Journal articles on the topic 'Gruppe 5 (Group of artists)'

The article examines the role and significance of the "5 + 1" group in the development of contemporary art in Uzbekistan in the context of the creativity of the group's artists. The ideas and aesthetics of paintings, installations, video art in the work of individual artists are revealed in detail.

BACKGROUND: The deaths of American hip-hop and rap recording artists often receive considerable media attention. However, these artists’ deaths have not been examined as a distinct group like the deaths of rock, classical, jazz, and pop music artists. This is a seminal epidemiological analysis on the deaths of an understudied group, American hip-hop and rap music recording artists. METHODS: Media reports were analyzed of the deaths of American hip-hop and rap music recording artists that occurred from January 1, 1987 to December 31, 2014. The decedents’ age, sex, race, cause of death, stage names, and city and state of death were recorded for analysis. RESULTS: The most commonly reported cause of death was homicide. The 280 deaths were categorized as homicide (55%), unintentional injury (13%), cardiovascular (7%), undetermined/undisclosed (7%), cancer (6%), other (5%), suicide (4%), and infectious disease (3%). The mean reported age at death was 30 yrs (range 15–75) and the median was 29 yrs; 97% were male and 92% were black. All but one of the homicides were committed with firearms. CONCLUSIONS: Homicide was the most commonly reported cause of death. Public health focus and guidance for hip-hop and rap recording artists should mirror that for African-American men and adolescent males ages 15–54 yrs, for whom the leading causes of death are homicide, unintentional injury, and heart disease. Given the preponderance of homicide deaths in this analysis, premature mortality reduction efforts should focus on violence prevention and conflict mitigation.

Zusammenfassung Hintergrund Die endoskopische Submukosa-Dissektion (ESD) ist in Asien Standard zur Behandlung von Magenfrühkarzinomen (MFK) im Rahmen von definierten Kriterien. Auch in Europa wird sie immer häufiger benutzt. Bei Risikokonstellationen (z. B. Submukosa-Invasion, Lymphangio-Invasion, schlecht differenziertes Karzinom) ist das Auftreten von Lymphknotenmetastasen möglich. Wir definierten eine „Low-Risk-Gruppe“ (differenzierte, nur mukosal gelegene MFK ohne Ulzeration und Gefäßinfiltration, größenunabhängig) um das endoskopische Ergebnis und den Langzeitverlauf dieser prognostisch günstigen Gruppe zu untersuchen. Patienten und Methoden Patienten mit nicht vorbehandelten Low-Risk-MFK wurden in die retrospektive Auswertung aufgenommen. Ausgewertet wurden Patientendaten (Alter, Geschlechterverteilung), Karzinomparameter (Anzahl, Größen, Lokalisation, Paris-Klassifikation), histologische Parameter, Resektionsdaten (u. a. En-bloc-Resektion, R-Status), Nachsorgen (u. a. Lokalrezidive, Überleben) und Komplikationsdaten. Ergebnisse Durch ESD wurden bei 55 Patienten 61 Low-Risk-MFK entfernt. In 93,4 % gelang die En-bloc-, in 91,8 % die R0-Resektion. In 8 Fällen (13,1 %) kam es zu interventionsabhängigen Komplikationen: 5 verzögerte Nachblutungen (8,2 %), 2 Mikroperforationen (3,3 %, keine Operation notwendig) und ein Nicht-ST-Hebungsinfarkt (1,6 %).Während der Nachbeobachtungszeit (Mittelwert: 54,3 Monate) kam es in 4 Fällen (6,6 %) zu Lokalrezidiven, von welchen zumindest zwei erfolgreich endoskopisch behandelt werden konnten. Die anderen beiden Patienten verstarben nach endoskopischer Re-Therapie vor der ersten Kontrolle. Insgesamt verstarben 4 Patienten (7,8 %) während des Follow-ups, jeweils nicht tumorassoziiert. Bei 9 Patienten (16,4 %) wurden syn- oder metachrone Läsionen nachgewiesen, welche alle endoskopisch behandelt werden konnten. Lymphknotenmetastasen traten nicht auf. Fazit In der von uns definierten Low-Risk-Gruppe von mukosalen MFK wurde mittels ESD eine hohe Rate von En-bloc- und R0-Resektionen erreicht. Die festgestellten Lokalrezidive konnten endoskopisch beherrscht werden. Metastasen wurden nicht festgestellt, kein Patient verstarb tumorassoziiert. ESD ist für diese Gruppe daher als Standard-Therapie zu empfehlen. Hinsichtlich des klinisch-endoskopischen Verlaufs bei Vorhandensein von Risikofaktoren sowohl bei Mukosakarzinomen als auch der übrigen MFK aus der sogenannten Expanded-Group (u. a. Lymphangio-Invasion, submukosainvasive MFK, schlecht differenzierte G3-Karzinome) liefert die Studie keine Daten.

This research synthesis for writing academic papers aims to simplify the Thai dance teaching style by national artists and senior teachers. This academic paper uses a method of collecting information from national artists and research papers of 6 national artists and senior teachers in performing arts, namely 1. Kru Chalery Sukhawanich 2. Kru Chamrieng Phutpradab 3. Kru Lamul Yamakup 4. Kru Siriwat Disyanan 5. Kru Suwannee Chalanukroh 6. Kru Rattiya Wiksitphong. The research synthesis tool is qualitative data analysis using content analysis. The principles of analysis and data synthesis were used by content analysis to categorize and group the data. The results of the study revealed that teaching by national artists and senior teachers has a teaching process, namely teaching, making a look, living and staying visible and focusing on skills with 4 characteristics. As a result of the synthesis, it was found that teachers must develop both theoretical knowledge and practice concurrently to create an expert and expertise. There are various techniques and methods of conveying. Gratitude is a good role model. Having morals and ethics, emphasis on the development of teaching to learning to develop students to have higher performance.

BACKGROUND: Performing artists are often confronted with job insecurity and insufficient health coverage. As a result, artists may not have access to non-publicly funded health services that are essential to their well-being. A health centre in Canada that specializes in providing healthcare to artists offers eligible artists subsidized health services, with the aim to treat acute health issues that impact an artists’ ability to engage in their artistic practice. PURPOSE: We evaluated the use of the subsidized health services and explored the subsidy recipients’ and the selection committee’s perspectives on the impact of these services on the health of performing artists. METHODS: We applied an interpretive descriptive approach to our qualitative inquiry. We conducted individual, semi-structured interviews with recipients of the subsidy and a focus group with the selection committee that selected recipients of the subsidy. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis. RESULTS: A total of 14 artists and all members of the selection committee (n=3) participated. Recipients and selection committee perceived that subsidized health services were critical in enabling consistent and timely diagnosis and treatment. Several themes emerged from the data: 1) need for universal health benefits to restore equity and offset healthcare insecurity, 2) the critical role of subsidies in accessing health services, 3) risks of abruptly ending health services when subsidy runs out, 4) barriers in applying for and accessing subsidies, 5) mental health challenges, and 6) importance of the subsidy in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. All recipients saw noticeable improvement in health outcomes that they believed would have been otherwise unattainable if they did not have timely access to care. CONCLUSIONS: Subsidized health services play an important role in ensuring that performing artists have access to care for injuries and health conditions that are related to their profession. Future research can examine the long-term impact of subsidized services on the recipients’ health and employment outcomes.

Lithol reds belong to the group of azo pigments, which were popular artists’ colouring materials in the first half of the twentieth century. These pigments were also used in many branches of industry. Here, we report X-ray powder diffraction data, unit-cell parameters, and space groups for three compounds from this group: sodium (E)-2-((2-hydroxynaphthalen-1-yl)diazenyl)naphthalene-1-sulphonate monohydrate (Na lithol red), monoclinic, space group C2/c, with cell parameters a = 33.343(7), b = 6.667(2), c = 16.397(4) Å, β = 90.83°, V = 3644.51 Å3, Z = 8; barium (E)-2-[(2-hydroxynaphthalen-1-yl)diazenyl]naphthalene-1-sulphonate trihydrate (Ba lithol red), monoclinic, space group P21/m, with cell parameters a = 17.758(9), b = 6.209(4), c = 16.857(8) Å, β = 92.07°, V = 1857.39 Å3, Z = 2; and ammonium (E)-2-[(2-hydroxynaphthalen-1-yl)diazenyl]naphthalene-1-sulphonate monohydrate (NH4 lithol red), monoclinic, space group P2/c, with cell parameters a = 17.721(5), b = 6.428(3), c = 16.911(5) Å, β = 100.31(3)°, V = 1895.31 Å3, and Z = 4. In the first and third cases we synthesised the pigments in their monohydrate form, performed X-ray powder diffraction measurements, and indexed all of the obtained diffraction maxima. In the case of the barium compound, despite many efforts in the course of the synthesis procedure, the powder diffraction patterns of the obtained samples were not of the best quality. Nevertheless, we indexed the best one and found a reliable space group and cell parameters.

OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this research was to check if the numeric facial analysis can determine facial attractiveness. METHOD: The sample consisted of frontal and lateral standard facial photographs, in natural head position, of 85 Brazilian Caucasian women, without facial plastic surgery report. The sample mean age was 23 years and 9 months. A group of 5 orthodontists, 5 layman and 5 plastic artists classified the photographs according to their own attractiveness graduation in: pleasant, acceptable and not pleasant. The numeric facial analysis was then performed using a computerized method. Linear, proportional and angular measurements were compared among groups. RESULTS: According subjective analysis the sample was consisted of 18.8% of pleasant, 70.6% of acceptable and 10.6% of not pleasant. In most measurements there were no differences among groups. Just in three of them significant statistical difference was observed and in two of them the comparison value was within decision limit. All the differences found were related to the lower third of the face and to facial pattern. CONCLUSION: On the present research, the numeric facial analysis, by itself, was not capable of detecting facial attractiveness, considering that beauty judgment seems to be very personal.

Abstract Stabilization of RPSR′, Manganese Complexes, X-Ray Stabilization of a RPSR′ function is possible by its incorporation into the mono-and binuclear manganese complexes, t-BuP[Mn(CO)5]SPh (3b) and (μ-CH3PSPh)(μ-SPh)Mn2(CO)8 (4a), re-spectively. Formation of 4a is accomplished via the precursors 3a and PhSMn(CO)5 (5), which are both unstable. 3a, b and 5 are formed by reaction of RP(Cl)SPh (la, b) [R = CH3 (a), t-Bu (b)] with [Mn(CO)5]- (2). 4a crystallizes in the orthorhombic space group Pbca with Z = 8.

This article examines the visual representation of pagan idols in Byzantine book illumination and investigates how such images were employed to convey a sense of geographical or ethnic distance. The main focus of this study is a group of illuminated manuscripts containing two of the most popular texts in the Byzantine world: Barlaam and Ioasaph and the Alexander Romance. These manuscripts include numerous representations of statuary that Byzantine readers would have easily recognized as being associated with the religious practices and superstitions of distant and foreign populations, thereby reinforcing their own self-identification with “civilized” characters. Through a comparative analysis of manuscripts such as Athon. Iviron 463 (Barlaam and Ioasaph) and Venice, Istituto Ellenico cod. 5 (Alexander Romance), this article explores the variety of iconographic solutions adopted by Byzantine artists to enhance the “ethnographic” function of idol images. A close examination of these solutions sheds new light on how visual narratives contributed to the construction of notions of identity, otherness, and ethnicity in Byzantium.

Philhellenism existed in European society long before to the Morea expedition, the latter only exacerbated this tendency. The expedition helped to transform the superficial interest into a scientific interest, since its materials formed a scientific and aesthetic luggage, which remained one of the best for many years for European scientists who were unable to visit the region in person. The ancient Greek ruins aroused the admiration and awe of Europeans who saw in them a largely romanticized past. Officers, soldiers and people of art became the first group to form a collective memory of the past. For them, these events were emotionally colored. When they return home, scientists, artists, and even officers will become carriers and translators of this collective memory in French society. This group was the bearer of information about the monuments and treasures of the ancient Greeks, the key events, the most important details of Greek antiquity – the cradle of European civilization and its values. The scientific Morea expedition was important for the expansion of knowledge about Greece as a country and its ancient heritage. In architecture, sculpture, painting, furniture, and decorative art, ancient Greek motives were actively used – usually in a much romanticized and ornate form. After the expedition, European museums and numerous collectors began to show increased interest in Greek culture. The downside of this interest was the active plundering of the country’s cultural heritage. Another result of the expedition was that science began to be regarded as “politics of the XIX century”.

One of the company's strategies in influencing consumer purchasing decisions is by using brand ambassadors. Scarlett Whitening is one of the beauty care products from Indonesia that uses the brand ambassador of Korean artists, namely the Girl Group Twice. This study uses the Theory of Source Credibility. The purpose of this study was to analyse the effect of Girl Group Twice as the brand ambassador of Scarlett Whitening beauty products on consumer purchasing decisions through brand image mediation in Pekanbaru. The research method used is explanatory quantitative. The population of this study are consumers who have purchased Scarlett Whitening beauty products whose numbers are unknown so that the sampling technique used is convenience sampling. Based on the sample determination table from Isaac and Michael, the sample in this study was 272 respondents. The results showed that the Twice brand ambassador had an effect on brand image of 34.5%, brand ambassadors had an effect on purchasing decisions by 30.5%, and brand image had an effect on purchasing decisions by 37.5%. Based on the sobel test, the sobel test statistic value obtained is tcount 6.454> ttable 1.96 with a significance level of 5%. It can be concluded that the Girl Group Twice as a brand ambassador is significant in influencing consumer purchasing decisions for Scarlett Whitening products through brand image.

Indepth knowledge of injury and illness epidemiology in circus arts is lacking. Comparing results across studies is difficult due to inconsistent methods and definitions. In 2020, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) consensus group proposed a standard method for recording and reporting epidemiological data on injuries and illnesses in sports and stated that sport-specific extension statements are needed to capture the context of each sport. This is the circus-specific extension to be used with the IOC consensus statement. International circus arts researchers in injury and illness epidemiology and performing arts medicine formed a consensus working group. Consensus statement development included a review of literature, creation of an initial draft by the working group, feedback from external reviewers, integration of feedback into the second draft and a consensus on the final document. This consensus statement contains circus-specific information on (1) injury definitions and characteristics; (2) measures of severity and exposure, with recommendations for calculating the incidence and prevalence; (3) a healthcare practitioner report form; (4) a self-report form capturing health complaints with training and performance exposure; and (5) a demographic, health history and circus experience intake questionnaire. This guideline facilitates comparing results across studies and enables combining data sets on injuries in circus arts. This guideline informs circus-specific injury prevention, rehabilitation, and risk management to improve the performance and health of circus artists.

AbstractThis article is a report on research undertaken in 1984-5 by a working group of art history students of the University of Amsterdam into the problem of the emancipation of artists f rom the craft guilds (Note 1). The research was based on Hoogewerff's excellently documented book on the Guilds of St. Luke and on published source material. The idea that artists and especially painters regarded the guilds as oppressive is a deeply rooted one (Note 2) and people are all too readily inclined to write of 'the artists' gaining their emancipation' from the Guilds of St. Luke. However, it is now clear that professional painters covered such a wide social spectrum that it is impossible to lump them all together under a single heading (Note 5), while a provisional investigation mainly, focussed on the first half of the 17th century even suggested that there could have been no question at all of emancipation. It became clear that the guilds continued to function all over the Northern Netherlands in the 17th century as Protectors of the profession, that there was no evidence of their hampering artistry and that if there was any emancipation, it took place within the guild itself. A factor that makes such research difficult is that the literary sources are by no means unambiguous or even reliable. In contrast to the meaning current in their day qf someone who does something with paint and a brush, Vasari and Van Mander used the term 'painter' only for those who painted scenes and portraits, not, for example, for those who did banners or ornamental work (Notes 7,8). Thus Van Mander's freguently cited tirade against the guild (Note 9) loses much of its force in respect of the emancipation theory. Moreover, it is the only text of that type in the Netherlands. Houbraken twisted the facts to fit his vision of the artist, projecting his idea of the artist's superiority on to the historical situation (Note II). Thus this study moved between two poles : on the one hand it again confirmed (Note 12) that the guilds continued to function until late in the 18th century, while on the other there was a growing need among their more successful members for an enhanced status and regard, which manifested itself in their assuming control of the guild and restructuring it more clearly and also in their uniting in additional groupings, in which the emphasis was laid on more intellectual and theoretical, aspects and links were sought with amateurs. Although both these moves could be regarded as a certain form of emancipation, neither can be ascribed to an urge for artistic freedom which was hampered by the guilds.

SUMMARY Microscopic evaluation of the margins of excised cutaneous neoplasms is of paramount importance for determining that neoplastic tissue does not extend to the excision borders. Dyes or pigments that indelibly mark the tissue should be more reliable than sectioning techniques or suture markers for identifying the surgical margins before and after tissue processing. We evaluated 5 pigments to select a material that could be rapidly applied by surgeons, and readily identified on histologic section by the pathologists. Twenty normal canine skin specimens were assigned to each of 5 groups. Each group was treated with artists’ pigments in acetone, India ink in acetone, alcian blue, typists’ correction fluid, or a commercially available marking kit. Ten specimens within each group were marked before formalin fixation, and 10 were marked after fixation. Application properties, fixation and processing properties, and microscopic characteristics were evaluated for each material. Application properties were acceptable for all marking materials on unfixed specimens, and for alcian blue, India ink in acetone, and correction fluid on fixed specimens. Fixation and processing properties were acceptable for all materials except correction fluid. All marking materials survived fixation and processing, and colors were readily visualized under the microscope. Microscopic characteristics were acceptable for alcian blue, India ink in acetone, and the commercial kit. Overall, alcian blue was the best marking material, with India ink in acetone and the commercial kit also acceptable. Correction fluid and artist’ pigments in acetone were not acceptable because pigment fragmentation and incomplete tissue coverage hindered microscopic evaluation of resection margins.

