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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

NEVEU, Valérie. "De Guillaume Postel à Richard Simon." Revue des Études Juives 155, no. 1 (July 1, 1996): 75–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rej.155.1.519398.

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2

Weiss, Judith. "Guillaume Postel’s ‘Idea of the Zohar’." Aries 19, no. 2 (September 16, 2019): 248–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700593-01902002.

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Abstract Following Boaz Huss’s coinage of an ‘Idea of the Zohar’, I focus in this paper on the ‘Idea of the Zohar’ held by the Kabbalistic Christian Guillaume Postel (1510–1581). Postel regarded the Zohar as an ultimate expression of his entire theological and messianic thought, and therefore he produced two Latin annotated translations of this treatise. Relying on a close analysis of the Incipit he attached to the earlier translation completed in early 1554 (BL ms. Slaone 1410, fol. 1r), I sketch Postel’s unique concepts regarding the Zohar, both as a text and as a divine essence, showing how his description of the Zohar’s provenance and circulation sheds light on his particular ‘Idea of the Zohar’.
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3

Wheeler, Brannon. "Guillaume Postel and the Primordial Origins of the Middle East." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 3 (2013): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341262.

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Abstract Guillaume Postel is often credited as one of the founding fathers of the modern “orientalist” European study of the Middle East, and of Arabic, Islam, and the Quran in particular. He published his most influential work in 1544, calling on the French king to lead a Crusade against the Ottomans and usher in a new, apocalyptic age. Although usually credited as a pioneer in the comparative study of Semitic languages, an influential figure in French-Ottoman relations, and as one of the first Europeans to study the Quran in comparison with the Bible, it was the unique sixteenth-century renaissance combination of apocalyptism, European nationalism, and alchemy behind the specific formation of Postel’s universal linguistic theories that would most influence future scholarship. The following pages examine the historical context in which Postel produced his work with particular attention to the apocalyptism of his religious ideas and the kabbalistic sources of his linguistic scholarship.
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4

Lehrich, Christopher, François Secret, and Sylvain Matton. "Documents Oubliés sur l'Alchimie, la Kabbale, et Guillaume Postel." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 1183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061695.

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5

Kuntz, Marion Leathers. "Guillaume Postel and the Syriac Gospels of Athanasius Kircher*." Renaissance Quarterly 40, no. 3 (1987): 465–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862520.

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One of the many treasures of the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, is the manuscript of the Gospels written in Syriac in the year 945. This rare and beautiful codex was the property of the Jesuit Athanasius Kircher, who gave his “most dear and precious” book to Duke August the Younger of Braunschweig-Lüneburg as an ornament for his most famous library. Duke August (1579-1666) was known as a wonder in his age because among pious rulers he was the most learned, and among men of greatest learning, he was the most pious. For thirty years he studied all branches of learning, and his devotion to political life is witnessed by thirty volumes of correspondence. Among his writings were books on the game of chess and on cryptography. Most important for posterity is his library at Wolfenbüttel, which contains one of the largest collections of Bibles in Europe.
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6

BAMFORTH, S. J. "Review. Les Ecrits de Guillaume Postel publies en France et leurs editeurs, 1538-1579. Postel, Claude." French Studies 48, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/48.1.90-a.

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7

Weiss, Judith. "Covert Jewish Sources of Christian Kabbalah: the Case of Guillaume Postel and ʿIyyun Traditions." Medieval Encounters 26, no. 1 (May 4, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340058.

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Abstract The article focuses on Guillaume Postel’s Latin Zohar Commentary (1553), with the aim of uncovering a hitherto unknown influence of the medieval ʿIyyun Corpus on Postel’s Kabbalistic thought. Following a prefatory methodological exposition it is demonstrated that in addition to the more common Kabbalistic doctrines, such as those of the Zohar and other central theosophical-Kabbalistic treatises, Postel was also influenced by a different trend of Kabbalah, namely, the anonymous thirteenth-century mystical corpus originating in Languedoc, designated in scholarship as the ʿIyyun Writings. A reliable analysis of Kabbalistic Christian writings requires acquaintance with the writers’ sources, especially given the extent and divergence of medieval Kabbalistic literature. Therefore, we cannot make do with locating overt citations or references to known Kabbalistic treatises found in these writings, but also aim at uncovering covert Kabbalistic traditions which influenced them, as in the case of Postel and the ʿIyyun Corpus.
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8

Simoncelli (book author), Paolo, and Olga Z. Pugliese (review author). "La lingua di Adamo: Guillaume Postel tra accademici e fuorusciti fiorentini." Quaderni d'italianistica 8, no. 2 (October 1, 1987): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v8i2.10867.

