognition of guilt. Some conclusions are formulated related to the practice of the application of this institution in the National Criminal Procedure.

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Todorović, Tanja. "The phenomenology of guiltt: Some remarks on Jaspers' and Hegel's notion of guilt." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 92, no. 4 (2020): 643–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv92-29403.

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Jaspers inquires into the problem of guilt in closer relation with the idea of communication, which finds its metaphysical foundation in the unspecified idea of humanity. His distinction between the four types of guilt can find its foundation in metaphysical guilt. In his philosophical conception, Jaspers manages to adopt certain insights of Kant's ethics; in this context we shall emphasize the connection between moral and metaphysical guilt. In the framework of Hegel's critique of Kant we shall explicate how the four types of guilt that Jaspers distinguishes (moral, metaphysical, criminal, and political) can be reduced to moral and legal guilt.

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Russell, Brenda L., Debra L. Oswald, and Shane W. Kraus. "Evaluations of Sexual Assault: Perceptions of Guilt and Legal Elements for Male and Female Aggressors Using Various Coercive Strategies." Violence and Victims 26, no. 6 (2011): 799–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.26.6.799.

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This study examines the extent to which verdict, guilt, and legal components associated with jury instructions of sexual assault differ as a function of aggressor gender, participant gender, and sexual strategy used (consensual, verbal coercion, alcohol, or physical aggression) to obtain sex. Participants (N = 423; 276 women and 147 men) read a vignette depicting either a couple having consensual sex (control), or a male or female aggressor who initiates sexual intercourse via verbal coercion, use of alcohol, or physical abuse. College students were provided with legal instructions of sexual assault then asked to provide a verdict, degree of guilt, and legal components. Female participants rated guilt and coercion higher than did male participants. Ratings of guilt were highest in the physical assault condition followed by the alcohol, verbal, and control conditions. Female aggressors were rated less guilty than male aggressors. Results are explained in relation to sexual scripts and legal decision making. Lack of significance in verdict decisions and interaction effects suggests male and female aggressors are evaluated similarly using coercive strategies; yet, consent for sex was assumed and attributions of guilt was lower when the aggressor was female. Implications for jury instructions and future research are discussed.

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DeCelles, Katherine A., Gabrielle S. Adams, Holly S. Howe, and Leslie K. John. "Anger Damns the Innocent." Psychological Science 32, no. 8 (July 28, 2021): 1214–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797621994770.

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False accusations of wrongdoing are common and can have grave consequences. In six studies, we document a worrisome paradox in perceivers’ subjective judgments of a suspect’s guilt. Specifically, we found that people (including online panelists, n = 4,983, and working professionals such as fraud investigators and auditors, n = 136) use suspects’ angry responses to accusations as cues of guilt. However, we found that such anger is an invalid cue of guilt and is instead a valid cue of innocence; accused individuals (university students, n = 230) and online panelists ( n = 401) were angrier when they are falsely relative to accurately accused. Moreover, we found that individuals who remain silent are perceived to be at least as guilty as those who angrily deny an accusation.

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HAYDEN, ROBERT M. "Collective Guilt: International Perspectives:Collective Guilt: International Perspectives." American Anthropologist 108, no. 2 (June 2006): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.2.406.

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Davies, Murray. "The Guilty Veteran: The Spiritual Implications of Veteran’s Guilt." Journal of Veterans Studies 8, no. 1 (2022): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21061/jvs.v8i1.256.

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von Vietinghoff, Sibylle, Wolfgang Schneider, Friedrich C. Luft, and Ralph Kettritz. "Crescentic glomerulonephritis and malignancy—guilty or guilt by association?" Nephrology Dialysis Transplantation 21, no. 11 (August 5, 2006): 3324–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ndt/gfl456.

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Levine, Emma Edelman, T. Bradford Bitterly, and Maurice Schweitzer. "Trust the guilty: Dispositional and Incidental Guilt Increase Trustworthiness." Academy of Management Proceedings 2015, no. 1 (January 2015): 10534. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2015.10534abstract.

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Buonanno, Carlo, Enrico Iuliano, Giuseppe Grossi, Francesco Mancini, Emiliana Stendardo, Fabrizia Tudisco, and Barbara Pizzini. "Forgiveness in the Modulation of Responsibility in a Sample of Italian Adolescents with a Tendency towards Conduct or Obsessive–Compulsive Problems." Brain Sciences 11, no. 10 (October 9, 2021): 1333. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/brainsci11101333.

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Although obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) and the conduct disorders (CD) express a contrasting symptomatology, they could represent different answers to a common matrix about morality. In the literature, some theoretical models describe people with OCD as individuals who experience high levels of responsibility and guilt. On the other hand, adolescents with a CD are described as if they do not feel guilty at all or consider anti-social purposes as more important than existing moral purposes. The aims of this study were to investigate the role of forgiveness in responsibility and guilt levels and to test whether this putative relation was influenced by tendencies towards obsessive–compulsive problems (OCP) or conduct problems (CP). In total, 231 adolescents aged between 16 and 18 years were self-assessed using a Youth Self-Report, Child Responsibility Attitudes Questionnaire, Heartland Forgiveness Scale, and Test Of Self-Conscious Affect. The results show that self-forgiveness predicted responsibility levels, while guilt was predicted by self-forgiveness and situation-forgiveness. Moreover, mediation analyses revealed that the effects of OCP on responsibility and guilt were mediated by self-forgiveness and situation-forgiveness. Regarding CP, no mediated effects were found. In conclusion, lower proneness to forgive increases responsibility and guilt, and this is particularly evident in subjects with higher levels of OCP.