Aims and Objectives: High tibial osteotomies (HTO) are nowadays an established method to treat unicompartmental, medial gonarthrosis. Common surgical HTO techniques include medial open wedge (MOW) and lateral closed wedge osteotomies (LCW). In addition to the intended change in the frontal plane these surgical techniques take influence on various other biomechanical issues of the knee joint e.g. the posterior tibial slope (PTS). Aim of this study was to rate and evaluate changes of the tibial slope by HTOs dependent on the used surgical technique (MOW versus LCW). Materials and Methods: 414 HTOs, that had been performed in our institution between 2004 and November 2018, were reviewed retrospectively. 135 cases were excluded. The included 279 cases from 247 patients were divided into two groups dependent on the used surgical technique (MOW/LCW). In both groups the values of PTS were defined by measuring the proximal posterior tibia angle (PPTA) on lateral x-rays of the knee from before and 4 to 6 weeks after surgery. The change of PTS was evaluated as delta-PPTA. Microsoft Excel was used for statistical analysis. Results: 279 cases were included: 190 were assigned to the group of MOW and 89 to the group of LCW osteotomies. Considering demographic data the MOW-group showed a gender distribution of 124 men/ 46 women in 93 left and 97 right knees, and the LCW-group of 46 men/43 women in 40 left and 49 right knees. The mean value of age in the MOW group was 47,6 +/- 10 years (15-70 years) and in the LCW-group 40,6+/-13,7 years (15-67 years). Before surgery there was no statistical significant difference in the PPTA-values between both groups (p=0,720): The mean PPTA in the MOW-group measured 79,9°+/-3,2° (68-88°), in the LCW-group 80,6°+/-2,6° (74-88°). The change caused by surgery showed no statistical significance in the MOW-group (delta-PPTA 0,07°+/- 2,9° [-12° bis 11°]). However, in the LCW-Gruppe we observed a significant (p<0,001) decrease of the PTS (delta-PPTA -3,09°+/- 4,5° [-12°bis 5°]). Nevertheless, the analysis of delta-PPTA in the LCW-group over the timeline of the study period showed tendencies of a decline of slope-reduction. Conclusion: As the PTS plays a relevant role in biomechanics of the knee joint a consideration of the impact of changes in PTS by HTOs is indispensable. Our results support the common thesis of a slope-reduction by LCW osteotomies but nevertheless the analysis throughout the study period showed a reduction of the slope-decrease over timeline. The common thesis of a slope-increase by MOW osteotomies was not supported by our results which showed no significant change.

AbstractUntil now, the Rotterdam portraitist Jan Daemen Cool was known in the literature only as the maker of a group portrait painted in 1653 of the governors and administrator of the Holy Ghost Hospital at Rotterdam, and of a portrait of Piet Hein, which is dated 1629. Closer scrutiny of his activities reveals that the artist, who never signed his work, was Rotterdam's leading portrait painter in the second quarter of the 17th century. Jan Daemen Cool was born in Rotterdam in 1589 or thereabouts. He may have studied with Michiel Jansz. van Mierevelt in Delft, where he married Agniesje Jaspersdr. in 1613 and was admitted to the guild in 1614. He probably returned to Rotterdam in 1614 and spent the rest of his life there. After his first wife's death in 1622 he married again in 1623, this time to Lijsbeth Cornelisdr., the widow of Lowijs Porcellis. Many archive records indicate that Cool was a very prosperous man. After the death of his second wife in 1652. he bought himself a place in the Rotterdam almshouse; he also pledged to paint a group portrait of the governors. He died in 1660. An important starting point in reconstructing the artist's oeuvre is the portrait of the governors of 1653 (cat.no. 28), the authorship of which is substantiated by archive records. However, the portrait of Piet Hein, painted in 1629 (cat.no. I, 1st version), attributed on the basis of the inscription on Willem Hondius' print, is not an authentic Cool but probably an old copy after a portrait which he had painted a few years earlier. A systematic investigation of Rotterdam portraits from the period between 1620 and 1660 has yielded a closely related group of portraits which may be regarded as the work of one man and which include the 1653 governors piece. Combining this information with additional data and further indications has facilitated the reconstruction of Jan Daemen Cool's oeuvre. Pride of place in that oeuvre is occupied by a group of four family portraits painted between 1631 and 1637 and now in the museums at Lille (cat.no. 4), Edinburgh (cat.no. 6), Rotterdam (cat.no. 16) and Brussels (cat.no. 19). Hitherto these portraits have usually been assigned to Jacob Gerritsz. Cuyp. They are all situated in a landscape and represent an important step in the development of this type of family group in Dutch portraiture. A series of portraits of individual sitters painted be-for 1640, including companion pieces, some them identifiable a people who lived in Rotterdam, arc entirely consistent in style and execution with the aforementioned g group portraits. Elements in the portrait of Johan van Yck with his wife and son, painted in 1632 (cat.no. 5), correspond very closely with these works, but there are also discrepancies which suggest cooperation with another painter or later overpaints. A series of individual portraits dating to 1640 - 1654 link the first group of paintings and the late governors piece, the composition of which is quite exceptional in the entire production of such paintings in 17th-century Holland. Here, as in his early family groups, the artist shows himself to be quite an adroit arranger of f gures. Although this painting and two others of 1654 clearly show that he continued to paint after enterning the almshouse, ture is no extant work from the last years of his life. Along the Rotterdam portraits of the rest ched period are a few - likewise unsigned - family groups which are strongly influenced by Cool but are obviously the work of a less proficient hand (figs. 5 and 6). Comparison with a signed portrait of 1649 (fig. 7) enables them to be assigned to the painter Isaack Adamsz. de Colonia (ca. 1611-1663), presumably a pupil of Cool's. Although the work of Jan Daemen Cool bears a resemblance to that of such artists as Michiel van Mierevelt and Jan Anthonisz. van Ravesteyn, his oeuvre has a distinctive character that is most in evidence in his group portraits. There are obvious correspondences with painters such as Jacob Gerritz. Cuyp of Dordrecht, to whom various works by Cool were hitherto attributed, and Willem Willemsz. van Vliet of Delft - artists who likewise developed their own characteristic styles.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNGAls „Myeloproliferative Neoplasien“ (MPN) werden eine Gruppe verschiedener maligner chronischer Erkrankungen der blutbildenden (Stamm-)Zellen des Knochenmarkes bezeichnet. Kennzeichnend für dieses Krankheitsbild ist eine gesteigerte Produktion von Erythrozyten, Leukozyten und/oder Thrombozyten. Der klinische Verlauf geht oft mit einer (Hepato-) Splenomegalie und mit für die Patienten oft quälenden Symptomen wie aquagenem Pruritus (Juckreiz nach Kontakt mit Wasser, z. B. nach dem Duschen), Fatigue oder Nachtschweiß einher. Komplikationen und Gründe für eine gesteigerte Mortalität sind typischerweise thromboembolische und Blutungsereignisse, der Übergang in eine (dann sekundäre) Myelofibrose oder in eine akute myeloische Leukämie, welche in Analogie zur Chronischen myeloischen Leukämie (CML) auch Blastenschub genannt wird 1.Mithilfe standardisierter Diagnosekriterien 1 und definierter Therapieleitlinien (siehe u. a. DGHO Leitlinien 3–5 sowie Leitlinien des European LeukemiaNet 6, 7 können die MPN-Erkrankungen mittlerweile gut eingeordnet und behandelt werden. Für die Abschätzung der Prognose und des klinischen „Outcome“ sind eine detaillierte Aufnahme der Krankengeschichte, des klinischen Untersuchungsbefundes, des hämatologischen, molekular- und zytogenetischen Status und eine Knochenmarkuntersuchung erforderlich. Auf deren Grundlage wird eine Therapieentscheidung unter Einbeziehung detaillierter, MPN-subtypenspezifischer Risiko-Scores getroffen 8–11.Die Diagnostik, Therapie und Versorgung von Patienten mit MPN ist mitunter sehr komplex und erfordert die Behandlung durch einen versierten Hämatologen/Onkologen. Die Therapieziele können in Abhängigkeit vom Alter des Patienten, dessen Komorbiditäten und der persönlichen Disposition individuell stark variieren, je nachdem, ob die Verhinderung der oben genannten Komplikationen, die Symptomlinderung oder die kurative Intention im Vordergrund steht. Dementsprechend reichen die therapeutischen Optionen von „watchful waiting“ über Aderlässe und Thrombozytenaggregationshemmung bis hin zum Einsatz von zytoreduktiven Medikamenten oder einer allogenen Stammzelltransplantation. Eine Liste erfahrener MPN-Zentren und weitere Informationen finden sich auf der Website der German Study Group for MPN (GSG-MPN): https://www.cto-im3.de/gsgmpn/. Hier werden Ärzten und Patienten auch Informationen über die Möglichkeit einer Teilnahme am deutschen GSG-MPN-Bioregister und/oder einer klinischen Studie geboten.

The performing arts style of cirque has grown in popularity, with high-school participants increasingly practicing this style. Still, little research has examined the injury reporting rates and patterns in this population. Our study aimed to compare injury reporting rates and injury concealment patterns between high-school cirque performers and a peer-group of basketball players. Methods: Fifty participants (30 cirque, 20 basketball) completed a 12-item injury history and concealment instrument with chi-squared analyses and Fisher’s exact tests comparing groups (p = 0.05). Results: While no group differences (p = 0.36) existed in injuries reported, basketball players were more likely (p = 0.01) to miss participation due to injury than cirque performers. No significant difference existed between participants regarding which healthcare provider they reported to first (p = 0.27), but basketball players reported their injuries to the athletic trainer at higher rates (50%) than cirque performers (20%). A nonsignificant trend (p = 0.08) was noted in promptness to report injury, with more cirque performers (13%) concealing their injuries than basketball players (5%). Several reasons were noted for concealment of injury, with the most common being the belief that the injury would “go away” on its own. Knee injuries were most common in basketball players (23.7%) and back and knee injuries (10.5% each) in cirque performers. Conclusions: Despite similar injury rates, cirque participants concealed injuries more than peer-basketball players. Reasons may include losing performance roles, unfamiliarity and low trust with healthcare providers, ignorance about initially minor-looking injuries, and higher pain tolerance thresholds. Education and communication are essential to allow performing artists to seek healthcare support. Research is needed to appropriately understand and meet the needs of this underserved performing artist population.

The article deals with the peculiarities of ensemble playing in groups of orchestral instruments as part of an orchestra. The authors of the article show that there are a number of specialized educational institutions in Europe, where performers are divided into orchestral instrumentalists, chamber performers, and soloists. According to these rather specific specializations, there is a considerable list of highly specialized occupations, because not every orchestra player will be able to become a teacher or a performing soloist. Future artists of the orchestra in separate groups of instruments should realize that for the orchestra it is necessary to deeply study the timbre of the sound of their instrument and its capabilities, to be attentive to the timbre coloring of the performers with whom synchronization occurs directly during playing in the orchestra, and the ability to adapt to different groups of instruments during a joint solo. It should be noted that during auditions for European orchestras, the following skills are tested: playing smoothly in an orchestra, intoning; playing all the notes in time, with the correct duration and strokes; "reading" the notes immediately, performing the indicated nuances and agogics; be flexible in interpretation and be able to instantly depict the conductor's wishes in the game; not to have an opinion about the interpretation. These key points, unfortunately, are not often given enough attention by performers at the stages of training in institutions of secondary and higher education. The necessary skills for a symphony orchestra artist are: 1) the skill of pure intonation vertically and horizontally; 2) the ability to feel the dynamic balance of all participants in the ensemble playing of a flute group in a symphony orchestra; 3) the need for timbral fusion of the flute group and full sounding in different registers; 4) unity of understanding in performing strokes in groups of flutes; 5) expressiveness and brightness of phrasing of the ensemble playing of the flute group as part of the symphony orchestra; 6) metrorhythmic sense in ensemble playing; 7) collective understanding of style by a group of flautists in a symphony orchestra. All these skills in their unity will allow the group of flutes to sound like a single harmonious whole.

AbstractUp to now Herman Becker, one of the people who lent Rembrandt money in the straitened circumstances of the last years of his life, has had a bad press as an art-dealer who owed his wealth and influence to the exploitation of artists (Notes 1, 2). It is now possible to correct this image on the basis of recent research in the Amsterdam archives. Becker was born around 1617 and the supposition that he came from Riga in Latvia is borne out by the facts that he had contacts there, that his father Willem certainly lived there between 1640 and 1650 and that the words 'of or 'to' Riga appear in some documents after his name. His commercial activities certainly go back to 1635 (note 6) and from the earliest records of him in Amsterdam in the 1640s, it is clear that he was a merchant and that he also chartered ships. At this period he further invested money in shares and engaged in a certain amount of moneylending, while he is also mentioned as his father's agent. That financially he was almost certainly in a sound osition by the end of the 1640s is clear from the fact that in 1648 he gave a surety for the merchant Gerard Pelgrom, who was in debt to the Dutch East India Company. That same year he concluded an agreement with the merchant Abraham de Visscher to sell sailcloth for him in Riga. In the 1650s Becker strengthened his financial position and again engaged in moneylending. In 1653 he made a large loan to Johannes de Renialme, an art lover and dealer, and at the time of the latter's death in 1657 his debt to Becker was even larger, while the inventory of his estate mentions nine paintings, including three by Jan Lievens and one by Philips de Koninck, which were mortgaged to Becker along with some jewelry. From the autumn of 1653 Becker spent a considerable time in Riga, but he was certainly back in Amsterdam in 1658. In 1659 he married Anna Maria Vertangen, the widow of his former business contact Gerard Pelgrom, who had died in 1657. This marriage brought Becker two large houses on Keizersgracht, where he moved in June 1659. That he was a Lutheran emerges from records of the baptisms of two of his three children at the Lutheran church in Amsterdam. His wife died shortly after the birth of theyoungest child and was buried in the Oude Kerk on 9 November 1661. By her will Becker was granted usufruct of all her property until his death, on condition that he did not remarry. This increase in his means led to a change of direction in his activities in the 1660s and a growth in the scale and scope of his moneylending. Becker's library (see Appendix I) The list of books in Becker's inventory amounts to 285 titles, a not inconsiderable library by 17th-century standards (Note 26). Their diversity indicates that, though clearly an educated man, he was not a scholar, while they were not arranged under subjects, like a scholar's library, but according to sizes. The presence of works in Latin indicates that Becker must have been educated at a Latin or grammar school, but the large number of German titles point to his coming from the influential German elite, which had long dominated the city government, trade and the guilds in Riga and part of which, like Becker, was Evangelical Lutheran by religion. Books on religion and theology formed a third of the 145 books of which the titles are given, followed by histories and chronicles, classical literature, law, poetry, medicine, physics and astronomy. Contacts with artists In the 1660s Becker continued his shipping interest, but now also invested in property, building a house next to the two others on Keizersgracht in 1665. He also continued to lend money, now for the first time to artists. Rembrandt is known to have owed three sums of money to Becker: 537 guilders borrowed in December 1662 at 5% interest, 450 guilders borrowed in March 1663 against a pledge, and an obligation to Lodewijck van Ludick which was sold to Becker early in 1664 (Notes 31,32). Difficulties over repayment probably arose in the first two instances over disagreement as to the conditions of the loans. On 29 August 1665 the apothecary Abraham Francken declared in a sworn statement that he had ofered the amount due, plus the interest, to Becker at Rembrandt's request, but that Becker had refused to accept it, because Rembrandt first had to finish a Juno and also had to do something else for him. Rembrandt appears to have threatened legal action, but in any case the matter was settled on 6 October 1665 when Becker accepted the payment and returned the pledge, in the form of nine paintings and two (constprint boecken'. What happened to the Juno is not clear. A Juno by Rembrandt is listed in Becker's inventory and it is generally assumed that the Juno in the Armand Hammer Foundation in Los Angeles is the one mentiorted in the statemertt and the inventory. That it is certainly the one in the statement would seem to be justified by the fact that it appears to be unfinished (Notes 37,38). The sale of the obligation to Lodewijck van Ludick to Becker is attested in statements of 31 December 1664 by Abraham Francken and the poet-cum-dyer Thomas Asselyn, the latter declaring that it was bought for textiles to the value of 500 guilders. Three years later Rembrandt had still not paid the debt and the case was brought before an arbitration commission. In the commission's findings of 24 July 1668 the extent of the debt was settled at 1082 guilders, two-thirds of which had to be paid in cash, while the rest was to be paid off in six months in the form of drawings, prints or paintings. Rembrandt also agreed to pay the cash amount within six months while Becker agreed to pay Rembrandt's share of the costs. Rembrandt offered his person and possessions as surety and his son Titus also came forward as guarantor. Whether the debt was ever paid is unclear: Titus died shortly afterwards and Rembrandt about a year later (Note 42). The conditions were actually quite lenient, while Becker's admiration for Rembrandt's art is clear from the fact that he did not mind whether the debt was paid in paintings, prints or drawings. The fourteen works by Rembrandt in Becker's inventory are the largest group by a single master. Obviously Becker had a predilectionfor his work and bought it, but he did not sell it on, as has been suggested (Note 44). Two other artists who borrowed money from Becker were Frederick de Moucheron, who was given an apparently interest-free loan of a hundred guilders in August 1662 and Jan Lievens the Elder, who borrowed four hundred guilders in all between May 1667 and October 1668. By far the greatest number of loans made by Becker date from the period 1674-8, his debtors including Willem Six, Gerrit Uylenburg, Willem Blauw and Abraham van Halmael, as well as the artists Philips de Koninck, Domenicus van Tol and Antony van der Laen. The pledges for the loans are extremely varied, but paintinas often figured among them in the case of both artists and non-artists. In addition Becker also continued to invest in shipping and property. At the end of the summer of 1678 he fell seriously ill and on 16 September he was buried in the Oude Kerk. His estate at his death amounted to 200,000 guilders and it seems fairly clear that in the 1660s and 1670s his activities as a merchant had declined and he had lived mainly off the interest on loarts. Becker's collection of paintings (see Appendix II) Becker appears to have begun collecting pictures around 1660, when the increase in his means allowed it. By comparison with other collections of the day, such as those of Jan van de Cappelle (197 paintings) and Gerrit Uylenburg (95 paintings), his 231 works represent a very sizable holding (Note 63). In the case of 137 of them the name of the painter is known, the best represented artists being Rembrandt (14 works), Jan Lievens the Elder (6), Jan Lievens the Younger (10), Philips de Koninck (7), Frederick de Moucheron (5) and Rubens (3). The collection also included worksfrom Rembrandt's circle (Last-man and Bol) and from Haarlem (Brouwer, Jan de Bray, Goltzius and Cornelis van Haarlem), and in addition work by much earlier artists such as Dürer, Holbein, Lucas van Leyden and Herri met de Bles, as well as ten pictures of Italian origin. Becker certainly acquired paintings through his moneylending and he may further have had agreements like the one with Rembrandt with other artists, these actually being advantageous to both parties. However, his loans to artists were not very numerous, so he must certainly have bought a great many pictures as well. An advertisement discovered in the Oprechte Haerlems Dinsdacgse Courant of 21 March 1679 shows that Becker's art collection was sold separately from the rest of his estate. It also clearly describes him as a collector of many year's standing.No indication whatever has been found that Becker acted as an art-dealer, while his known financial transactions with artists show him to have acted fairly and in no sense can he be said to have exploited them.