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9

Rothstein, Marian. "The Reception of Annius of Viterbo’s Forgeries: TheAntiquitiesin Renaissance France." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 2 (2018): 580–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/698141.

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AbstractAnnius of Viterbo’s 1498 “Antiquitatum Variarum Volumina XVII” (“Antiquities”), created to enhance the reputation of his native Viterbo, was a collection of spurious texts and commentary attributed to early Near Eastern authors of whom only fragments survive. Quickly spotted as spuria, they nonetheless flourished in France. This essay traces the use of Annius’s forgeries by Jean Lemaire de Belges, for whose “Illustrations” they were seminal; mid-sixteenth-century historians followed Lemaire’s lead. The “Antiquities” captivated Guillaume Postel and Guy Le Fèvre de la Boderie. They supported a history grounded on chronology, etymology, and genealogy, becoming essential to proofs of the glory and antiquity of France.
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10

Kuntz, Marion Leathers, and Claude Postel. "Les ecrits de Guillaume Postel publies en France et leurs editeurs 1538- 1579." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 1 (1996): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544373.

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11

Postel, Claude. "Les écrits de Guillaume Postel publiés en France et leurs éditeurs - 1538-1579." École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences religieuses 103, no. 99 (1990): 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ephe.1990.14524.

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12

Constable, Madeleine V. "Guillaume postel — Prophet of the restitution of all things — His life and thought." History of European Ideas 6, no. 1 (January 1985): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(85)90064-6.

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13

Kuntz, Marion Leathers. "Guillaume Postel et Jean Boulaese: De Summopere (1566) et Le Miracle de Laon (1566)." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 4 (1997): 1355. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543605.

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14

Fleischer, Cornell H. "A Mediterranean Apocalypse: Prophecies of Empire in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 1-2 (March 14, 2018): 18–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341443.

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Abstract This article traces the intertwining of contemporaneous Muslim and Christian millenarian beliefs and excitation from the early fifteenth to late sixteenth centuries, specifically as crystalized by the rise of the Ottoman power, the Muslim conquest of “Rome” (Constantinople) in 1453, and the sixteenth century Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry for recognition as legitimate claimants to the world empire of the last age of history. The most influential formulator of the Ottoman eschatological identity was the mystic and lettrist ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Bisṭāmī, whose works underlie the fully articulated royal messianism of Sultan Süleymān (r. 1520-1566). At Süleymān’s court the French orientalist and apocalyptic enthusiast Guillaume Postel, a proponent of French Valois universal end-time monarchy, saw al-Bisṭāmī’s work brandished in 1535. Following the trajectory of the production, consumption, and deployment of these texts in the context of revolutionary changes across the Mediterranean—not least of all in understandings of religions and their relationship to historical empire—makes clear the centrality of apocalyptic to contemporary understandings of history and the significance (and legitimacy) of the new imperial formations, and to new understandings of the interrelationship between cognate, if sometimes hostile, monotheisms.
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15

Meyer, Jenny. "Barthélemy Aneau’s Alector ou le coq and the Paradox of Renaissance Cosmopolitanism." Renaissance and Reformation 38, no. 1 (June 13, 2015): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i1.22780.