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Liu, Wei, and Shuting Xiang. "The positive impact of guilt." Leadership & Organization Development Journal 39, no. 7 (September 3, 2018): 883–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lodj-10-2017-0296.

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Purpose A self-regulatory framework to explore the positive effects of negative emotions on proactive outcomes for employees is discussed. The purpose of this paper is to examine how and when employee feedback can facilitate feelings of guilt and result in positive learning behaviors in the workplace. Design/methodology/approach The authors test the research model using data from field surveys based on a two-wave data collection from 176 employees. Participants completed two paper-based surveys with a time lag of one week. Findings The results demonstrate that the feelings of guilt work as a mediator in the association between feedback and employee learning. As a specific negative emotion, guilt has a significant and positive impact on employee learning in the workplace. The findings also demonstrate that transformational leadership can make employees aware of the gap between expectations and their performance. Transformational leaders motivate guilty employees to engage in learning activities through the promotion of regulatory focus. Originality/value This study contributes to the literature on emotions and employee learning in several ways. First, the study raises the association between feedback and employee learning through guilt in the workplace. Second, the study considers the boundaries for facilitating learning behaviors.

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Yang, Jaeho, and Bokyeong Kim. "Guilt and the Consumption of Products with an Unhealthy Image." Sustainability 13, no. 21 (October 29, 2021): 11953. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132111953.

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of nutrition labeling on consumers’ guilt when they consumed products with an unhealthy image. The first investigation was conducted to examine direct effect according to the types of nutrition labeling (adding healthy ingredients/reducing unhealthy ingredients) by independent samples t-test. The findings show that consumers felt less guilty when the number of unhealthy ingredients was reduced, compared to when healthy ingredients were added. The second investigation tested the effects of goal activation types (utilitarian/hedonic) and nutrition labeling on consumers’ guilt by independent samples t-test and ANOVA. Goal activation was added as an independent variable, and hypothetical scenarios and stimulants were used. The experiment was designed with a focus on goal activation (utilitarian/hedonic) × nutrition labeling (adding healthy ingredient/reducing unhealthy ingredient). The findings reveal that the utilitarian goal activation group felt less guilty about the products with the reduction in the number of unhealthy ingredients than the products with the addition of healthy ingredients. The hedonic goal activation group felt less guilty about the products with the addition of positive nutrients compared to the products with the reduction in the number of negative nutrients. The third investigation tested consumer guilt in situations that create anxiety about food by independent samples t-test and ANOVA, based on Study 2. Unlike in Study 2, there was no interaction effect between product-nutrition labelling and goal activation. These results suggest that, when consumer anxiety increases, in relation to unhealthy foods that already invoke guilt and anxiety, the motivation—namely, goal activation when consuming food—plays a main role in causing anxiety, regardless of nutrition. Based on these experimental results, the investigator discussed the academic and practical implications of the present study. Finally, a couple of proposals were made for the direction of future study.

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Nelissen, Rob M. A. "Guilt-Induced Self-Punishment as a Sign of Remorse." Social Psychological and Personality Science 3, no. 2 (June 9, 2011): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550611411520.

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Why do people engage in self-punishment when they feel guilty? This article aims to bridge discrepant views that portray guilt either as an adaptive social emotion that is vital to the maintenance of social relations or as a maladaptive emotion that produces a host of negative self-directed responses. An experiment investigating the impact of various audience conditions on self-punishment tendencies suggested that even the negative self-directed responses that characterize certain episodes of guilt may originally serve an adaptive social function by acting as signals of remorse.

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Lehman, David. "Guilt Trip." Antioch Review 50, no. 3 (1992): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4612552.

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Michael, William B. "Romanticizing Guilt." Yale Law Journal 112, no. 6 (April 2003): 1625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3657454.

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TAKASE, Daisen. "Zonkaku's guilt." JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) 55, no. 2 (2007): 720–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.55.720.

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Pickering, M. Ruth. "Guilt Loops." Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 36, no. 6 (August 1991): 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/070674379103600612.

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García, Ramón. "Survivor’s Guilt." Psychological Perspectives 61, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332925.2018.1537662.

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Juni, Samuel. "Survivor guilt." International Review of Victimology 22, no. 3 (July 24, 2016): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758016637480.

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Dougherty, J. P. "Collective Guilt." American Journal of Jurisprudence 35, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajj/35.1.1.

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Sarmiento, Augusto. "Confronting Guilt." Current Orthopaedic Practice 27, no. 5 (2016): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/bco.0000000000000406.

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Rotkirch, Anna, and Kristiina Janhunen. "Maternal Guilt." Evolutionary Psychology 8, no. 1 (January 2010): 147470491000800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147470491000800108.

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Calogero, Rachel M., and Afroditi Pina. "Body Guilt." Psychology of Women Quarterly 35, no. 3 (August 31, 2011): 428–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0361684311408564.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Guilt'

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