In the Russian intellectual space of the last quarter of the XIX – early XX centuries the North of the European part of the country was increasingly recognized as a special historical and cultural area. Remaining as before in the position of colonized outskirts with a huge but still unclaimed economic potential, now the North has begun to arouse interest of a different kind. In the reign of Alexander III, its political and strategic importance was realized; moreover, with the advent of the first railways in the region, it became much more accessible for travel than before. As a result, in the 1890s a specific northern discourse was being formed in journalism. A key role in this process was played by the travel notes of the Arkhangelsk governor A.P. Engelhardt (1897), in which the nomination "Russian" was used for the first time in relation to the North, although not in an ethnic, but in a political sense. In constructing the image of the region, ideas about its "abandonment", isolation were also used. The North was portrayed as a territory that passed the peak of its development in the XVI–XVII centuries, and then became more and more isolated from the rest of Russia, primarily due to the shift in trade and transport communications. By the 1910s, among the discursive dominants, the notion of the social and cultural identity of the North and the national significance of the monuments of its antiquity, as a heritage that was under the threat of extinction, was also entrenched. A special group of "Northern" narratives were evidence left by artists – in travel notes, short stories, autobiographies. In particular, A.A. Borisov, V.V. Perepletchikov, I.E. Grabar’ and, earlier than the others, V.V. Vereshchagin wrote about the North. An essay of the latter "On the Northern Dvina. On the wooden churches" (1895), considered in the paper, is an example of the author's construction of the image of the region.

We studied the prevalence of musculoskeletal pain and its impact on performance in orchestra musicians and in a reference group of actors, who share the mental stress in a performance situation, but without having the physical work load from an instrument. Swedish musicians (n = 103) from symphony and chamber orchestras and actors (n = 106) participated in a cross-sectional questionnaire study. Musculoskeletal pain was assessed by a further developed Standardized Nordic Questionnaire. The impact of pain on performance (pain affecting playing capacity, decreased playing time, and change of technique) and trouble-related sick leave also was assessed. Pain intensity was assessed by visual analogue scales. Musculoskeletal pain in the neck and shoulders was the most frequently reported problem, with similar prevalence among musicians and actors, around 25% for present pain and 20% for chronic pain (1-year prevalence). Around 10% of the musicians and 5% of the actors reported pain in the hands. Oral pain was reported by 12% of the musicians and 18% of the actors. The number of affected body regions and the intensity of pain were similar in the study groups. The musicians had an increased risk for pain affecting playing capacity. For the neck, the prevalence odds ratio (POR) was 3.0 (95%CI 1.2-7.2; adjusted for age and gender). String instrumentalists had higher risk estimates than nonstring instrumentalists. A gender difference was not observed. Pain in the oral region affecting playing capacity was less common in musicians, with a prevalence odds ratio of 0.4 (95%CI 0.1-0.8). Even though the prevalence of musculoskeletal pain was similar in the two groups of performing artists, the consequences for the work situation were more serious among musicians.

Introduction. The article explores a helmet of the last quarter of the 17th century stored in the Moscow Kremlin Museums collection and mentioned in the Armory Chamber’s documents as ‘Kalmyk shapka bolshaya’ (Russ. ‘big Kalmyk cap’; current inventory no. OР-2059). Previously, the helmet attracted the attention of artists and historians but has never been investigated in an independent scholarly study. Goals. The work seeks to describe the construction and design of the helmet, clarify the dating and attribution, reconstruct its potential original appearance. Results. Analysis of the materials used classifies the helmet as an iron object, that of the design of the crown refers it to riveted ones, and the dome crown shape clusters the item with spherocylindrical helmets. The paper specifies that the helmet is integral to the Oirat spherocylindrical helmet group (‘jug-shaped’, ‘vase-shaped’) of the Late Middle Ages and early Modern Period. Supposedly, the craftsmen to have made such helmets were inspired by Buddhist stupas (Kalm. suburgan). The construction and design features (including Buddhist symbols on the crown), as well as the insight into official documents of the Kremlin Armory make it possible to suggest that the ‘Big Kalmyk Cap’ was forged by Oirat or Southern Siberian gunsmiths for a wealthy Oirat Buddhist warrior in the 1610s – early 1680s (the earlier date is included as one to mark the beginning of the wide spread of Buddhism among Oirats). The helmet was transferred to the Armory Chamber in the mid-to-late 17th century, however no later than 1682 when it was first mentioned in official Russian state papers. In 1683–1687, the helmet was equipped with a comforter and an aventail (presumably a Central Asian-type one). Subsequently, it became a subject of restoration. In the late 19th – early 20th century at the earliest, a ringed aventail was attached to it. The comprehensive analysis of the sources available made it possible to reconstruct the likely initial appearance of the helmet. Conclusions. The ‘Big Kalmyk Cap’ is a striking sample of 17th-century Oirat helmets. It can be used as a reference benchmark in the dating and attribution of Central Asian helmets of the specified period. Culturally, the ‘Big Kalmyk Cap’ can be clustered with the most important historical relics of the ethnos.

In the article the author analyzes interjections as signals of emotions in order to determine their functions in creating the perlocutionary effect of comics, which is especially relevant in the era of ever-increasing emotionalization of the global communicative space. The research is based on 'Disney Magic Kingdom Comics' anniversary collection, which presents comics created by various authors and artists, which thereby indicates the objective nature of the research. The block of empirical materials includes both interjections that autonomously form the speech acts of comic book characters, and those which pragmatic potential is revealed in combination with verbal and iconic components. The research is carried out on the basis of linguistic description methods of the qualitative-quantitative and functional-semantic characteristics of interjections. In the course of the study the author is revealed that interjections are able to participate in the formation of speech acts of comic book characters. Interjections in the imperative function represent directive speech acts. However, the most numerous and variable group is made up of interjections expressing the emotional state of the characters, which may be explained by the nature of interjections. Further on the concentration of interjections in speech balloons is recorded and it is revealed that interjections occupy 1/5 of the entire communicative space of each of the analyzed comics. Actualizing the emotional component of comics, interjections are involved in creating the maximum similarity between the formation of a speech act in a speech balloon and in live speech. Graphic tools and illustrations allow the reader to determine the intensity of the emotion transmitted by this or that interjection, and the nature of its expression. According to the results of the study, the author is found that comics, revealing the unity of narration and visual action, serve as a valid platform for actualization of the potential of interjections, which are an integral element of this type of a multimodal text.

The article aims to characterize a topical issue through poetics: the Second World War from the perspective of J. Iwaszkiewicz’s individual perception from September 2, 1939, when the Luftwaffe began to bomb Warsaw until the moment of its liberation on January 18, 1945. It is noted that the writer recorded on the pages of his diary not only his psychological state but also that of other people. Particular attention is paid to the first entry of August 12, 1939, where the breakdown of the peaceful life was recorded, during which the writer had been immersed in the problems of art, intending to create a free-form work, a kind of ANNABEL, where the images of the composer Karol Szymanowski, the poets J. Tuwim and S. Witkiewicz would have appeared. The article focuses on the entry of August 28, 1939, which tells about the writer’s deep love for Ukraine and his nostalgic memories of it. The study emphasizes the historical value of almost daily records dedicated to mobilization, dated August 24 and 31, and those testimonies contained in the diary entries from September 4, 5 and 6, which describe the terrible pictures of people fleeing from Podkowa and the state of the road to it, destroyed by bombing. The entry about a terrible entrance to Warsaw, dated September 7, and that with a group portrait of crowds on the roads, dated September 8, are considered from the point of view of artistic skill. The article studies the poetics of tragic scenes of Warsaw residents’ escape and analyzes the entries depicting the underground cultural life of the capital, the secret academy dedicated to K. Szymanowski’s death anniversary, the series of J. Iwaszkiewicz’s lectures about contemporary Polish poetry, Stawisko, where the writer hid writers, artists and fighters against the invaders, about the Uprising and post-war reconstruction. Attention is also given to the recollection of K. Baczynski and W. Draczynska’s marriage.

This study is based on the concern to the tendency of a strong negligence towards the basic values of the Cirebonan theatrical perfroming arts due to the globalization exposure that affect to the contra development or marginality of traditional arts. The problem formulation developed in the research includes: (1) What is the origin of the Cirebonan play performing art in the coastal areas of West Java border? ( 2 ) What are the purposes of the art to be performed in Cirebon a region located in the coastal areas of West Java ? (3) What steps in this theatrical performing arts in order to be performed and enjoyed as ordinary folk art performances? (4) What is the philosophical value of is art so that it can be contributed to the history education? (5) What is effort to be done in order improve the historical awareness of local people in enjoying this performing arts regaridless to the threat of marginality caused by the globalization exposure? The method used in this research is a qualitative approach combined with historical and ethnographic methods. The research results are as follows: (1) The origins of Cirebonan theatrical play performing arts around 1943 0r 1944 that was during the Japanese occupation in Indonesia. The origin name was Reog Sepat, then became Tonil Cahya Widodo, later on it turned into a combination of Reog Sepat and Tonil Cahya Widodo. (2) The objectives of Cirebonan theatrical play performing arts include; entertainment, telling the chronicles of a certain area development, providing exemplary behavior of a hero, as well as for the preaching media, and socialization of the government programs. (3) The stages of the learning implementation include the opening music (tatalu), gimmick scene (surpraised with stage tricks, such as fireworks) opening dance; the theatrical play performances; closing, with music and the theater leader epilogue. (4) The philosophical values use for history education is a blend of cultural and spiritual that have characteristics, include (a) director of interference who is not dominant: the players are free to improvise as along they still stick in from the core story. (b) the diversity of players’ everyday profession, such as rickshaw drivers, domestic workers, fishermen, and farmers, (c) the canvas painter’s involvement in the setting screen display on the stage for a story in accordance with the episode. (5) The efforts to preserve the Cirebonan theatrical performing art; both artists and the government have tried to preserve it, is not optimal, because lesser Cirebonan theatrical group got a call to perform, as well as there is no efforts to include it as the local content in the schools curriculum

This essay investigates the relation between soul and Art, anddelves into personality and social context, the two startingpremisses of ANTOA. This new theory based on five markersin total, of which the fifth item, message, symbol and value,is also taken care of. As tool of consideration. Is Art indeed anominous screen, a special gauze thru which the soul peepsat the outside world?Can we use ANTOA to attach meaning to a soulful renditionof inventive, immersive and imaginative activity? The latterfurthermore establishing a set of social relations, discussingthe inter-relational affairs in a given social net. That reelisoff in a certain geographical region with socio-political andlinguistic preferences.While freedom of speech and symbolic dialect needdefending, very little reflection takes place. An abstractpainting of no meaning becomes a creator of social webs?Of an invisible yet closely knit social fabric around us?I then ask if such a screen or filter, identified as dividerbetween soul and world, can be detected, exposed andverified in terms of the 5 pointer ANTOA countdown?So that after sensible enquiry we may speak of relevamt,up-to-date and sincere creativity.These tentative indicators elucidate the anthropologicalapproach:How does Art create and boost that net of humanrelations? Can these relations be traced to a familyor ethnic group environment, and how does Artapply its controversial freak outsider element tothe division between inner readings and outsidetext?And does this amazing filter or curtain deliver newvalues? So that we can open the barrier and stepfrom indeterminate to fully graspable? In spite ofrecognizing a hazy area beyond the screen thatmay be at odds with a clear view.Can the psychological function save us and serveas motivator and inventor? Who both penetrate themembranes of the creative soul, stacked sky-highlike the compressed pages of a thick guide book.As trigger for the investigation I had come acrossa highly informative outline of the English schoolof painting from 1683 to 1901, and unearthedthe soulful element in the prophetic activitiesof the Pre-Raffaelites Brotherhood - PRB.That even impressed French artists at mid-19thcentury salons across the channel in Paris!The essay ends with assessing my theory in terms ofhistory of Art and an often overlooked but valid linkbetween social relations and creative context. Thelatter similar to a deep well of soulful imagination.

The article presents the scientific, pedagogical and medical activities of the graduate of the Gatchina Nikolaevsky Orphan Institute and the Imperial Military Medical Academy (IMMA), surgeon privat-docent dentist Peter Fedorovich Fedorov, who worked in the IMMA for 22 years. It should be noted that the name of privat-docent P F. Fedorov was undeservedly forgotten. Only in the early 2000s, at the initiative of the staff of the Department of Maxillofacial Surgery, P F. Prokvatilov, D. Yu. Madaya, V F. Chernysha, G. S. Chepik, the articles about privat-docent P F. Fedorov began to publish in the collections of scientific conferences. P. F. Fedorov was a strong and consistent supporter of creating odontology department and clinic in IMMA for training of specialists with higher medical education who can treat dental diseases, diseases of oral organs and maxillofacial area. Long-term scientific, pedagogical and medical work of privatdocent P. F. Fedorov within the IMMA, his efforts and persistance in creating the department and clinic, make it possible to consider him the truly founder of domestic military odontology, and 1891 was defined the date of official recognition of military dentistry as an independent clinical discipline,, when, by the decision of the Conference, a private health center on dental diseases was opened in IMMA and a competition for a vacant position was announced. November 28, 1892, when the Conference of the IMMA approved the «Program of training in dental diseases», compiled by the assistant professor P. F. Fedorov, he began to give his lectures to students of the academy and military doctors. In 2007, a group of authors (G. A. Prokhvkilov, V. F. Chernysh, G. S. Chepik) published the monograph «P. F. Fedorov — the founder of domestic military dentistry « that was reissued in 2009 with the assistance of the Head of the Medical Service of the Russian Navy, Doctor of Medical Sciences, Colonel of the Medical Service, Professor V.K. Sementsov under the name «Privat-docent P. F. Fedorov» (Strokes to the portrait). February 5, 2008, by the decision of the Head of the Department of Maxillofacial Surgery and Dentistry, Colonel of Medical Service, Doctor of Medical Sciences, Honored Doctor of Russia, Professor G. I. Prkhvilov, a portrait of privat-docent for dental diseases IVMA P. F. Fedorov, written by a member of the Union of Artists of Russia A. A. Odeynikom was placed in the conference hall of the department.

AbstractSince J. G. van Gelder was able to identify a number of works by François Venant (1591/92-1636) in 1938 (note 2) and Kurt Bauch and Astrid Tümpel added to these one painting and a drawing (notes 14 and 3), the artist has been known as one of the so-called Pre-Rembrandtists. Together with his contemporaries Claes Cornelisz. Moeyaert (c. 1590/91-1655) and Jacob Pynas (1592/93-after 1650) he was one of the younger artists of this group. Its style was dominated by Pictcr Lastman (1583-1633) and Jan Pynas (1581/82-1633), both of whom underwent the influence of Adam Elsheimer during their stay in Rome. Venant married a younger sister of Lastman in 1625. The latter's influence on his work had however set in well before that year. Jacob's Dream, signed and dated 161(7?) (note 10, fig. 2) testifies to this, as well as showing traces of Elsheimer's influence, possibly transmitted by Jan Pynas (notes 12 and 13, fig. 3). A somewhat later signed work, David's parting from Jonathan (note 5, fig.1), closely follows Lastman's version of the subject of 1620 (note 6) though the grouping of the two figures may be taken as typical of Venant's personal style. In an unsigned picture of Gideon's Scacrifice, which may also be dated to the early 1620s (note 14, fig. 4), the artist once more makes use of motifs from various works by Lastman. Two undated drawings would seem to represent a slightly later stage in the artists's development. The Baptism of the Eunuch (notes 16 and 18, fig. 5) betrays the attempt to emulate Lastman's pictures on the subject, especially one of 1623 (note 17), by enhancing the dramatic actions in the scene, and so does Gideon's Sacrifice (note 20, figs. 6 and 8), which seems to be based on Lastman's Sacrifice of Monoah of 1627 (note 21, fig.7). To these works, spanning a period from 1617 (?) to the late '20s, may be added two more, another drawing and a painting. The drawing of Daniel at Belshazzar's Feast was formerly attributed to Lastman (notes 25-33, figs. and 10). While the technique, notably the use of wash, differs from that in the drawings mentioned above, the similarities to these in linear rhythm and conception are such that they may all be attributed to the same hand. The technical differences may be accounted for by assuming a slightly later date and, more particularly, a different purpose; whereas the other drawings were in all likelihood self-contained products, Belshazzar's Feast appears to be a sketch for a painting. The last phase of Venant's career seems to be represented by the largest painting known to us and the only one on canvas, Elisha Refusing Naäman's Gifts (note 34, fig. 11). It shows the artist disengaging himself from Lastman at last, possibly after the latter's death in 1633. While the composition is still reminiscent of his carlier work, here Venant seems to have made a fresh start by allowing study from life to play a more important role than before. The landscape differs radically from earlier backgrounds and may well have been influenced by Barholomeus Breenbergh, who returned from Italy around 1630 and whose influence may also be detected in the heavy wash that marks the Belshazzar drawing. The artist's further development was cut short by his untimely death, probably of the plague, in 1636.