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Barthélemy Aneau’s histoire fabuleuse, Alector ou le coq (1560) epitomizes a burgeoning sixteenth-century awareness of the globe and its scope. New possibilities for envisioning global space went hand in hand with the development of cosmopolitan sympathies among Renaissance humanists; namely, enthusiasm for the ideal of a world republic. In this article, I show how Aneau’s fictional narrative demonstrates an idealized vision of the French monarch’s global role. I argue that Alector is written in the spirit of the princely manual, with a singular emphasis on the monarch’s obligatory mastery of spatial navigation that evinces sixteenth-century awareness of geography’s relevance to governance. Aneau creates a pastiche of French foundation myths and of geographical sources in order to emphasize both the French monarch’s preeminence and his worldwide reach. Elements of the hermetic tradition are manifest in Alector, where space is allegorized to illustrate Aneau’s conception of France’s place in the cosmos; in this way, his work is similar to that of his contemporary, the self-described cosmopolitan Guillaume Postel. Ultimately, there is a discord between the real geography evoked in Alector and the fictional genre that houses it. This dissonance emphasizes the paradoxical nature of a cosmopolitanism that strives to incorporate nationalism, and illustrates an unresolved complexity for would-be Renaissance world citizens. L’histoire fabuleuse de Barthélemy Aneau, Alector ou le coq (1560) illustre la conscience grandissante de la Renaissance pour le globe terrestre et son espace. Les nouvelles façons de voir l’espace global se sont développées en même temps que les sympathies cosmopolites de certains humanistes de la Renaissance, en particulier en ce qui concerne leur enthousiasme pour la république mondiale. Dans cet article, l’auteur montre comment la trame narrative d’Aneau illustre une vision idéalisée du rôle global du roi de France. On y analyse qu’Alector est écrit dans l’esprit du manuel du prince, en mettant l’accent particulièrement sur l’obligation qu’a le roi de maîtriser l’espace de navigation, illustrant l’idée au XVIe siècle que la connaissance géographique se situe au cœur de la gouvernance. Aneau crée un pastiche de mythes de fondation française et de sources géographiques afin de souligner à la fois la prééminence du roi de France et son rayonnement mondial. Certains éléments de la tradition hermétique peuvent également être retracés dans Alector, puisque l’espace y fonctionne comme une allégorie de la conception d’Aneau de la place de la France dans le cosmos. De cette façon, son œuvre est similaire à celle de son contemporain, Guillaume Postel, qui se décrivait lui-même comme un cosmopolite. Enfin, un décalage s’observe entre la géographie réelle évoquée dans Alector et le cadre fictionnel qui l’abrite. Ce décalage souligne à son tour la nature paradoxale d’un cosmopolitisme voulant intégrer les nationalismes, ce qui représente bien une question complexe et non résolue pour les citoyens du monde en devenir de la Renaissance.
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16

Penman, Leigh T. I. "The Hidden History of the Cosmopolitan Concept." Journal of the Philosophy of History 9, no. 2 (August 14, 2015): 284–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18722636-12341304.

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Despite the ubiquity of contemporary debate in learned and popular cultures concerning the place of the cosmopolitan and cosmopolitanism, the historical background to this peculiarly Western vision of world unity remains understudied and virtually unknown. This is particularly the case, rather surprisingly, for the early modern period, when the term “cosmopolite” reappeared in European vocabularies for the first time since antiquity. It is during this period, however, that the most significant, enduring and problematic features of the cosmopolitan concept are articulated, particularly in those conceptions of world community which drew on Pauline notions of heavenly citizenship. Employing a modified Begriffsgeschichtliche approach, this article utilizes several case studies of cosmopolitan thought from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries – including Erasmus, Guillaume Postel, Johann Valentin Andreae and others – in order to critique the history of the concept of the cosmopolitan. This essay argues, on the basis of this evidence, that there is an aporia which is constitutive of cosmopolitan concept, and which impacts on all attempts to understand, analyse and apply the category from antiquity to the present. Namely, although the cosmopolitan ideal is a peculiarly Western mythology which has always possessed a patina of benevolent inclusivity, it is contingent on establishing boundaries and establishing exclusivity.
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17

Coudert, Allison. "Gender, Kabbalah and the Reformation: The Mystical Theology of Guillaume Postel (1510-1581), by Yvonne PetryGender, Kabbalah and the Reformation: The Mystical Theology of Guillaume Postel (1510-1581), by Yvonne Petry. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions. Leiden, Brill, 2004. ix, 191 pp. $125.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 41, no. 1 (April 2006): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.41.1.114.

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18

Backus, Irena. "Guillaume Postel, Théodore Bibliander et Ie Protévangile de Jacques. Introduction historique, édition et traduction française du MS. Londres, British Library, Sloane 1411, 260r-267r." Apocrypha 6 (January 1995): 7–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.apocra.2.301106.

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19

Kingdon, Robert M. "Guillaume Postel et Jean Boulaese: De summopere (1566) et Le Miracle de Laon (1566). Edited by Irena Backus. Etudes de Philologie et d'Histoire 47. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1995. xxxvi + 90 pp." Church History 66, no. 1 (March 1997): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169724.

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20

Bober, Phyllis Pray. "Guillaume Postel. De Etruriae regionis, originibus institutis religione et moribus. Ed. G. Cipriani, with notes and commentary. (Contributi alia storia degli studi etruschi e italici, 4.) Rome: Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche, 1986. 249 pp." Renaissance Quarterly 41, no. 2 (1988): 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862218.

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21

Kuntz, Marion L. "Paolo Simoncelli. La Lingua di Adamo: Guillaume Postel tra accademici e fuoriusciti fiorentini. (Biblioteca della rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa, studi e testi, 7.) Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1984. 184 pp. L. 19,000." Renaissance Quarterly 40, no. 1 (1987): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861854.