BTS (Bangtan Boys) was chosen as the brand ambassador for Tokopedia because it had delivered many achievements, one of which reached the top of the Billboard charts in 2018, becoming the only South Korean group to surpass the Beatles record, occupying the Top 200 Bilboard charts for 3 songs less than 1 year. The phenomenon of Korean artists who were asked to become ambassasor brands in the advertising industry in Indonesia in this study will be discussed from the perspective of visual cultural imagery. This research method is a qualitative descriptive analysis through the Image and Visual Culture approach using Image Theory, which explains the image has several parts: (1) Graphics, (2) Optics, (3) Perception, (4) Mental, (5) Verbal. The results of this study indicate that the positive image of BTS, which represents South Korean young people, who work hard, are successful and relatively far from scandalous. The use of graphics that are not too much, pastel colors, animated hearts, fountains, wings, fireworks, and so forth. This graphic gives the impression of cheerful, energetic, but still looks controlled. Optics, in this advertisement, young people are targets that have similarities with the character of BTS personnel. The perception to be raised is the big name of BTS, which has many fans and influences on product consumerism, and increasing transactions through the Tokopedia application on mobile. Mental decision-making in the audience is the working class, students from middle economic groups. Whereas at the verbal point, not too many verbal messages are spoken and written, but always mentioned the word "Tokopedia." For written verbal messages, the word "Tokopedia" always appears on the screen. Verbal is to emphasize that BTS fully recommends Tokopedia to be a place for online shopping. Abstrak BTS (Bangtan Boys) terpilih menjadi brand ambassador untuk Tokopedia karena sudah melahirkan banyak prestasi salah satunya berhasil mencapai puncak pada tangga lagu Billboard pada tahun 2018, menjadi satu-satunya grup asal Korea Selatan yang melampaui rekor The Beatles, dengan menduduki Top 200 tangga lagu Bilboard untuk 3 lagu kurang dari 1 tahun. Fenomena artis Korea yang didaulat menjadi brand ambassasor dalam industri iklan di Indonesia pada penelitian ini akan dibahas dari perspektif citra budaya visual. Metode penelitian ini adalah analisis deskriptif kualitatif melalui pendekatan Citra dan Budaya Visual dengan menggunakan Teori Citra, yang menjelaskan citra memiliki beberapa bagian;(1) Grafis, (2) Optik, (3) Persepsi, (4) Mental, (5) Verbal. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa citra positif yang dimiliki BTS yang menjadi representasi anak muda Korea Selatan, yang bekerja keras, sukses dan relatif jauh dari skandal. Penggunaan grafis yang tidak terlalu banyak, warna-warna pastel, animasi hati, air mancur, sayap, kembang api, dan lain sebagainya. Grafis ini memberikan kesan ceria, energik, namun tetap terlihat terkendali. Optik, dalam iklan ini, kaum muda merupakan target yang memiliki kemiripan dengan karakter personel BTS. Persepsi yang ingin diangkat adalah nama besar BTS, yang memiliki banyak fans dan pengaruh terhadap konsumerisme produk, dan meningkatkan transaksi melalui aplikasi Tokopedia di ponsel. Mental dalam pengambilan keputusan dari khalayak merupakan kelas pekerja, mahasiswa/pelajar dari kelompok ekonomi menengah. Sedangkan pada poin verbal, tidak terlalu banyak pesan verbal yang diucapkan dan tertulis, namun selalu ada kata “Tokopedia.” Untuk pesan verbal tertulis, kata “Tokopedia” selalu nampak pada layar. Verbal tersebut untuk menegaskan bahwa BTS menganjurkan sepenuhnya Tokopedia menjadi tempat untuk belanja online.

AbstractThree works can be undisputedly attributed to Mechtelt van Lichtenberg toe Boecop (circa 1520-1598). The Pietà (fig. I), dated 1546, is an example of her Utrecht period. The Adoration of the Shepherds of 1572 (fig. 2) and The Last Supper of 1574 (fig. 3) were painted after she moved to Kampen. In the corners of The Last Supper, a depiction of the institution of the sacrament of the Eucharist, are the arms of her own family and those of her husband, Egbert toe Boecop. Another Last Supper (1560/70) in Kampen (fig. 4), formerly attributed to Mechtelt, shows the announcement of Judas' betrayal of Christ. A painting in the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Lille (fig. 5) bears a close resemblance to the Last Supper with the representation of the Eucharist. Even the colouring is similar. Attribution of this panel to Jacob Maler is based on correspondences with a Last Supper ascribed to him and dated 1552, likewise in Kampen (fig. 6). The most important publication on the Last Suppers in Kampen is by J. L. Siesling (1980), who does not refer to the Lille painting. The absence of a signature and the difference in iconography prompted Siesling to reject Mechtelt as the painter of the 'betrayal' Last Supper (fig. 4). The two pieces differ chiefly in the depiction of the various events of the Last Supper. Siesling sees the fact that Mechtelt opted to depict the institution of the Eucharist (fig. 3) in 1574 instead of the announcement of the betrayal as evidence of a counter-reformational spirit. The religious conflicts of the sixteenth century did after all centre on Eucharistic dogma. According to Catholic doctrine, the consecrated bread and wine were actually converted into Christ's body and blood. The Protestants, however, objected to the sacrifical character of the sacrament and the transubstantiation. They regard the Last Supper as a commemorative meal at which bread and wine have a symbolic function. Mechtelt's choice of the Eucharist, however, is not remarkable in itself. Her fellow-townsman Jacob Maler had already depicted this traditional Kampen theme twice (figs. 5 and 6). Siesling places the unsigned 'betrayal' painting (fig. 4) in the South Netherlandish tradition as far as meaning and design are concerned. He suggests that Mechtelt based her own Last Supper (fig. 3) on the Last Supper formerly ascribed to her (fig. 4). One reason for suggesting Mechtelt's involvement with the latter piece is the presence in it of two portraits. There has been a certain amount of speculation as to the identities of these two men, who are recognizable as contemporaries by their similar ruffled collars. They are thought to be the brothers Egbert and Arent toe Boecop, Mechtelt's husband and brother-in-law. They also occur in a picture of the Four Evangelists painted in 1574 by Mechtelt's daughter, Margaretha toe Boecop (fig. 8). The young man holding a beaker is also portrayed in the signed Last Supper (fig. 3). On stylistic considerations, the Lille Last Supper attributed to Jacob Maler (fig. 5) fits in between his painting of 1552 (fig. 6) and Mechtelt's of 1560/70 (fig. 4). Mechtelt's signed piece (fig. 3) is virtually identical with the Last Supper in Lille (fig. 5). In view of the aformentioned similarity of colouring, she is unlikely to have painted her copy from a print. This is not the first time that a sludy of Mechtelt's paintings has revealed an imitative tendency which seems to have been quite common in the sixteenth century. The Virgin and Christ group in the Pietà, Mechtelt's earliest painting, appears to have been copied from an epitaph in Utrecht which is only known from a small photograph. The Adoration of the Shepherds is an almost perfect copy of a print by Giorgio Ghisi after a painting by Angelo Bronzino, and, as we have seen, there are several versions of the Last Supper. Copying other artists' work, whether from prints or otherwise, was certainly not uncommon, and Mechtelt exemplifies practice in this period.

Background. Chamber instrumental music written for a clarinet follows the fate оf so-called small genres in the XXth century. The researches in a varying degree connected with problems of the music written for a clarinet or with its participation are very various. However, features of use of a clarinet in chamber genres are researched, as a rule, in aspect of wider perspective. Owing to this fact information on many compositions which entered the repertoire of modern performers in scientifi c and methodical literature either is absent, or does not exhaust all complex of the questions arising in connection with updating of musical language at preservation of the developed receptions of the instrumental and ensemble composing. Objectives. The purpose of the article is to reveal the features of chamber and instrumental ensemble in Four Pieces for Clarinet and Piano by A. Berg in terms of interpretation of technical and expressive opportunities of a clarinet and role functions of parts. Methods. Structurally functional, compose-dramaturgic and comparative methods of research are used. Results. As the presented literature testifi es, the performer, fi rst of all, should get acquainted with the scientifi c researches in order to facilitate the subsequent interpretation process. This is important for understanding not only the fi guratively emotional and meaningful side of music, but also the novelty of the ensemble ratio of instrumental voices. From this point of view, the clarinetist should be aware of his part both in its individual features, and as an integral part of a single thematic process. It is advisable to recall that the previous musical practice has formed different types of the ratio of parts. Аtonality of the Four Pieces op. 5, associated with the avoidance of tonal landmarks and based on the expressiveness of interval clutches, predetermined the emergence of a new quality of ensemble technique, which declares itself in leveling the concept of solo timbre, accompaniment techniques, and open interchange of thematic material. Outwardly, all these signs are present in the musical text, but the writing technique itself directs the musical process towards the creation of a single intoning space in which the participating timbre-register «individualities» appear to be components of a polyphonic texture. Despite this, the idea of ensemble in a broad sense is preserved, which allows us to consider the clarinet part as a relatively independent phenomenon. So, the plays collected in an opus assume possession of a various palette of articulation and dynamic means, capable to transfer thin change of lyrical moods. Their contrast is exhibited already in the fi rst play, which aims the performer to quickly switch to a different emotional mood in the absence of large-scale thematic structures. Against the background of the multievent fi rst play, the two middle ones are distinguished by their consistency of the fi gurative plan. Hence a more modest palette of strokes, articulation, tempo, dynamic changes. This kind of composer’s installation is largely due to the fact that they are enlarging the semantic ideas that were outlined at the beginning of the opus. Due to this, there is a bright contrast, a sharp change of emotional state. Details of this kind raise the requirements for the quality of performance and reveal the truly virtuosic nature of miniatures in the absence of traditional concert techniques. Final op. 5 is similar to the fi rst play by the presence of contrasting elements. Its complexity is indicated both by the rich texture of the piano part, distinguished by a complex rhythmic pattern, and the heterogeneity of the techniques in the clarinet part, where the expressive solo cantilena is adjacent to the background tremolo, angular non-legato motifs, written out by a group of thirty-second in a 9:1 ratio, register spread, sharp dynamic gradations from p to ff. The composer here remains true to himself, prescribing all tempo, dynamic, expressive techniques. Recall that the requirement of long pauses between plays, on the one hand, helps to switch to a different emotional state, on the other hand, complicates the act of performance due to the fact that ensemble artists must fi nd that measure of restraint of silence, which, while retaining the impression of the preceding, does not destroy the immediate contact with the audience. It is impossible to ignore the fact that in the absence of extraordinary innovations in the fi eld of performing techniques, the composer opens the way for further discoveries in this area. Conclusions. The results of the research summarizing analytical observations, including those in the literature we know about, and evaluating the creative discoveries of A. Berg in Four Pieces for Clarinet and Piano op. 5 taking into account the subsequent compositional practice, let us highlight a few fundamental, in our opinion, moments. First, op. 5 is distinguished by a radical renewal of the musical language, predicting the expansion of the boundaries of an established tradition; secondly, he became the ancestor of a new type of ensemble; thirdly, it allowed to treat the pause as an important component of the artistic intent, as an image of meaningful silence; fourthly, demonstrated a new understanding of software based on the symbolism of sounds and numbers; fi fthly, he revealed a deep connection with the tradition of changing musical patterns. In this context, from the cycle by A. Berg stretched a lot of threads to the works of composers belonging to different generations and national cultures. This allows us to speak about the weighty signifi cance of this opus in the history of the development of clarinet – not only ensemble, but also solo music. We conclude that at the same time, the real compositional practice of the subsequent time refl ected the multi-vector nature of creative interests, characteristic of the music of the twentieth century, where, along with the search for renewing principles, the established methods of instrumental.

Abstract The reaction of C(NMe2)4 (1) with M(CO)6 (M = Cr, W) in THF solution leads to the anionic carbamoyl complexes [C(NMe2)3][(CO)5MC(O)NMe2] (2a, M = Cr; 2c M = W). In the case of M = Mo the resulting complex 2b is not obtained; instead, the salts [C(NMe2)3]2[Mo2(CO)10] (3) and [C(NMe2)3][(CO)4Mo(O2CNMe2)] (4) are isolated. The crystal structures of 2a, 3, and 4 are presented. In the salt-like compounds no interatomic contacts between anion and cation exist, and the cations are disordered. The structure of 4 shows two independent molecules. The compounds were further characterized by IR and NMR spectroscopy.

Introduction. The current stage of development of Russian society is characterized by global socio-economic changes that have caused instability in public life, a crisis of society and its main institutions, the destruction of spiritual ideals, which has led to a decrease in the level of morality and spirituality of young people, the level of formation of aesthetic taste. Therefore, the problem of lack of aesthetic tolerance is relevant, which can lead to negative phenomena in society, indifference or an aggressive attitude towards complex aesthetic phenomena that require intellectual perception. The purpose of the study is to develop and theoretically substantiate a didactic model for the formation of students’ aesthetic taste in an educational environment through the means of arts and crafts and to experimentally test its effectiveness. Methodology. To solve the problems, the following research methods were used: theoretical: ascent from the abstract to the concrete, idealization (creation of an ideal object) as a thought experiment; empirical: observation, pedagogical experiment, study of the results of artistic and creative activities of students. Research instruments are the tools that were used to collect and analyze data. We used the following tools: survey (using the survey we found answers to a number of questions that were developed for a specific group of students); an interview that helped gather information about students’ knowledge of arts and crafts; observation – this tool was used to study human behavior in various situations We studied the level of practical skills of students in the implementation of aesthetic ideas when performing an object of decorative and applied art using the association of a picture, which reflects the national idea, historical symbols and connotations – traditions and rituals, epics in the form of traditional shapes and colors, simple symbols, decorative folklore images. Based on the results obtained, in the course of empirical research, we have developed training programs for in-depth mastery of content in the disciplines “Technology” and “Fine Arts”. The thematic curriculum includes the following sections: 1. Russian art of the 18th–20th centuries. in the works of artists (I. E. Repin, M. P. Botkin, A. G. Venetsianov, P. P. Vereshchagin, etc.). 2. History of Russian culture in epics, fables, poems and fairy tales. 3. Russian decorative art. 4. Ornament as a form of Russian philosophy. 5. Ornament in the works of Khokhloma masters. 6. Ornament of Siberian carpets. 7. Understanding of beauty in Russian painting. 8. The property of Russian literature. Results. As a result of the study, a didactic model for the formation of aesthetic taste of students in the educational environment of a college was developed. The experiment confirmed the effectiveness of the developed curriculum and the identified pedagogical conditions that contribute to the most effective formation of aesthetic taste among students of a professional educational organization through the means of decorative and applied arts. Methodological products were adapted to the conditions of the Chelyabinsk Pedagogical College No. 1. After analyzing the problems identified within the framework of the study, programs for the academic disciplines “Fine Arts and Technology” and methodological recommendations for the formation of artistic and aesthetic taste through the means of decorative and applied arts were developed and implemented into the educational process of designers. Conclusions. The developed curriculum, being part of the educational process at aesthetic faculties, contains specific proposals for improving the training of specialists. Particular attention is paid to tasks for students specializing in painting. This allows us to enrich the experience of implementing creative projects and create aesthetically pleasing products of modern design. The methodological products developed during the study can be used in the professional activities of teachers of vocational training in secondary vocational education organizations.

The phenomenon of drug addiction has been known in Poland for at least several dozen years. In the period of the second Republic, it was not a major social problem. In 1933, the total of 295 addicts were hospitalized in Poland. According to pre-war researchers, the number of drug addicts could be estimated at over 5 thousand persons in the early 1930s. The pre-war addicts took first of all classic drugs: morphine, heroin, and cocaine. Also codeine, Somniphrene and Pantopon were rather frequently taken. Less frequent was the use of hashish, mescaline and peyotl. Headache wafers played the part of substitutes. According to the data of the health service and the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, about three – fourth of drug addicts were men. Most addicts were in their thirties; hardly any could be found among the youth, as far as morphinism is concerned in particular. This type of addiction could be found nearly exclusively among persons aged over 30. The situation shaped ,somewhat differently as regards codeine addicts: also younger persons. could be found in this group. In the socio professional structure of addicts included in the files of the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, clerks prevailed; their percentage amounting to 30. The second most numerous group were craftsmen and tradesmen-,13 per cent, and the third on -representatives of medical professions (chemists, doctors, surgeon, assistants, nurses, midwifes) of whom there were 9 per cent. The percentage of workers was 2, of prostitutes-5, and artists-4. In the opinion of the most of the pre-war researchers, the above socio-professional structure is distorted. According to them, drug-addiction was much more widespread among officers (of the air force and navy in particular), artists, writers and journalists. As regards religion, pre-war addicts constituted as varied a mosaic as the entire society in those days. There were among them representatives of all of the most numerous religious groups then found in Poland. Roman Catholics were most, and members of the orthodox church-least :susceptible to drug addiction. The pre-war researchers of drug addiction devoted a lot of attention to the problem of etiology of this ,,social disease'' Some of them stressed above all the medical-others-the economic and political, and still others - the cultural or those related to civilization causes. There were also conceptions that laid particular emphasis on physiology and biochemistry of the human body. The evolution of drug addiction in the post-war forty years may be divided into four stages. The first of them lasted till about mid-1960s. The extent of the phenomenon was then limited, with the average of about 400 persons treated in out-patient clinics, and about 150 -in psychiatric hospitals. Also the police statistics point to small sizes of this phenomenon. In 1967, as few as 9 offences directly related to drug addiction were recorded in Poland. Drug addicts of those days descended from rather specific circles. They were mostly representatives of medical professions, that is persons with a relatively easy access to drugs. Over 90 per cent of all morphine addicts were employees of the health service. Drugs taken most frequently were the classical ones;(morphine, cocaine), tranquilizers (Glimid, Tardyl) and stimulants (amphetamines). In thest period, one could hardly speak of drug addiction as a subcultural phenomenon. It was mainly a medical problem. The majority of the drug taking persons were those already dependent. The addicts of those days formed no close groups sharing a given ideology, specific symbols or language. The taking of narcotic drugs was not a social but an individual behaviour in most cases. The second stage are the late 1960s and the early 1970s. In that period, a rapid growth in the extent of drug addiction can be noticed. In the years 1969-1973, the number of patients treated because of drug addiction in out-patient psychiatric clinics was quintupled, and in psychiatric hospitals, tripled. In 1972, there were about 3,150 patients treated in psychiatric clinics, and about 600 in psychiatric hospitals. Also the number of offences directly related to drug addiction grew rapidly. While in 1967 there was not a single instance of unauthorized giving of narcotic drug (art. 161 of the Penal Code) or of forging prescriptions (art. 265 § 1 of the Penal Code), 105 and 417 such acts respectively were recorded five years later. In 1971, over 3,000 persons "taking narcotic drugs" were registered in the police files. As found in a sociological study carried out in 1972 among students of all grammar, vocational and elementary vocational schools in Gdańsk, Sopot and Gdynia, 8.3 per cent of the respondents had contacts with narcotic drugs. In the case of about 45 per cent of this group, these contacts were occasional. According to the authors of the study, this percentage is the "minimum frequency of occurence" of drug taking "in the population of school youth in Gdansk, Gdynia and Sopot.'' In this early 1970s, the number of persons in danger of becoming addicts (i.e. those who took drugs regularly) and those already dependent was estimated at about 30 thousand. In the discussed period, also the character of addiction underwent changes: it became a subcultural phenomenon. The base on which it developed were the youth contestation movements which emerged in Poland as well. Addiction was given a cultural dimension by the ideology of the hippie movement. Taking drugs ceased to be an individual behaviour and became a social one which expressed certain attitudes and symbolized the affiliation to a given subculture. The young who took drugs formed smaller or bigger groups with strong internal bonds and a great sense of solidarity. They used specific symbols (way of dressing, recognition signals, rich repertoire of gestures, aliases, etc.) and quite a rich language (characteristic names of drugs and activities related to their taking). The very taking of drugs was acompanied by more or less developed rituals (narcotic coctails, seances, etc.). In that period - and later on as well -the phenomenon of drug addiction was concentrated among the youth and in highly urbanized and industrialized regions. In 1972, nearly 75 per cent of persons hospitalized for the first time were those aged under 25, and over 60 per cent-under 29. In 1970, over 90 per cent of addicts treated in hospitals lived in towns. The limited drug marked. caused the youth to resort to substitutes on the unpracedented scale. In those years, general use of such substances as trichloroethylene, Ixi (washing powder), Butaprene (glus), ether, benzene, solvents and others started. Yet the major typ of addiction still remaind that to opium and its derivates, particularly in men, and to sleeping-draught and tranquilizers in women. The third stage in the evolution of drug addiction are the years 1973-1976. In that period, a nearly 27 per cent decrease in the total of patients of psychiatric clinics, and a 40 per cent one in the case of those treated for the first time could be noticed. The morbidity index went down from 3.5 to 2.0. A similar trend, though less dynamic one, concerned also hospital service. In an attempt at explaining this phenomenon, three factors should be mentioned. Firstly, the early 1970s are the period when youth movements started to die out. Also a relative social peace reigned in those years, which caused drug addiction lose its socio-cultural base. Secondly, the medical authorities introduced a number of limitations in the accessibility of drugs in that period. Thirdly, repressive action of the police also influenced this tendency to a high degree. The prosecution agencies not only increased their efficiency greatly, but also acquired a much better knowledge of the addicts circles. These actions however proved insufficient to fully control addiction. The fourth stage in the evolution of addiction started in the late 1970s. In the years 1977-1984, the number of patients treated in out-patient clinics increased twice over, and that of hospitalized persons - five times over. The indicates of dissemination and morbidity grew rapidly. Beginning from mid-1970s, the number of persons registered in the police files grew nearly two and a half times over. Also the number of deaths due to over dosage went up from year to year. In 1978, 18 such cases were recorded, with the number amounting to as many as 117 in 1986. The number of offences directly related to drug addiction went up from 1,093 in 1978 to 3,014 in 1983. The number of persons taking narcotic drugs was estimated at about 500-800 thousand in 1983; that of persons in danger of becoming addicts - at 99-95 thousand, and of actual addicts - about 40 thousand. Such is the minimum spread of the discussed phenomenon. The unprecedented dissemination of drug addiction may be attributed to the emergence of two factors of which one is technological, and the other one psycho-social. In mid-1970s, the technology of production of a strong drug from poppy was worked out in Poland, which resulted in a great amount of strong narcotics appearing on the market. on the other hand, crisis started to accumulate in Poland in mid-1970s, which resulted in a growing frustration among the youth. The concurrence of these two factors brought about the explosion of drug addiction.

AbstractA lost painting by Jan van Scorel (1495-1562), Hercules besieged by the Pygmies, is reconstructed with the aid of epigrams by the brothers Nicolaus Grudius Nicolai ( 1504-70) and Hadrianus Marius Nicolai (1509-68) (see Note 1 and Appendix B) . The epigrams themselves are based on an Icon by the 2nd-century Greek writer Philostratus (see Appendix A). Van Scorel's painting gives a full representation of Philostratus' Icon, as does a painting by Frans Floris (1519/2O-70), now known from an engraving in reverse of 1563 by Cornelis Cort (Note 2). The famous member of the Nicolai family is a third brother, the Latin poet Janus Secundus (1511-36), but Grudius and Marius were good poets too. Van Scorel will have painted the Hercules picture for the collection of Grudius himself, who was a man of wealth and standing until 1554. After that he became involved in the financial scandal attendant on the reclamation of De Zijpe near Schoorl initiated by his friend, and was forced to flee in 1561, dying in penury in Venice in 1570 (Note 3). Van Scorel also painted two portraits of Secundus (Note 4), while Marius wrote epigrams on two pictures by Van Scorel. All these paintings are now lost (Note 5). Philostratus' descriptions convey much more than can ever been seen in a picture. Such descriptions were common in Antiquity (Note 7). In Grudius' epigram the actual description starts half way through the poem: Hercules was shown asleep on a green sward, while the dead Antaeus lay on yellow sand. Sleep is fanning the hero with his dark blue wings, his nebulous body veiled by a black robe. The Pygmies, of youthful appearance and in countless numbers, took advantage of Hercules' sleep to overcome him. Some tried to roll away his club, a scene shown in the foreground. Since Hercules will have had his club in his right hand, he must have lain with his head to the left and Antaeus with his to the right, i.e. the picture will have had the same composition as that by Floris (Fig. 5). It seems, then, that Grudius provided the scholarly initiative behind Van Scorel's painting, while Floris drew his inspiration either from the epigram or from the picture. Grudius knew Floris and wrote an epigram on a painting by him too (Note 8). Philostratus describes the Pygmies' attack as a well organized siege, but Van Scorel's painting showed, according to Grudius and Marius, an attack by unthinking, cowardly youth with no king to lead them; the Pygmies are as nervous as when the cranes, the 'birds of Palamedes', attack their country and destroy their harvest. The moral turns on Hercules' situation and is a warning never to rest on one's laurels. The combination of illustration with moralistic epigram derives from the emblem Hercules besieged by Pygmies by Alciati. His moral is directed to the Pygmies, 'who venture on something beyond their powers'. It could be more specifically related to the poor who rise against the powerful, or to fools who try to defame the reputation of the learned (Note 11). In the 1534 woodcut (Fig. 1), in which Hercules figures twice, he appears to let the Pygmies have their way. This momentarily good-natured aspect was imitated by Dosso and Battista Dossi in a painting made in about 1540 during the reign of Ercole 11 of Ferrara (Fig. 2, Note 12). Hercules exhibits the features of Ercole as the clement ruler, while the Pygmies, in contemporary costume, behave like harmless fools. Alciati taught in Ferrara from 1542 to 1546 and it will have been these Pygmies that inspired him to have depicted them as lansquenets in the new edition of his Emblemata published in Lyon in 1548 (Fig. 3, Note 13). In 1552 Lucas Cranach the Younger made two paintings on the subject on the basis of this woodcut (Note 14). Floris and Van Scorel were the only artists to follow Philostratus fully by including Antaeus and Sleep. Like Floris, Van Scorel will presumably have shown the Pygmies as small naked men rather than as misshapen dwarves. Some influence from Alciati's emblems can be detected: both painters show the rolling away of the club, an incident which can be detected in the 1534 woodcut, while Floris' painting has the tree in common with that of 1548. Grudius' poem shows the Pygmies in the usual unfavourable light, but his Hercules too falls prey to a moment of weakness. Grudius compares Hercules in this respect with Polyphemus. Such a comparison is also drawn in the emblem on Polyphemus in Sambucus' Emblemata, published in Antwerp in 1564 (Fig. 4, Note 15), where the text reveals that Hercules and Polyphemus stand for the good and the bad ruler. Grudius' comparison makes it clear how seriously Hercules' lapse must be taken. In Van Scorels case we have the meaning, but not the picture, in that of Floris, we know the painting, but not yet the detailed meaning. The engraving (Fig. 5) shows the beginning and end of the story as well as the main episode. Sleep here reveals himself by his bat wings and the strange snake growing out of one of them, cf. Floris' Battle against the Rebel Angels for a similar motif (Note 16). He is the Devil in disguise. Hercules lies in the seductive pose of Ariadne, or rather of Endymion visited by Sleep, as seen on a Roman sarcophagus (Fig. 6), which Floris could have studied while in Rome (Note 17). The tree under which Hercules lies has bare branches, while the part above his head looks like the head of an adder, symbols of his sinister situation. Antaeus lies with his arm on a root near a hollow tree from which a new shoot is sprouting, for Hercules has not conquered e v ilf or ever. Floris' Pygmies are naked, but they are not all youthful, like Van Scorel's. Nor are they all rash and unthinking. Admittedly one group swarming out of caves at bottom right and centre are foolishly trying to roll away the club with their bare hands and one is about to throw a stone, but the king leading out his orderly army appears to come from a well-run country, while gesticulating Pygmy philosophers have wisely decided that it is better not to fight the hero at all.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

A life-course perspective is a complex approach to researching the life of an individual or group or certain processes used in various disciplines (Börsch-Supan et al., 2013), especially in sociology, demography, psychology, and economics. The life course perspective seeks to connect the historical context that determines an individual’s life with personal history (key events of his or her life) (Edmonston, 2013; Holman and Walker, 2020). The paper explains the differences among how the life-course perspective, lifecycle perspective and life-span perspective approach research topics. More specifically, this paper aims to evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of research on aging (quality of life of older people) and migration (quality of life of migrants) from the perspective of life course by reviewing some of the most important papers addressing it, both theoretically and/or practically. In the first of the five chapters of the paper, Introduction, the author explains why the perspective of life course is an interesting research approach to selected topics in Croatia. Together with the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Croatia has experienced a strong increase in the share of the elderly population and significant migration in the last thirty or so years. The major causes of accelerated demographic aging are an increase in life expectancy and a decrease in fertility. The main causes of migration are significant political, social and economic changes in the “old” and “new” EU countries. These are changes in the socio-political and economic systems of the former socialist countries on the one hand, and the expansion of the EU resulting in the opening of the labour market and the possibility of “new” labour migration within Europe on the other. Due to the wars in the Middle East, there is also the issue of dealing with large refugee waves. The life-course perspective is particularly applicable to research on population aging, the assessment of the quality of life and the degree of integration of immigrants in the destination country. The second chapter, Life Perspective and Aging, explains various theoretical approaches to older people (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). The institutional approach largely addresses the socio-economic status and roles of the elderly, for example, retirement (Blane et al., 2004; Wanka, 2019). The cultural perspective often deals with negative stereotypes related to aging and formulating different approaches to the elderly (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). In order to achieve a holistic approach to aging and old age, various perspectives should be integrated, and aging should be interpreted as a reflection of interrelated events during an individual’s life: historical, environmental and personal. Such a more complex approach involving changes and events throughout an individual’s life is a life cycle perspective (Godley and Hareven, 2001) considered within a particular historical context. Although it is widely accepted, some authors (Giele and Elder, 1998; Edmonston, 2013) explain the limitation of the term “life cycle” by advocating the phrase “life course”. In doing so, they explain life course as a complex relationship between socially shaped events and the roles an individual assumes during life. According to them, this differs from the concept of a life cycle in that the events and roles that make up an individual life experience do not necessarily continue at certain stages of life, as is suggested by the word “cycle”. In addition to the concept of a life cycle, researchers of aging and the quality of life of older people (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009) also theoretically compare the perspective of life course and the life span perspective without opposing them. Both advocate a view of aging as a long-lasting, multidimensional, continuous, and dynamic process. Life theories deal with the processes and pathways of development and aging as a lifelong process of an individual while life theories deal with differences in socially conditioned events, changes, roles and experiences in the lives of individuals (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009: 3–5) among certain parts of society (groups). An individual’s daily life is explained by processes and relationships that determine the broader context and how others experience it. Interpersonal relationships with other members of society play a significant role in an individual’s lifestyle and quality of life, regardless of his or her age or migration (in)experience. The life course perspective seeks to explain the impact of different processes on groups of people and individual experiences at each life stage but also the relationship between events from different stages of life. The third chapter, Life Perspective and Biographical Method, discusses the need to return to more significant use of qualitative and interpretative methods, as well as the interest in using a biographical perspective, due to a better understanding of aging and quality of life in old age as well as migration reasons and integration of immigrants in the country of immigration. By telling their life story, a person clarifies the personal understanding of changes in the immediate (personal circle) and the wider environment (society). They also describe how individual members of the group to which the individual feels affiliated, for example, the generation of older people in a particular environment (islands) (Podgorelec, 2008) or immigrants, experienced changes in society during life (older people) or a personal migrant experience and to what extent the changes experienced affect their lives (Amit and Litwin, 2010; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Biographical research is especially useful in monitoring the development of an individual’s career, the impact of migration (on a personal level, but also in terms of community development), the way people face new experiences and changes during aging or migration and how they adapt (especially to various losses: employment, health and functional status, life partners, friends etc.). The fourth chapter, Life and Migration Perspective, explains certain characteristics of migration and migrants, especially when moving to the country of immigration. Thus, Jasso (2003: 334) grouped them into characteristics that affect adaptation – age, gender, country of origin, level of education (Finney and Marshall, 2018; Podgorelec, Klempić Bogadi and Gregurović, 2020); degree of success – from assimilation, acculturation and adaptation to integration into the receiving society (Berry, 1990; Amit, 2012; Amit and Bar-Lev, 2014; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019) or failure – giving up and returning to the country of origin or moving to a third country; the success of migrants in childhood or the second generation of migrants (childhood and schooling in the country of immigration) (Pivovarova and Powers, 2019); demographic and economic effects on societies of origin and immigration – studies of loss and gain (relocation of qualified migrants, artists, entrepreneurs) (Gregurović, 2019), remittances (Nzima, Duma and Moyo, 2017), etc. Migrants choose to move at various ages and are motivated by various reasons (Kennan and Walker, 2013). Migration is a process that affects both social environments – that of the origin of the migrant as well as the immigration environment, even if the migrant migrates within a certain country (Čipin, Strmota and Međimurec, 2016; Finney and Marshall, 2018) and assuming that social and cultural differences between places of resettlement are not significant (Amit, 2012; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Edmonston (2013: 3) relies on the work of Elder (1994, 1998) in explaining the benefits of using a life-course perspective in (im)migration research. He connects four topics that Elder considers crucial in the analysis of life course: the interconnectedness of individual lives and historical time, planning and selection of important events in an individual›s life, the connection of an individual›s life with others (family, friends, work environment) and action (effect) of social institutions during life. The connection between the general approach to the life course analysis (Elder, 1994, 1998) and the previously mentioned groups of topics in migration research is noticeable already at the first glance (Jasso, 2003). Each of the topics can be supported by various examples in Croatian society. In the last chapter, instead of a conclusion, the author states that by reviewing a part of the literature on aging and migration, it is possible to deduce that, although fundamentally separate processes, observed from a life-course perspective, they share similar trajectories, transitions, turning points and timing (Edmonston, 2013). Thus, research into the quality of life of older people must be grounded in the theoretical construction of aging and the historical context, relying on collected data on the individual’s important life events (life story) and judgments of experiences by both respondents and researchers. A life-course perspective that measures the impact of social, political and economic conditions on the life of an individual and/or a group is an interesting and complex approach to researching selected dimensions of migrants quality of life, given that migration always takes place in a particular historical context by influencing the social environment – countries of origin and countries of immigration. Public policies that support the organisation of care for the elderly, facilitate adaptation and promote the integration of migrants harmonise all sections of society and affect the life satisfaction of the general population.