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22

JONES, GARETH LLOYD. "Gender, Kabbalah and the Reformation. The mystical theology of Guillaume Postel (1510–1581). By Yvonne Petry. (Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, 98.) Pp. ix + 196. Leiden–Boston: Brill, 2004. €89. 90 04 13801 3; 0585 6914." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 4 (October 2005): 779–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690546532x.

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23

Céard, Jean. "Marion L. Kuntz, Guillaume Postel Prophet of the Restitution of All Things. His Life and Thought, The Hague, Boston, London, Martinus Nijhoff Publ. (“Archives Intern. d’Hist. des Idées”, 98), 1981, XV-270 p., 14 illustr. - Préface de P.O. Kristeller." Moreana 22 (Number 85), no. 1 (April 1985): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1985.22.1.11.

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24

Kuntz, Marion Leathers. "Yvonne Petry. Gender, Kabbalah and the Reformation: The Mystical Theology of Guillaume Postel (1510-1581). Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 98. Leiden and Boston : Brill Academic Publishers, 2004. x + 192 pp. index. bibl. $120. ISBN: 90-04-13801-3." Renaissance Quarterly 58, no. 3 (2005): 958–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0847.

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25

Holt, Mack P. "De summopere (1566) et Le Miracle de Laon (1366). By Guillaume Postel and Jean Boulaese (edited with introduction and notes by Irena Backus). (Études de Philologie et d'Histoire, 47.) Pp. 90 + 3 ills. Geneva: Droz, 1995. 2 600 00092 5 - Ronsard & du Bellay versus Bèze. Allusiveness in renaissance literary texts. By Malcolm C. Smith. (Études de Philologie et d'Histoire, 48.) Pp. 142. Geneva: Droz, 1995. 2 600 00099 2." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 2 (April 1997): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690001993x.

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26

Perić Gavrančić, Sanja. "Sic etiam Croati." Povijesni prilozi 39, no. 58 (2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/pp.v39i58.10115.

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U radu se donose rezultati istraživanja latinskih povijesnojezičnih izvora koji otkrivaju što su o jeziku i pismu Hrvata znali europski renesansni humanisti prije nego što su prvi pokušaji kodifikacije hrvatskoga jezika u povijesnome i ideološkome kontekstu katoličke obnove osigurali njegovo službeno uključivanje u jezični zemljovid Europe. Šesnaestostoljetna je res publica litteraria, zahvaljujući intenzivnim humanističkim kontaktima i vezama, između ostalih tema omogućila i širenje ideje humanističkoga ilirizma koji je uključivao i pitanje jezika slavenskih naroda, pa tako i hrvatskoga. Sudionici te ranonovovjekovne zajednice intelektualaca razmjenjivali su, i u svojim raspravama diljem Europe objavljivali, podatke o hrvatskome jeziku i pismu. Takve su bilješke potvrđene u djelima francuskoga lingvista Guillauma Postela (Linguarum duodecim characteribus differentium alphabetum, 1538., Pariz) te švicarskih filologa Theodora Bibliandera (De ratione communi omnium linguarum et litterarum commentarius, 1548., Zürich) i Conrada Gesnera (Mithridates sive de differentiis linguarum tum veterum tum quae hodie apud diversas nationes in toto orbe terrarum in usu sunt, 1555., Zürich). U humanističkim je početcima kontrastivne lingvistike sudjelovao i jedan hrvatski latinist. Riječ je o Bartolu Đurđeviću i njegovu djelu o nevoljama kršćanskih zarobljenika pod turskom vlašću (De afflictione tam captivorum quam etiam sub Turcae tributo viventium Christianorum, 1544., Antverpen). Đurđević je prikazao razlike između hrvatskoga i turskoga jezika, objavio mali hrvatsko-latinski rječnik i tekst Očenaša, koji je kao ogledni tekst ilirskoga jezika citiran u spomenutome Biblianderovu i Gesnerovu repertoriju svjetskih jezika.
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27

Faisal, Muhammad Salman, Laila Hashim, Yazan Samhouri, Syed Maaz Abdullah, Ahsan Wahab, Moazzam Shahzad, Hamid Ehsan, et al. "Azacitidine Maintenance Following Allogeneic Hematopoietic Stem Cell Transplantation in Patients with Myelodysplastic Syndrome and Acute Myeloid Leukemia: A Systematic Review." Blood 136, Supplement 1 (November 5, 2020): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2020-138616.