From educational gaming through portable e-readers to cell phones, media are interpenetrating educational spaces and activities. Accordingly, understanding media in environmental or ecological terms has become increasingly important for education internationally. In North America, for example, the centenary of McLuhan’s birth has focused attention on approaches to media – whether oral, textual, electronic or digital– as a kind of environment in which education takes place. In parts of Europe, the so-called mediatic turn – following on the linguistic and iconic turns – has similarly emphasized the role of media as a condition for the possibility of educational activities and programs. With a few exceptions1 the papers in this special issue were first presented at the conference «Educational Media Ecologies: International Perspectives» which took place at the University of Paderborn, Germany, on March 27–28, 2012.2 The event was an interdisciplinary and transatlantic endeavor to bring together a wide range of perspectives on various issues relevant to educational media ecologies,3 and on related debates on mediation, medialization, mediatization, and mediality.4 The purpose of this volume, like the conference, is to foster and deepen international dialogue in the area of educational media. Areas of research and scholarship relevant to this dialogue include educational media, media literacy, educational philosophy, and media and cultural studies. The contributions, described below, put conceptual issues as well as social practices and applications at the center of the debate. Klaus Rummler opens the issue by clarifying the concept of ecology itself. Referencing a range of work over the past 50 years, Rummler describes how ecological models have been cast in sociological, semiotic, cultural, mediatic and other terms, and he explains the implications of these various perspectives for the study of educational contexts. Rummler also briefly introduces the reader to the triangular model used by Bachmair, Pachler and Cook in this issue (and in other publications) to analyse the socio-cultural and cognitive possibilities opened up by various mobile media. Sandra Aßmann and Bardo Herzig discuss three theoretical approaches – a network perspective, systems theory and semiotics – in order to conceptualize and analyze learning with media in a range of formal and informal settings. They use the example of «friending» someone via Facebook, a context in which the formal and informal often intersect in unexpected ways. In this way, Aßmann and Herzig demonstrate the manifest complexities of communication analysis and pragmatics in these relatively new networked, mediated contexts. Judith Seipold provides an extensive overview of the burgeoning literature on the use and potential of mobile technologies in learning and educational ecologies. The research perspectives or frameworks covered by Seipold include critical, ethical, resource-centered, learning process-centered as well as ecological frames of reference. In her coverage of the last of these, not only does Seipold help to reframe the theme of this special issue as a whole, she also provides an excellent segue to the ecologically oriented analysis of «mobile learning» that follows. Ben Bachmair and Norbert Pachler’s contribution, «A Cultural Ecological Frame for Mobility and Learning», reflects the work of the London Mobile Learning Group, examining mobile resources and affordances from the ecological perspectives of Gibson, Postman and the seminal German media-pedagogue, Dieter Baacke. Using the structuration theory of Anthony Giddens, Bachmair, Norbert and Cook elaborate the aforementioned triangular model for understanding both the agency and the cultural and structural constraints offered by mobile technologies. In «Building as Interface: Sustainable Educational Ecologies», Suzanne de Castell, Milena Droumeva and Jen Jenson connect learning and media ecologies with the material, global and ecological challenges that have become a part of the anthropocene. They do so by examining the mediation of a physical, architectural environment, their own departmental environment at Simon Fraser University. De Castell, Droumeva and Jenson uncover a range of practical and theoretical challenges, and explore the implications for both body and mind. Markus Deimann takes the reader back into the history of continental educational theory, to Humboldt’s (and others‘) expansive understanding of Bildung, to suggest a conceptual ecology germane to the manifold possibilities that are now on offer through open education. Deimann sees the «open paradigm» as changing education utterly – and for the better. It will do so, Deimann predicts, by «unbundling» resource and service provision, and assessment and accreditation functions that have for too long been monopolized by the educational monoliths known as «universities». Theo Hug’s contribution, «Media Form School – A Plea for Expanded Action Orientations and Reflective Perspectives» similarly looks to the past to envision possibilities for the future. Hug’s concern is with the narrow confines in which media are conceptualized and operationalized in many K-12 educational ecologies, and in the corresponding policy and curricular documents that further constrain and direct this action. Hug suggests looking to the recent past, the 1970s and 1960s, in which alternatives were envisioned not only by figures like McLuhan and Illich, but also intimated in the works of Austrian poets and artists. Norm Friesen provides the third «rearview mirror» perspective in his examination of the lecture as a trans-medial pedagogical form. From the late medieval university through to today’s IGNITE and TED talks, the lecture has accommodated and reflected a wide range of media ecologies, technical conditions and epistemological patterns. New media technologies –from the (data) projector to lecture capture media– have not rendered the lecture obsolete, but have instead foregrounded its performative aspects and its ongoing adaptability. Michael Kerres and Richard Heinen take as their starting point Deimann’s, Hug’s and Friesen’s stress on the manifold possibilities presented digital and open educational resources. They then seek to answer the question: How can this embarrassment of riches be put to good use in K-12 educational contexts? Their answer: «Edutags», a way of making resources more accessible and usable by providing descriptive and evaluative information along with such resources. Heinz Moser and Thomas Hermann present the concept and first results of the project «Visualized Vocational Aspirations: Potentials of photography for career counselling and vocational preparation».5 The research project is a cooperation between the Zurich University of Teacher Education (Pädagogische Hochschule Zürich) and the «Laufbahnzentrum» (Centre of Vocational Counselling) Zürich. Based on an ecological approach of narrative career education and a design-based research methodology the undertaking aims at creative applications of visual storytelling in career counselling. Rainer Leschke and Norm Friesen conclude the issue with what might be called an aesthetic- or formal-ecological perspective. The digital convergence of textual and other media forms, Leschke and Friesen maintain, means the erasure of formal and material distinctions traditionally embedded in separate media. Educational (and other) institutions have oriented long themselves on the basis of such distinctions; and what is now left are distinctions based only on recombinant, virtual aesthetic markers. ——————————— The exceptions are the papers by Rainer Leschke and Norm Friesen, Michael Kerres and Richard Heinen, and Theo Hug. See: http://kw.uni-paderborn.de/institute-einrichtungen/mewi/arbeitsschwerpunkte/prof-dr-dorothee-m-meister/tagungen/educational-media- ecologies-international-perspectives/ (2014-7-8). Cf. definitions of the Media Ecology Association (MEA): http://www.media-ecology.org/media_ecology/index.html (2014-7-8). For more about these variations on the terms «media» and «mediation», see: Norm Friesen and Theo Hug. 2009. «The Mediatic Turn: Exploring Consequences for Media Pedagogy.» In Mediatization: Concept, Changes, Consequences, edited by Knut Lundby, 64–81. New York: Peter Lang. http://learningspaces.org/papers/Media_Pedagogy_&_Mediatic_Turn.pdf The project is funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation (project 136617, duration: March 1, 2012 – February 28, 2015).

AbstractThe precise relationship of The Three Maries at the Tomb (Fig. 1) in the Boymansvan Beuningen Museum in Rotterdam to the work of Hubert and/or Jan van Eyck has proved difficult to establish, mainly because relatively little is known about their output apart from Jan van Eyck's signed paintings of 1432-41. The provenance of the Rotterdam picture has been traced back to the mid 18th century (Note 2), while the coat of arms, a later addition at bottom right, has been identified as that of Philippe de Commines, who has thus been posited as the earliest known owner (Note 3). Since the beginning of this century the panel has generally been ascribed to Hubert van Eyck on the basis of a comparison with his contribution to the Ghent Altarpiece, but doubts have also been expressed about the attribution to the Van Eycks (Note 5), while later dates have been suggested on the grounds of the view of Jerusalem (Note 6, 7) or the arms and armour (Notes 8, 9) . However, Panofsky remained convinced of the early date and kept to the attribution to Hubert, while suggesting that Jan had worked over certain details (Note 10). The restoration of 1947 (Note 11) revealed some gilded rays on the right side, which gave rise to suggestions that the panel had once formed part of a friezelike composition or a triptych (Notes 12-14). Recent opinion still remains divided, Sterling seeing the panel as having been painted by Jan van Eyck after 1426 (Note 15), Dhanens as the work of a follower around 1450-60 (Note 16). Scientific examination appeared to be the only way of obtaining new data, while the recently published results of a similar examination of the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 17) offered an additional incentive. An earlier scientific examination was carried out by Coremans in 1948 (Note rg), while the work had previously been examined by infrared reflectography by the authors in 1971 (JV ote zo) . Tfie 1)(inel on which the picture is painted consists rf three horizontal planks with dowelled joints (Note 21). The four corners are bevelled off at the back, which suggests that any later reduction in the panel can only have been slight. On the back is a sealed statement by D. G. van Beuningen to the effect that the painting had not suffered from being stored underground during the war (Fig. 2, Appendix 2) . The paint surface is in a reasonably good state, but exhibits heavy craquelure, which has played a part in the aesthetic assessment of the picture (Note 23) . Dendrochronological examination (Appendix I) showed that the two oaks from which the planks came were probably not felled before 1423. Since recent research has shown that the gap between felling and usage was not likely to have been much more than fifteen years in the 15th century (Note 25) and there is nothing to support the hypothesis that an old panel was reused here (Note 26), it is highly improbable that the picture was painted at the end of the 15th century. The most likely date is C. 1425-35 i.e. the period when the Ghent Altarpiece was painted or slightly later. No other results of dendrochronological examination on Van Eyck panels are available for comparison as yel. Examination by infrared reflectography (Note 28) revealed detailed underdrawing in virtually all parts of the picture and this was very carefully followed during painting with changes only in small details (cf. Figs.3, 5, 7). Stylistically the underdrawing accords with what is known about underdrawing in Van Eyck paintings today, this exhibiting a considerable difference from that of other Flemish Primitives, so that the Rotterdam panel is certainly a Van Eyck work. Among the most striking similarities to the central panel (x) and that with the Knights of Christ (IX) in the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 30) are the underdrawing of the drapery of the angels (Figs. 7-9), the city in the distance (Figs. 3,4, Note 31) and the minutely detailed armour (Figs. 14, 15, Note 33). Types of hatching that appear to be characteristic of the Van Eyck style are that of the shadows, which is sometimes overlapping and generally parallel to the main contours (Figs. 5,8) and a more rarely used type with short lines at an angle to contours (Fig. 9). The x-radiographs (Note 35) give a good idea of the damage to the paint surface (Figs. 16, 17) , which isfound mainly in the sky, along the crack in the top plank and on the bottom edge on the left. There is also a great deal of abrasion on the edges of the craquelure. The x-radiographs confirm the fact that no radical changes were made in the original, generally underdrawn, composition and reveal that the soldiers and their arms were left in reserve during the painting of the rocks and ground, a detail which likewise indicates continuity during the painting process. The underpainting of the rocks in large light blocks with simple contours shown up by x-ray photography is very close to that in panel IX in the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 38). Examination by stereomicroscope (Note 40) generally already gave an impression of the layered structure of the paint. It also showed up some minute details scarcely distinguishable by the naked eye : two horsemen and somefigures in tlae square on tlte leji qlthe city, a .slalue in a niche in the doorway in the zvall in tlae certtre (Fig. 18; possibly a reminiscence of the Golden Gate, Note 56) and a number of ship's masts with crow's nests on the horizon on the right (Fig. 19). Part of the vegetation was shown to be very finely and precisely rendered (Figs. 20, 21), while the rest was not so fine. Similar differences appear in the two bronze-coloured ointment jars in this painting and also in the bottom zone of the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 41). These may reveal two different hands or the somewhat hasty finishing of some areas. The paint samples (Note 42) revealed the presence of an oleaginous isolating layer over the chalk and glue ground comparable to, but thinner than that on the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 45). The only other Flemish Primitive in whose work such a layer is found is Dirc Bouts (Note 50). The paint layer also exhibits many similarities to that of the Ghent Altarpiece, not only in the number and thickness of the layers, but in the composition and overall structure of the paint. For example, the skies in both works are built up in three layers from light to dark on the basis of lead white with increasing amounts of azurite and sometimes a bit of lapis lazuli, the vegetation consists of two layers of green with a glaze over them and the structure of the red mantle of one of the Maries resembles similar areas in the Ghent Altarpiece. This technique again makes it very unlikely that the panel was painted at the end of the 15th century or later. A final point is that the gilded rays ( Fig. 22), like the coat of arms (Fig. 23), prove to be a later addition. Finally, renewed consideration was given to certain iconographical aspects which have been used as dating criteria. The arms and armour have been seen as grounds for a later dating by Squilbeck in particular, but it seems quite likely that many of the forms are purely imaginary, while other experts do not agree with Squilbeck in dating certain elements to the 16th century (Note 53). The arms and armour are in any case an integral part of the painting. The detailed view of Jerusalem is regarded by some as impossible before Erhard Reuwich's print of 1486, while others express surprise that it was not copied by other artists. In fact, however, it is strikingly close in many details to the view in the Ghent Altarpiece, although the latter is firmer in its spatial construction and more convincing. Whole sentences have been read into the texts on the hems of two of the Maries' garments and the soldier's cap (Note 57 ) and it has been argued that the letters are Roman, not Hebrew (Note 58), but in fact they are indispulably Hebrew and although words can sometimes be recognized, they do no form a sentence or text (Note 59). The coat of arms is certainly that of a nobleman of the Order of St. Michael, but whether he was Philippe de Commines is uncertain. The Van den Woesteyne and Van Meaux van Vorsselaer families also bore these arms, albeit in different tinctures (Note 6o). Since the arms are done, in a brownish-grey, they cannot be more precisely identified. The presence of no less than five layers of varnish between the green meadow and the coat of arms could indicate that the arms were added much later than previously thought, possibly in the 16th or even the 17th century (Note 47). While the present study has shown that the Rotterdam painting is quite an early Van Eyck, its precise position in the Van Eyck oeuvre cannot be determined until results of examinations of other works in the group are available.

Die Thommen Group – eine der führenden Schweizer Recycling-Gruppen – nahm sich nach ihrer Umfirmierung die Harmonisierung der Managementsysteme seiner verschiedenen Unternehmen vor. Dazu führte die Gruppe das softwarebasierte Integrierte Managementsystem ConSense IMS Enterprise ein. Nun unterstützt die Lösung eine einfache, umfassende und transparente Abbildung verschiedener Managementbereiche und der jeweiligen ISO-Normen unter einer einheitlichen Oberfläche.

In the 1960s, especially in the West, art that was revelatory and art that was revealing operated at opposite ends of the aesthetic spectrum. On the side of the revelatory we can think of encounters synonymous with modernism, in which an expressionist painting was revelatory of the Freudian unconscious, or a Barnett Newman the revelatory intensity of the sublime. By contrast, the impulse to reveal in 1960s art was rooted in post-Duchampian practice, implicating artists as different as Lynda Benglis and Richard Hamilton, who mined the potential of an art that was without essence. If revelatory art underscored modernism’s transcendental conviction, critically revealing work tested its discursive rules and institutional conventions. Of course, nothing in history happens as neatly as this suggests, but what is clear is how polarized the language of artistic revelation was throughout the 1960s. With the international spread of minimalism, pop art, and fluxus, provisional reveals eventually dominated art-historical discourse. Aesthetic conviction, with its spiritual undertones, was haunted by its demystification. In the words of Donald Judd: “a work needs only to be interesting” (184).That art galleries could be sites of timely socio-political issues, rather than timeless intuitions undersigned by medium specificity, is one of the more familiar origin stories of postmodernism. Few artists symbolize this shift more than Hans Haacke, whose 2019 exhibition All Connected, at the New Museum, New York, examined the legacy of his outward-looking work. Born in Germany in 1936, and a New Yorker since 1965, Haacke has been linked to the term “institutional critique” since the mid 1980s, after Mel Ramsden’s coining in 1975, and the increased recognition of kindred spirits such as Mierle Laderman Ukeles, Michael Asher, Martha Rosler, Robert Smithson, Daniel Buren, and Marcel Broodthaers. These artists have featured in books and essays by the likes of Benjamin Buchloh, Hal Foster, and Yve-Alain Bois, but they are also known for their own contributions to art discourse, producing hybrid conceptions of the intellectual postmodern artist as historian, critic and curator.Haacke was initially fascinated by kinetic sculpture in the early 1960s, taking inspiration from op art, systems art, and machine-oriented research collectives such as Zero (Germany), Gruppo N (Italy) and GRAV (France, an acronym of Groupe de Recherche d’Art Visuel). Towards the end of the decade he started to produce more overtly socio-political work, creating what would become a classic piece from this period, Gallery-Goers’ Birthplace and Residence Profile, Part 1 (1969). Here, in a solo exhibition at New York’s Howard Wise Gallery, the artist invited viewers to mark their birthplaces and places of residence on a map. Questioning the statistical demography of the Gallery’s avant-garde attendees, the exhibition anticipated the meticulous sociological character of much of his practice to come, grounding New York art – the centre of the art world – in local, social, and economic fabrics.In the forward to the catalogue of All Connected, New Museum Director Lisa Philips claims that Haacke’s survey exhibition provided a chance to reflect on the artist’s prescience, especially given the flourishing of art activism over the last five or so years. Philips pressed the issue of why no other American art institution had mounted a retrospective of his work in three decades, since his previous survey, Unfinished Business, at the New Museum in 1986, at its former, and much smaller, Soho digs (8). It suggests that other institutions have deemed Haacke’s work too risky, generating too much political heat for them to handle. It’s a reputation the artist has cultivated since the Guggenheim Museum famously cancelled his 1971 exhibition after learning his intended work, Shapolsky et al. Manhattan Real Estate Holdings, A Real Time Social System as of May 1, 1971 (1971) involved research into dubious New York real estate dealings. Guggenheim director Thomas Messer defended the censorship at the time, going so far as to describe it as an “alien substance that had entered the art museum organism” (Haacke, Framing 138). Exposé was this substance Messer dare not name: art that was too revealing, too journalistic, too partisan, and too politically viscid. (Three years later, Haacke got his own back with Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum Board of Trustees, 1974, exposing then Guggenheim board members’ connections to the copper industry in Chile, where socialist president Salvador Allende had just been overthrown with US backing.) All Connected foregrounded these institutional reveals from time past, at a moment in 2019 when the moral accountability of the art institution was on the art world’s collective mind. The exhibition followed high-profile protests at New York’s Whitney Museum and Metropolitan Museum of Art, as well as at Sydney’s Museum of Contemporary Art, the Louvre, and the British Museum. These and other arts organisations have increasingly faced pressures, fostered by social media, to end ties with unethical donors, sponsors, and board members, with activist groups protesting institutional affiliations ranging from immigration detention centre management to opioid and teargas manufacturing. An awareness of the limits of individual agency and autonomy undoubtedly defines this era, with social media platforms intensifying the encumbrances of individual, group, and organisational identities. Hans Haacke, Gallery-Goers’ Birthplace and Residence Profile, Part 1, 1969 Hans Haacke, Gallery-Goers’ Birthplace and Residence Profile, Part 2, 1969-71Unfinished BusinessUnderscoring Haacke’s activist credentials, Philips describes him as “a model of how to live ethically and empathetically in the world today”, and as a beacon of light amidst the “extreme political and economic uncertainty” of the present, Trump-presidency-calamity moment (7). This was markedly different to how Haacke’s previous New York retrospective, Unfinished Business, was received, which bore the weight of being the artist’s first museum exhibition in New York following the Guggenheim controversy. In the catalogue to Haacke’s 1986 exhibition, then New Museum director Marcia Tucker introduced his work as a challenge, cautiously claiming that he poses “trenchant questions” and that the institution accepts “the difficulties and contradictions” inherent to any museum staging of his work (6).Philips’s and Tucker’s distinct perspectives on Haacke’s practice – one as heroically ethical, the other as a sobering critical challenge – exemplify broader shifts in the perception of institutional critique (the art of the socio-political reveal) over this thirty-year period. In the words of Pamela M. Lee, between 1986 and 2019 the art world has undergone a “seismic transformation”, becoming “a sphere of influence at once more rapacious, acquisitive, and overweening but arguably more democratizing and ecumenical with respect to new audiences and artists involved” (87). Haacke’s reputation over this period has taken a similar shift, from him being a controversial opponent of art’s autonomy (an erudite postmodern conceptualist) to a figurehead for moral integrity and cohesive artistic experimentation.As Rosalyn Deutsche pointed out in the catalogue to Haacke’s 1986 exhibition, a potential trap of such a retrospective is that, through biographical positioning, Haacke might be seen as an “exemplary political artist” (210). With this, the specific political issues motivating his work would be overshadowed by the perception of the “great artist” – someone who brings single-issue politics into the narrative of postmodern art, but at the expense of the issues themselves. This is exactly what Douglas Crimp discovered in Unfinished Business. In a 1987 reflection on the show, Crimp argued that, when compared with an AIDS-themed display, Homo Video, staged at the New Museum at the same time, reviewers of Haacke’s exhibition tended to analyse his politics “within the context of the individual artist’s body of work … . Political issues became secondary to the aesthetic strategies of the producer” (34). Crimp, whose activism would be at the forefront of his career in subsequent years, was surprised at how Homo Video and Unfinished Business spawned different readings. Whereas works in the former exhibition tended to be addressed in terms of the artists personal and partisan politics, Haacke’s prompted reflection on the aesthetics-politics juxtaposition itself. For Crimp, the fact that “there was no mediation between these two shows”, spoke volumes about the divisions between political and activist art at the time.New York Times critic Michael Brenson, reiterating a comment made by Fredric Jameson in the catalogue for Unfinished Business, describes the timeless appearance of Haacke’s work in 1986, which is “surprising for an artist whose work is in some way about ideology and history” (Brenson). The implication is that the artist gives a surprisingly long aesthetic afterlife to the politically specific – to ordinarily short shelf-life issues. In this mode of critical postmodernism in which we are unable to distinguish clearly between intervening in and merely reproducing the logic of the system, Haacke is seen as an astute director of an albeit ambiguous push and pull between political specificity and aesthetic irreducibility, political externality and the internalist mode of art about art. Jameson, while granting that Haacke’s work highlights the need to reinvent the role of the “ruling class” in the complex, globalised socio-economic situation of postmodernism, claims that it does so as representative of the “new intellectual problematic” of postmodernism. Haacke, according Jameson, stages postmodernism’s “crisis of ‘mapping’” whereby capitalism’s totalizing, systemic forms are “handled” (note that he avoids “critiqued” or “challenged”) by focusing on their manifestation through particular (“micro-public”) institutional means (49, 50).We can think of the above examples as constituting the postmodern version of Haacke, who frames very specific political issues on the one hand, and the limitless incorporative power of appropriative practice on the other. To say this another way, Haacke, circa 1986, points to specific sites of power struggle at the same time as revealing their generic absorption by an art-world system grown accustomed to its “duplicate anything” parameters. For all of his political intent, the artistic realm, totalised in accordance with the postmodern image, is ultimately where many thought his gestures remained. The philosopher turned art critic Arthur Danto, in a negative review of Haacke’s exhibition, portrayed institutional critique as part of an age-old business of purifying art, maintaining that Haacke’s “crude” and “heavy-handed” practice is blind to how art institutions have always relied on some form of critique in order for them to continue being respected “brokers of spirit”. This perception – of Haacke’s “external” critiques merely serving to “internally” strengthen existing art structures – was reiterated by Leo Steinberg. Supportively misconstruing the artist in the exhibition catalogue, Steinberg writes that Haacke’s “political message, by dint of dissonance, becomes grating and shrill – but shrill within the art context. And while its political effectiveness is probably minimal, its effect on Minimal art may well be profound” (15). Hans Haacke, MOMA Poll, 1970 All ConnectedSo, what do we make of the transformed reception of Haacke’s work since the late 1980s: from a postmodern ouroboros of “politicizing aesthetics and aestheticizing politics” to a revelatory exemplar of art’s moral power? At a period in the late 1980s when the culture wars were in full swing and yet activist groups remained on the margins of what would become a “mainstream” art world, Unfinished Business was, perhaps, blindingly relevant to its times. Unusually for a retrospective, it provided little historical distance for its subject, with Haacke becoming a victim of the era’s propensity to “compartmentalize the interpretive registers of inside and outside and the terms corresponding to such spatial­izing coordinates” (Lee 83).If commentary surrounding this 2019 retrospective is anything to go by, politics no longer performs such a parasitic, oppositional or even dialectical relation to art; no longer is the political regarded as a real-world intrusion into the formal, discerning, longue-durée field of aesthetics. The fact that protests inside the museum have become more visible and vociferous in recent years testifies to this shift. For Jason Farrago, in his review of All Connected for the New York Times, “the fact that no person and no artwork stands alone, that all of us are enmeshed in systems of economic and social power, is for anyone under 40 a statement of the obvious”. For Alyssa Battistoni, in Frieze magazine, “if institutional critique is a practice, it is hard to see where it is better embodied than in organizing a union, strike or boycott”.Some responders to All Connected, such as Ben Lewis, acknowledge how difficult it is to extract a single critical or political strategy from Haacke’s body of work; however, we can say that, in general, earlier postmodern questions concerning the aestheticisation of the socio-political reveal no longer dominates the reception of his practice. Today, rather than treating art and politics are two separate but related entities, like form is to content, better ideas circulate, such as those espoused by Bruno Latour and Jacques Rancière, for whom what counts as political is not determined by a specific program, medium or forum, but by the capacity of any actor-network to disrupt and change a normative social fabric. Compare Jameson’s claim that Haacke’s corporate and museological tropes are “dead forms” – through which “no subject-position speaks, not even in protest” (38) – with Battistoni’s, who, seeing Haacke’s activism as implicit, asks the reader: “how can we take the relationship between art and politics as seriously as Haacke has insisted we must?”Crimp’s concern that Unfinished Business perpetuated an image of the artist as distant from the “political stakes” of his work did not carry through to All Connected, whose respondents were less vexed about the relation between art and politics, with many noting its timeliness. The New Museum was, ironically, undergoing its own equity crisis in the months leading up to the exhibition, with newly unionised staff fighting with the Museum over workers’ salaries and healthcare even as it organised to build a new $89-million Rem Koolhaas-designed extension. Battistoni addressed these disputes at-length, claiming the protests “crystallize perfectly the changes that have shaped the world over the half-century of Haacke’s career, and especially over the 33 years since his last New Museum exhibition”. Of note is how little attention Battistoni pays to Haacke’s artistic methods when recounting his assumed solidarity with these disputes, suggesting that works such as Creating Consent (1981), Helmosboro Country (1990), and Standortkultur (Corporate Culture) (1997) – which pivot on art’s public image versus its corporate umbilical cord – do not convey some special aesthetico-political insight into a totalizing capitalist system. Instead, “he has simply been an astute and honest observer long enough to remind us that our current state of affairs has been in formation for decades”.Hans Haacke, News, 1969/2008 Hans Haacke, Wide White Flow, 1967/2008 Showing Systems Early on in the 1960s, Haacke was influenced by the American critic, artist, and curator Jack Burnham, who in a 1968 essay, “Systems Esthetics” for Artforum, inaugurated the loose conceptualist paradigm that would become known as “systems art”. Here, against Greenbergian formalism and what he saw as the “craft fetishism” of modernism, Burnham argues that “change emanates, not from things, but from the way things are done” (30). Burnham thought that emergent contemporary artists were intuitively aware of the importance of the systems approach: the significant artist in 1968 “strives to reduce the technical and psychical distance between his artistic output and the productive means of society”, and pays particular attention to relationships between organic and non-organic systems (31).As Michael Fried observed of minimalism in his now legendary 1967 essay Art and Objecthood, this shift in sixties art – signalled by the widespread interest in the systematic – entailed a turn towards the spatial, institutional, and societal contexts of receivership. For Burnham, art is not about “material entities” that beautify or modify the environment; rather, art exists “in relations between people and between people and the components of their environment” (31). At the forefront of his mind was land art, computer art, and research-driven conceptualist practice, which, against Fried, has “no contrived confines such as the theatre proscenium or picture frame” (32). In a 1969 lecture at the Guggenheim, Burnham confessed that his research concerned not just art as a distinct entity, but aesthetics in its broadest possible sense, declaring “as far as art is concerned, I’m not particularly interested in it. I believe that aesthetics exists in revelation” (Ragain).Working under the aegis of Burnham’s systems art, Haacke was shaken by the tumultuous and televised politics of late-1960s America – a time when, according to Joan Didion, a “demented and seductive vortical tension was building in the community” (41). Haacke cites Martin Luther King’s assassination as an “incident that made me understand that, in addition to what I had called physical and biological systems, there are also social systems and that art is an integral part of the universe of social systems” (Haacke, Conversation 222). Haacke created News (1969) in response to this awareness, comprising a (pre-Twitter) telex machine that endlessly spits out live news updates from wire services, piling up rolls and rolls of paper on the floor of the exhibition space over the course of its display. Echoing Burnham’s idea of the artist as a programmer whose job is to “prepare new codes and analyze data”, News nonetheless presents the museum as anything but immune from politics, and technological systems as anything but impersonal (32).This intensification of social responsibility in Haacke’s work sets him apart from other, arguably more reductive techno-scientific systems artists such as Sonia Sheridan and Les Levine. The gradual transformation of his ecological and quasi-scientific sculptural experiments from 1968 onwards could almost be seen as making a mockery of the anthropocentrism described in Fried’s 1967 critique. Here, Fried claims not only that the literalness of minimalist work amounts to an emphasis on shape and spatial presence over pictorial composition, but also, in this “theatricality of objecthood” literalness paradoxically mirrors (153). At times in Fried’s essay the minimalist art object reads as a mute form of sociality, the spatial presence filled by the conscious experience of looking – the theatrical relationship itself put on view. Fried thought that viewers of minimalism were presented with themselves in relation to the entire world as object, to which they were asked not to respond in an engaged formalist sense but (generically) to react. Pre-empting the rise of conceptual art and the sociological experiments of post-conceptualist practice, Fried, unapprovingly, argues that minimalist artists unleash an anthropomorphism that “must somehow confront the beholder” (154).Haacke, who admits he has “always been sympathetic to so-called Minimal art” (Haacke, A Conversation 26) embraced the human subject around the same time that Fried’s essay was published. While Fried would have viewed this move as further illustrating the minimalist tendency towards anthropomorphic confrontation, it would be more accurate to describe Haacke’s subsequent works as social-environmental barometers. Haacke began staging interactions which, however dry or administrative, framed the interplays of culture and nature, inside and outside, private and public spheres, expanding art’s definition by looking to the social circulation and economy that supported it.Haacke’s approach – which seems largely driven to show, to reveal – anticipates the viewer in a way that Fried would disapprove, for whom absorbed viewers, and the irreduction of gestalt to shape, are the by-products of assessments of aesthetic quality. For Donald Judd, the promotion of interest over conviction signalled scepticism about Clement Greenberg’s quality standards; it was a way of acknowledging the limitations of qualitative judgement, and, perhaps, of knowledge more generally. In this way, minimalism’s aesthetic relations are not framed so much as allowed to “go on and on” – the artists’ doubt about aesthetic value producing this ongoing temporal quality, which conviction supposedly lacks.In contrast to Unfinished Business, the placing of Haacke’s early sixties works adjacent to his later, more political works in All Connected revealed something other than the tensions between postmodern socio-political reveal and modernist-formalist revelation. The question of whether to intervene in an operating system – whether to let such a system go on and on – was raised throughout the exhibition, literally and metaphorically. To be faced with the interactions of physical, biological, and social systems (in Condensation Cube, 1963-67, and Wide White Flow, 1967/2008, but also in later works like MetroMobiltan, 1985) is to be faced with the question of change and one’s place in it. Framing systems in full swing, at their best, Haacke’s kinetic and environmental works suggest two things: 1. That the systems on display will be ongoing if their component parts aren’t altered; and 2. Any alteration will alter the system as a whole, in minor or significant ways. Applied to his practice more generally, what Haacke’s work hinges on is whether or not one perceives oneself as part of its systemic relations. To see oneself implicated is to see beyond the work’s literal forms and representations. Here, systemic imbrication equates to moral realisation: one’s capacity to alter the system as the question of what to do. Unlike the phenomenology-oriented minimalists, the viewer’s participation is not always assumed in Haacke’s work, who follows a more hermeneutic model. In fact, Haacke’s systems are often circular, highlighting participation as a conscious disruption of flow rather than an obligation that emanates from a particular work (148).This is a theatrical scenario as Fried describes it, but it is far from an abandonment of the issue of profound value. In fact, if we accept that Haacke’s work foregrounds intervention as a moral choice, it is closer to Fried’s own rallying cry for conviction in aesthetic judgement. As Rex Butler has argued, Fried’s advocacy of conviction over sceptical interest can be understood as dialectical in the Hegelian sense: conviction is the overcoming of scepticism, in a similar way that Geist, or spirit, for Hegel, is “the very split between subject and object, in which each makes the other possible” (Butler). What is advanced for Fried is the idea of “a scepticism that can be remarked only from the position of conviction and a conviction that can speak of itself only as this scepticism” (for instance, in his attempt to overcome his scepticism of literalist art on the basis of its scepticism). Strong and unequivocal feelings in Fried’s writing are informed by weak and indeterminate feeling, just as moral conviction in Haacke – the feeling that I, the viewer, should do something – emerges from an awareness that the system will continue to function fine without me. In other words, before being read as “a barometer of the changing and charged atmosphere of the public sphere” (Sutton 16), the impact of Haacke’s work depends upon an initial revelation. It is the realisation not just that one is embroiled in a series of “invisible but fundamental” relations greater than oneself, but that, in responding to seemingly sovereign social systems, the question of our involvement is a moral one, a claim for determination founded through an overcoming of the systemic (Fry 31).Haacke’s at once open and closed works suit the logic of our algorithmic age, where viewers have to shift constantly from a position of being targeted to one of finding for oneself. Peculiarly, when Haacke’s online digital polls in All Connected were hacked by activists (who randomized statistical responses in order to compel the Museum “to redress their continuing complacency in capitalism”) the culprits claimed they did it in sympathy with his work, not in spite of it: “we see our work as extending and conversing with Haacke’s, an artist and thinker who has been a source of inspiration to us both” (Hakim). This response – undermining done with veneration – is indicative of the complicated legacy of his work today. Haacke’s influence on artists such as Tania Bruguera, Sam Durant, Forensic Architecture, Laura Poitras, Carsten Höller, and Andrea Fraser has less to do with a particular political ideal than with his unique promotion of journalistic suspicion and moral revelation in forms of systems mapping. It suggests a coda be added to the sentiment of All Connected: all might not be revealed, but how we respond matters. Hans Haacke, Large Condensation Cube, 1963–67ReferencesBattistoni, Alyssa. “After a Contract Fight with Its Workers, the New Museum Opens Hans Haacke’s ‘All Connected’.” Frieze 208 (2019).Bishara, Hakim. “Hans Haacke Gets Hacked by Activists at the New Museum.” Hyperallergic 21 Jan. 2010. <https://hyperallergic.com/538413/hans-haacke-gets-hacked-by-activists-at-the-new-museum/>.Brenson, Michael. “Art: In Political Tone, Works by Hans Haacke.” New York Times 19 Dec. 1988. <https://www.nytimes.com/1986/12/19/arts/artin-political-tone-worksby-hans-haacke.html>.Buchloh, Benjamin. “Hans Haacke: Memory and Instrumental Reason.” Neo-Avantgarde and Culture Industry. Cambridge: MIT P, 2000.Burnham, Jack. “Systems Esthetics.” Artforum 7.1 (1968).Butler, Rex. “Art and Objecthood: Fried against Fried.” Nonsite 22 (2017). <https://nonsite.org/feature/art-and-objecthood>.Carrion-Murayari, Gary, and Massimiliano Gioni (eds.). Hans Haacke: All Connected. New York: Phaidon and New Museum, 2019.Crimp, Douglas. “Strategies of Public Address: Which Media, Which Publics?” In Hal Foster (ed.), Discussions in Contemporary Culture, no. 1. Washington: Bay P, 1987.Danto, Arthur C. “Hans Haacke and the Industry of Art.” In Gregg Horowitz and Tom Huhn (eds.), The Wake of Art: Criticism, Philosophy, and the Ends of Taste. London: Routledge, 1987/1998.Didion, Joan. The White Album. London: 4th Estate, 2019.Farago, Jason. “Hans Haacke, at the New Museum, Takes No Prisoners.” New York Times 31 Oct. 2019. <https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/31/arts/design/hans-haacke-review-new-museum.html>.Fried, Michael. “Art and Objecthood.” Artforum 5 (June 1967).Fry, Edward. “Introduction to the Work of Hans Haacke.” In Hans Haacke 1967. Cambridge: MIT List Visual Arts Center, 2011.Glueck, Grace. “The Guggenheim Cancels Haacke’s Show.” New York Times 7 Apr. 1971.Gudel, Paul. “Michael Fried, Theatricality and the Threat of Skepticism.” Michael Fried and Philosophy. New York: Routledge, 2018.Haacke, Hans. Hans Haacke: Framing and Being Framed: 7 Works 1970-5. Halifax: P of the Nova Scotia College of Design and New York: New York UP, 1976.———. “Hans Haacke in Conversation with Gary Carrion-Murayari and Massimiliano Gioni.” Hans Haacke: All Connected. New York: Phaidon and New Museum, 2019.Haacke, Hans, et al. “A Conversation with Hans Haacke.” October 30 (1984).Haacke, Hans, and Brian Wallis (eds.). Hans Haacke: Unfinished Business. New York: New Museum of Contemporary Art; Cambridge, Mass: MIT P, 1986.“Haacke’s ‘All Connected.’” Frieze 25 Oct. 2019. <https://frieze.com/article/after-contract-fight-its-workers-new-museum-opens-hans-haackes-all-connected>.Judd, Donald. “Specific Objects.” Complete Writings 1959–1975. Halifax: P of the Nova Scotia College of Design and New York: New York UP, 1965/1975.Lee, Pamela M. “Unfinished ‘Unfinished Business.’” Hans Haacke: All Connected. New York: Phaidon P Limited and New Museum, 2019.Ragain, Melissa. “Jack Burnham (1931–2019).” Artforum 19 Mar. 2019. <https://www.artforum.com/passages/melissa-ragain-on-jack-burnham-78935>.Sutton, Gloria. “Hans Haacke: Works of Art, 1963–72.” Hans Haacke: All Connected. New York: Phaidon P Limited and New Museum, 2019.Tucker, Marcia. “Director’s Forward.” Hans Haacke: Unfinished Business. New York: New Museum of Contemporary Art; Cambridge, Mass: MIT P, 1986.

AbstractDespite the recognized importance of transdisciplinarity, including art–science collaborations, for tackling the complex challenges of the Anthropocene, little is known about the internal mechanisms of such alliances. At its best, transdisciplinarity should involve social learning with transformative potential. However, we still need evidence on how this can be achieved, specifically regarding developing interpersonal interactions and group dynamics. Our study explored the social learning processes and outcomes of an art–science encounter, aiming to highlight such a collaboration’s internal barriers and enhancers. It took place within a science communication project for the European Performing Science Night 2021, which involved creating an immersive artistic installation through the collaboration of 28 artists and scientists. We analyzed the social learning processes and outcomes based on participants’ profiles, individual participation, group dynamics, and the workshop context using structured interviews and participatory observation during this two-week co-creation workshop. Our insights showed that inter-relational skills were among the most important outcomes, and social learning processes varied based on group dynamics. Moreover, we identified the presence of a delicate balance between driving egalitarian and self-regulated dynamics within inclusive, collaborative processes and the need to foster non-hierarchical structures and dismantle power dynamics between artists and scientists. We discuss these findings in light of three key elements: destabilization, immersion, and materialization, which can help overcome internal barriers and leverage strengths for facilitating transdisciplinary approaches that contribute to sustainability transformations.