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Background and Objective: Disease relapse remains the primary cause of morbidity and mortality following allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (Allo-HSCT) in patients with myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS) and acute myeloid leukemia (AML). Oral azacitidine (5-aza) was associated with clinical benefit as maintenance therapy in transplant ineligible patients. However, contradicting data have been reported regarding the role of 5-aza as a maintenance therapy to reduce relapse rate -post-allo-HSCT. We conducted this systematic review to describe the efficacy and safety of 5-aza in this context. Materials and Methods: We systematically searched multiple databases, including PubMed, Embase, Cochrane, and Clinicaltrials.gov. We also searched major conferences for oral or poster presentations. We used MeSH terms and keywords for MDS, AML, Allo-HSCT, and 5-aza. We included all retrospective and prospective studies of 5-aza (all formulations) published until March 2020. The primary database search yielded 1209 articles. We excluded irrelevant, duplicate, and review articles. The final search revealed 20 articles that we explored in detail for various efficacy and safety outcomes. Results: A total of 1211 patients were enrolled in 14 prospective and 6 retrospective studies. Of those, 1169 patients were evaluable. Prospective studies CALGB 100801 trial by Vij et al. (2015) reported overall survival (OS) of 45.7% and progression-free survival (PFS) of 41.2% at 24 months following reduced intensity conditioning (RIC) in a phase 2 trial of 41 patients. In a randomized control trial, Oran et al. (2018) evaluated relapse-free survival (RFS) as the primary outcome after 12 cycles of 5-aza at 32 mg/m2/day (n=187). Only 30% of the patients in the azacitidine arm completed the targeted number of cycles. The study showed a median RFS of 24.8 months in the treatment arm vs 15.3 months in the control arm (p=0.43). In a phase 2 trial conducted by Guillaume, T et al. (2019) the cumulative incidence of relapse was 27.6% in patients who received 5-aza, compared with 41.9% in 58 matched patients control group (p=0.21). Platzbecker et al. (2018-2019) studied a higher dose of azacitidine (75mg/m2/day) in a phase 2 trial as a pre-emptive strategy for patients who develop minimal residual disease (MRD) within 24 months. The 12-month OS and PFS were 94% and 44%, respectively. De Lima et al. (2018) studied the role of maintenance Oral 5-aza in Phase I/II trial (n=30). A dose-escalation design was used with a dosage ranging from 150 mg to 400 mg, received in a 7- or 14-day cycles. The 12-month PFS was 54% and 72% and estimated survival was 86% and 81% among 7-days and 14-days cycles, respectively. (Table 1) Retrospective studies: Mishra et al. (2017) reported a better OS in 14 patients who received 5-aza maintenance compared with a control arm (p-value 0.026). Cheikh et al. reported a 12-month OS of 70%. Ali, N et al. (2020) (n=107) compared 5-aza group vs. control group retrospectively. EFS was 53.1% vs. 49.5% (p=0.02) while OS was 56.8 and 53.4 months (p=0.01) in the treatment arm vs the control arm respectively. Safety: The most common grade 3 or 4 hematological adverse effect was neutropenia, while some patients also experienced grade 3 or 4 anemia, thrombocytopenia, or lymphopenia. The main non-hematological adverse effects were infections, fatigue, and gastrointestinal distress. The incidence of acute graft versus host disease varied from 13% to 50%. The most common reason for treatment discontinuation was disease relapse. A minority of patients discontinued treatment due to side effects. Conclusion: To our knowledge, this is the first comprehensive systematic review for the role of 5-aza maintenance -post-Allo-HSCT in patients with MDS or AML. The heterogeneity of the studies, in terms of dosing regimens, variable duration of treatment and patient selection, precludes definitive conclusions. Despite that, 5-aza seems to improve relapse rates and OS at least numerically but also significantly in some studies, as illustrated in this review. Low number of patients involved in most of these studies contributed to non-significant p-values. Azacitidine remains a valid and safe option, especially in patients with high risk of relapse. Further studies aiming at those high risk patients, such as AML with myelodysplasia related changes (AML-MRC) and high-risk MDS following RIC, are of utmost need. Disclosures Anwer: Incyte, Seattle Genetics, Acetylon Pharmaceuticals, AbbVie Pharma, Astellas Pharma, Celegene, Millennium Pharmaceuticals.: Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau. Fazal:Takeda: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; GlaxoSmithKline: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Agios: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Bristol Myers Squibb: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Speakers Bureau; Celgene: Speakers Bureau; Janssen: Speakers Bureau; Gilead/Kite: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Novartis: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Amgen: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Stemline: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Incyte: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Karyopharm: Speakers Bureau; Jazz: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau.
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