Background: Congenital aniridia is a severe malformation of almost all eye segments. In particular, aniridia-associated keratopathy (AAK) and secondary glaucoma, which occurs in more than 50% of affected individuals, are typically progressive and pose a high risk of blindness for patients with congenital aniridia. Our aim was to investigate the effect of glaucoma treatment on AAK in patients of the Homburg Aniridia Centre. Methods: Our retrospective, monocentric study included patients who underwent a comprehensive ophthalmological examination by Homburg Aniridia Centre between June 2003 and January 2022. Results: 556 eyes of 286 subjects (20.1±20.1 years; 45.5% males) were included. In 307 (55.2%) eyes of 163 subjects (27.5±16.3 years; 43.1% males) glaucoma was present at the time of examination. The mean intraocular pressure in the glaucoma group was 19.0 mmHg (±8.0), while in the non-glaucoma group it was 14.1 mmHg (±3.6) (p<0.001). In the glaucoma group, 68 patients used antiglaucomatous topical monotherapy, 51 patients used 2 agents, 41 patients used 3 agents, 7 patients used quadruple therapy, 140 did not use topical therapy (e.g. after pressure-lowering surgery, pain-free end-stage glaucoma or incompliance). Patients were classified according to the following stages of aniridia-associated keratopathy (AAK): Stage 0 (96 eyes (17.2%), no keratopathy), Stage 1 (178 eyes (32.0%)), Stage 2 (107 eyes (19.2%)), Stage 3 (67 eyes (12.0%)), Stage 4 (62 eyes (11.1%)), Stage 5 (45 eyes (8.0%)). The mean stage of aniridia-associated keratopathy was 1.4 [1.2-1.5] in the group without eye drops, in the group with monotherapy 1.9 [1.5-2.2], 1.8 [1.5-2.1] in the group with 2 drugs, 1.9 [1.5-2.2] in the group with 3 drugs, 3.4 [2.3-4.6] in the 4-drug group and 3.3 [3.1-3.6] after antiglaucomatous surgery. The stage of aniridia-associated keratopathy was significantly positively correlated with the number of pressure-lowering eye drops (p<0.05) and prior pressure-lowering surgery (p<0.05). Prostaglandin analogues were not correlated with a higher AAK stage compared to the other drug groups. Conclusions: At the Homburg Aniridia Centre, patients using topical antiglaucomatous quadruple therapy or who had previously undergone antiglaucomatous surgery had by far the highest AAK stage. The different drug groups had no influence on the AAK stage. Hintergrund: Die kongenitale Aniridie ist eine schwere Fehlbildung fast aller Augensegmente. Insbesondere die Aniridie-assoziierte Keratopathie (AAK) sowie das bei mehr als 50% der Betroffenen auftretende Sekundärglaukom verlaufen typischerweise progressiv und stellen ein hohes Risiko der Erblindung für Patienten mit kongenitaler Aniridie dar. Unser Ziel war es bei Patienten des Homburg Aniridie Zentrums die Auswirkung der Glaukombehandlung auf die AAK zu untersuchen. Methoden: Unsere retrospektive, monozentrische Studie umfasste Patienten, die sich zwischen Juni 2003 und Januar 2022 einer umfassenden augenärztlichen Untersuchung durch Homburg Aniridia Zentrum unterzogen. Ergebnisse: Es wurden 556 Augen von 286 Probanden (20,1±20,1 Jahre; 45,5% Männer) eingeschlossen. Bei 307 (55,2%) Augen von 163 Patienten (27,5±16,3 Jahre; 43,1% Männer) lag zum Zeitpunkt der Untersuchung ein Glaukom vor. Der Augeninnendruck lag in der Glaukomgruppe im Mittel bei 19,0 mmHg (±8,0) während er bei den Patienten ohne Glaukom bei 14,1 mmHg (±3,6) lag (p<0.001). In der Glaukomgruppe nutzten 68 Patienten eine lokale antiglaukomatöse Monotherapie, 51 Patienten nutzten 2 Wirkstoffe, 41 Patienten nutzten 3 Wirkstoffe, 7 Patienten nutzten eine Vierfachtherapie, 140 nutzten keine Lokaltherapie (z.B. nach drucksenkender Operation, schmerzfreies Glaukom-Endstadium oder Incompliance). Die Patienten wurden nach den folgenden Stadien der Aniridie-assoziierten Keratopathie (AAK) eingeteilt: Stadium 0 (96 Augen (17,2%), keine Keratopathie), Stadium 1 (178 Augen (32,0%)), Stadium 2 (107 Augen (19,2%)), Stadium 3 (67 Augen (12,0%)), Stadium 4 (62 Augen (11,1%)), Stadium 5 (45 Augen (8,0%)). Das Stadium der Aniridie-assoziierten Keratopathie lag in der Gruppe ohne Augentropfen im Mittel bei 1,4 [1,2-1,5], in der Gruppe mit Monotherapie bei 1,9 [1,5-2,2], in der Gruppe mit 2 Wirkstoffen bei 1,8 [1,5-2,1], in der Gruppe mit 3 Wirkstoffen bei 1,9 [1,5-2,2], in der Gruppe mit 4 Wirkstoffen bei 3,4 [2,3-4,6] und nach antiglaukomatöser Operation bei 3,3 [3,1-3,6]. Das Stadium der Aniridie-assoziierten Keratopathie war signifikant positiv korreliert mit der Anzahl der drucksenkenden Augentropfen (p<0,05) und einer zuvor durchgeführten drucksenkenden Operation (p<0,05). Prostaglandinanaloga waren im Vergleich zu den anderen Wirkstoffgruppen nicht mit einem höherem AAK-Stadium korreliert. Schlussfolgerungen: Im Homburg Aniridie Zentrum wiesen die Patienten, die eine lokale antiglaukomatöse Vierfachtherapie nutzten oder zuvor antiglaukomatös operiert wurden mit Abstand das höchste AAK-Stadium auf. Die verschiedenen Wirkstoffgruppen hatten keinen Einfluss auf das AAK-Stadium.

There are reports about the relationship between testosterone levels and aggressiveness in animals and humans. The practice of martial arts requires high levels of pain tolerance, fear control and of course, enough aggressiveness to overcome psychological and biological stress. Therefore, the objective of the present study was to identify the relationship between basal testosterone levels and martial arts practice by comparing total serum testosterone values between male athletes and martial artists. In this cross-sectional study, the total testosterone between a control group of 15 male athletes and 15 male martial artists was compared. The participants had the following inclusion criteria: healthy men between 18 and 35 years old, not obese, with at least 1 year of continuous training, 3 to 5 sessions per week with a duration from 60 to 90 min at a moderate to high intensity, non smokers, alcohol free, and free from exogenous testosterone or testosterone precursors. Blood samples were recolected between 8:00 to 10:00 am and the laboratory results were obtained by chemiluminescence. The testosterone levels mean of the martial artist's group was 6.44 (±1.17) ng/mL and the athlete's control group had a mean of 6.09 (±1.32) ng/mL. Comparing values with the Student´s t-test showed no statistically significant difference, with a p value of 0.45. There is no significant difference of basal total testosterone levels between male martial artists and athletes, and it seems there is no direct relationship between testosterone levels and martial arts practice. Further investigation on the physiologic responses produced by the practice of combat sports is a growing necessity.

AbstractThis article in the journal Gruppe. Interaktion. Organisation. (GIO) introduces sociodigital self-comparisons (SDSC) as individual evaluations of own abilities in comparison to the knowledge and skills of a cooperating digital actor in a group. SDSC provide a complementary perspective for the acceptance and evaluation of human-robot interaction (HRI). As social robots enter the workplace, in addition to human-human comparisons, digital actors also become objects of comparisons (i.e., I vs. robot). To date, SDSC have not been systematically reflected in HRI. Therefore, we introduce SDSC from a theoretical perspective and reflect its significance in social robot applications. First, we conceptualize SDSC based on psychological theories and research on social comparison. Second, we illustrate the concept of SDSC for HRI using empirical data from 80 hybrid teams (two human actors and one autonomous agent) who worked together in an interdependent computer-simulated team task. SDSC in favor of the autonomous agent corresponded to functional (e.g., robot trust, or team efficacy) and dysfunctional (e.g., job threat) team-relevant variables, highlighting the two-sidedness of SDSC in hybrid teams. Third, we outline the (practical) potential of SDSC for social robots in the field and the lab.

<strong><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left">S</p></span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: small;">AMMENDRAG</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">I første del av denne artikkelen gjennomgås en del utvalgte studier av skolebaserte tiltak mot røyking. Utviklingen</p><p align="left">har gått gjennom tre faser der den siste generasjonen er de omfattende tiltakene som baserer seg på en</p><p align="left">sosial påvirkningsmodell. Godt planlagte tiltak som er basert på denne modellen har vist seg å føre til at færre</p><p align="left">begynner å røyke. I artikkelens andre del presenteres et prosjekt som gjennomføres av Den Norske</p><p align="left">Kreftforening og som omfatter 4 441 elever fra 195 klasser ved 99 ungdomsskoler. Valg av undervisningstema</p><p align="left">og pedagogiske tilnærminger er begrunnet i aktuelle sosialpsykologiske begreper og modeller og</p><p align="left">erfaringer fra tidligere forskning. Intervensjonen bygger et stykke på vei på en sosial påvirkningsmodell.</p><p align="left">Skolene er delt i fire grupper. Gruppe A er kontrollgruppe. Elevene i gruppe B gjennomgår et undervisningsprogram,</p><p align="left">foreldrene involveres og lærerne gjennomgår kurser i hvordan de skal gjennomføre intervensjonen.</p><p align="left">I gruppe C gjør en det samme som i gruppe B, men lærerne kurses ikke. I gruppe D gjør en det samme som i</p><p align="left">gruppe B, men foreldrene involveres ikke. Underveis gjennomføres det blant annet spørreskjemaundersøkelser</p><p align="left">blant elevene for å studere endringer i røykevaner, hvilke grupper av elever en lykkes best i å nå,</p><p align="left">hvordan elevene reagerer på tiltakene og hva som kan forklare eventuelle positive virkninger av intervensjonene.</p><p align="left">Foreløpige analyser av resultatene etter et halvt års oppfølging tyder på at det er færrest som</p><p align="left">begynner å røyke i gruppe B, med andre ord at virkningene av tiltakene er best der lærerne kurses og</p><p align="left">foreldrene involveres.</p><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Jøsendal O, Aarø LE, Bergh IH.</p></span></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><p align="left"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">School-based prevention of smoking among youths.</span></span></strong><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><p align="left">Nor J Epidemiol</p></span></span></em></span><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></em></span><strong><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: medium; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">E</span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: small;">NGLISH SUMMARY</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">The first part of this article presents selected studies of school-based intervention programmes against</p><p align="left">smoking. Historically it can be distinguished between three phases in the development of such programmes.</p><p align="left">The last generation are the comprehensive social influence programmes. Carefully planned and designed</p><p align="left">interventions which have been based on this model have succeeded in hindering a substantial proportion of</p><p align="left">young people from starting smoking. The second part of this article presents a project which is administered</p><p align="left">by the The Cancer Society of Norway and which takes the social influences model as its point of departure.</p><p align="left">The project encompasses 4 441 pupils in 195 classes at 99 secondary schools in Norway. The educational</p><p align="left">approach as well as the choice of topics covered are guided by relevant theory as well as findings from</p><p align="left">previous research. The schools have been allocated to four groups. Group A serves as control. The pupils in</p><p align="left">group B participate in the teaching programme, their parents are involved, and the teachers attend courses in</p><p align="left">school-based anti-smoking intervention. The pupils in group C are exposed to the same conditions as group</p><p align="left">B, but the teachers are not offered the course. Pupils in group D are exposed to the same conditions as group</p><p align="left">B, but their parents are not involved. Questionnaire surveys are carried out in order to examine changes in</p><p align="left">smoking habits, identify which groups we succeed in influencing, find out how the interventions are received</p><p align="left">and perceived by the pupils, and how to explain possible positive outcomes. Preliminary analyses of data</p><p align="left">collected six months after baseline indicate that the lowest recruitment of smokers is found in group B.</p><p>Involving parents and arranging courses for teachers may prove to improve the effects of the programme.</p></span></span></em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">1995; </span></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">5 </span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">(2): 161-170.</span></span></p>

Kon Tum is a province located in an important geopolitical position, with 28 ethnic groups living together, of which 7 ethnic groups are local groups: Xo Dang, Ba Na, Gie Trieng, Gia rai, Brau , Ro Mam and Hre with many different cultural characteristics, [1, p.1]. A system of plentiful tangible and intangible cultural heritages bears the distinctive characteristics of the forest culture area, upland farming culture and gong culture. Mr. Koichiro Matsuura - General Director of UNESCO at the ceremony of announcing the Central Highlands Gong Culture, said: “I have enjoyed the very unique Vietnamese style of gong music and have also seen very unique musical instruments in the gong orchestra of ethnic groups in the Central Highlands. This is a very unique traditional culture of Vietnam. It's very wonderful and unique…” [5, p.1]. Nowadays, under the impact of socio-economic conditions, the exchange and integration increase; the culture of the Ba Na ethnic group is undergoing strong changes. We can easily see that, from the daily routines such as eating, clothing, accommodation, travel...to voice, customs and beliefs, as well as images, patterns... are changing. Through the process of researching and surveying ideas of artists, village elders and experts on the Ba Na ethnic group in Kon Tum province, we generalize the changes in traditional culture of the Ba Na ethnic group in Kon Tum province. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0726/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

Abstract Bertoldo di Giovanni (ca. 1440–1491) was the primary sculptor and medal worker for Lorenzo the Magnificent (1449–1492). Despite being one of the most prominent Italian Renaissance artists working in Florence, little is known about his workshop and practice. The Frick Collection, New York, owns a Shield Bearer, one of a small number of bronze statuettes attributed to Bertoldo predominantly based on stylistic grounds. This article presents the results obtained from the scientific analysis of The Frick statuette, including a detailed technical characterization of the casting alloy, gilding, solder, organic coatings, and other later alterations. An array of analytical techniques was employed, including X-radiography, micro- and portable X-ray fluorescence (μXRF and pXRF) spectroscopies, scanning electron microscopy with energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM/EDS), Raman and Fourier-transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopies, and pyrolysis-gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (Py-GC/MS). This work supported a larger technical study of Bertoldo’s statuettes and reliefs related to an exhibition organized by The Frick, which brought together a select group of medals, as well as eleven bronzes ascribed to the artist, including the museum’s statuette. Close collaboration between conservators, curators, and scientists was critical throughout the study of the Shield Bearer, which also included extensive visual examination of the object in order to understand details of manufacture, identify sampling sites, and interpret the collected data. This study confirmed that The Frick figure was cast from the same brass alloy as a second very similar Shield Bearer in the Liechtenstein Collection, Vienna, suggesting that the two are a pendant pair that was likely cast simultaneously. In addition, analysis supported the assertion that the copper base on The Frick sculpture is original and assisted in identifying later alterations in both works. This focused research has expanded the current knowledge of the sculptor’s materials and methods, enabling scholars to better contextualize his artistic production within the framework of Italian Renaissance sculpture.

Vaskuläre Läsionen der Bindehaut sind eine Gruppe seltener Erkrankungen, bei denen es zu einem abnormen Wachstum oder einer abnormen Entwicklung von Blutgefäßen oder Lymphgefäßen in der Bindehaut kommt (1-5). Die Gefäße können erweitert, gewunde oder missgebildet sein, die Rötungen, Schwellungen und Blutungen im betroffenen Bereich verursachen können (1-5). Sie können grob in zwei Hauptkategorien eingeteilt werden: vaskuläre Tumore wie Hämangiome und vaskuläre Fehlbildungen wie Hamartome oder lymphatisch-venöse Fehlbildungen (LVM), früher als Lymphangiome bekannt (1-6). Vaskuläre Tumoren zeichnen sich durch schnell wachsende, gut abgegrenzte Massen von Blutgefäßen aus, während vaskuläre Fehlbildungen in der Regel schon bei der Geburt vorhanden sind und aus abnormal geformten Blutgefäßen bestehen, die nicht wie Tumoren wuchern (6). Neben diesen gutartigen Tumoren und Fehlbildungen ist das Kaposis-Sarkom ein seltener bösartiger Tumor (2). Alle diese Läsionen können ein oder beide Augen betreffen und Symptome wie verschwommenes Sehen, Fremdkörpergefühl, Rötung, Epiphora und Blutungen verursachen. Die Behandlungsstrategien hängen von der Ätiologie, der Größe und der Lage der Läsion sowie den Symptomen des Patienten ab und können unter anderem Beobachtung, chirurgische Entfernung, Laser- und Kryotherapie sowie Injektion von Therapeutika umfassen. (1-9). Wir beschreiben einen Patienten mit einer isolierten konjunktivalen LVM, der sich mit zystischem Hyposphagma in unserer Notaufnahme vorstellte. Vascular lesions of the conjunctiva are a group of rare conditions that involve abnormal growth or development of blood vessels or lymphatics in the conjunctiva (1-5). They may present as dilated, tortuous, or malformed vessels, which can cause redness, swelling, and bleeding in the affected area (1-5). They can be broadly classified into two main categories: vascular tumors like hemangioma and vascular malformations like hamartoma or lymphaticovenous malformations (LVM) formerly known as lymphangioma (1-6). Vascular tumors are characterized by the presence of rapidly growing, well-defined masses of blood vessels, while vascular malformations are typically present at birth and consist of abnormally formed blood vessels that do not proliferate like tumors (6). Beside of these benign tumors and malformations, Kaposis’s sarcoma is a rare malignant tumor (2). All these lesions can affect one or both eyes, and may cause symptoms e.g. blurred vision, foreign body sensation, redness, epiphora and bleeding. Treatment strategies depend on etiology, size and location of the lesion as well as patient’s symptoms, and may include observation, surgical excision, laser- and cryo therapy, injection of therapeutic agents among others. (1-9). We describe a patient with an isolated conjunctival LVM, who presented with cystic hyposphagma to our emergency department.