Academic literature on the topic 'Grey sand aquifers'

This paper presents an analysis of hydraulic head data measured every 2 h for 2 years in the leading edge of a drumlin that consists of weathered, brown clayey sand till and underlying unweathered gray clayey sand till. The brown till responds as an unconfined aquifer and acts as a boundary condition for the confined gray till aquifer. Analytical models are presented for interpretation of the hydraulic head data using annual, monthly, and daily timescales, for estimation of drumlin (landform) hydraulics and till (formation) properties. The annual average head data from open-standpipe piezometers calibrate drumlin hydraulics that feature steady radial flow in the brown till, because of its higher permeability (1.1 × 10–13 m2) and the finite radius of the drumlin. The lower permeability (1.4 × 10–15 m2) gray till has steady cylindrical flow with an appreciable downward gradient. Open-standpipe piezometer data are modeled at the monthly timescale to confirm the landform hydraulics and calibrate a brown till macroporosity of 0.016. The amplitude of periodic monthly head fluctuations increases towards the edge of the drumlin. Hydraulic head response to aperiodic storm events is significantly magnified by this macroporosity as measured by precipitation gages and buried pressure transducers. The storm data are modeled on a daily timescale to confirm the brown till macroporosity value estimated from the monthly data and to further elucidate gray till hydraulics. Compressibility delays and attenuates the groundwater mound, with a calibrated gray till compressibility of 3 × 10–9 Pa–1. The calibrated models accurately recover drumlin flow fields with plausible property values of the clayey sand till, and accordingly should describe other sites with similar landforms and deposits.Key words: drumlins, till, hydraulics, compressibility, permeability, macroporosity, piezometer.

The current economic and energy situation in industrial regions of Ukraine, along with need to address the problems of importing and developing its own natural gas deposits, predetermines the need to establish the suitability and search for aquiferous geological structures for accumulation of seasonal reserves of gaseous hydrocarbons. Based on the analysis of geological-structural and hydro-geodynamic conditions, West Donbass was divided into districts and Leventsovskaya geological structure was chosen, in a section of which the Permian-Triassic aquifer is located. Dedicated reservoir is represented by greenish-gray, quartz-feldspar coarse-grained sandstones with interlayers of strongly kaolinized sands and comparatively homogeneous in physico-mechanical properties and granulometric composition. The waters contained in it are characterized by an increased mineralization, high rigidity and are completely unsuitable for domestic and technical purposes. Interpretation of data from the experimental filtration works performed on a site, carried out on a basis of adequate hydrogeological and technological schematization, analytical calculations and graphoanalytical method, showed that the coefficients of filtration and piezoconductivity of an aquifer vary, respectively, from 1.51 to 3.66 m/day and 4.5 to 9.1·106 m2/day. The calculated values of filtration parameters allow considering this reservoir as promising water-bearing gas storage and can be used to determine its capacitive characteristics. To assess the degree of influence of accumulated gas on filtration properties of the dedicated reservoir and the hermeticity of the assumed storage, a series of special laboratory experiments was conducted, based on a reproduction of a long-term contact of gaseous hydrocarbons with samples of water-bearing rocks under pressure and periodic determination of their permeability in a TriSCAN stability meter. The studies have established a significant (15-20%) increase in absolute permeability of an aquifer and underlying rocks when hydrocarbon gases are stored within. It is shown that the destructive changes of a rock matrix caused by aggressive gas impact occur in a near-surface zone with a thickness of several millimeters and will not create a threat of depressurization of the storage during a designed period of operation.

Boreholes sediments (1-6 m depth) of the river Tista and Jamuna in Bangladesh were collected for the analysis of As, Fe, Mn, Cu and organic carbon. Chemical analysis reveals that Mn and Fe hydroxides and organic matter are the major leachable solids which carrying As. High levels of arsenic concentration in aquifers are associated with fine grained sediments at the lower depth of the sediment layer. The highest As containing sediment was gray and texture of sediment was clay type. The colour of the least As containing sediment was white and texture of sediment was sandy. In addition, this study indicate that As is closely associated with Fe and slightly correlated with Mn and Cu in the sediment of the river Tista and Jamuna. Arsenic was distributed regularly DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/dujs.v61i2.17072 Dhaka Univ. J. Sci. 61(2): 207-210, 2013 (July)

AbstractThe Late Pleistocene Wijchen Member (WM) and its informal stratigraphic precursors have been recognized for decades in the Rhine-Meuse Valley of the Netherlands. Although the WM marks the top of the Kreftenheye Formation (KF) at the boundary between Pleistocene and Holocene lithofacies and provides a confining bed for the regional alluvial aquifer, significant issues remain regarding WM depositional environment and processes of sedimentation. Regional WM chronology suggests a time-transgressive, millennium scale response of the Rhine River to Lateglacial climate oscillations. This paper compares interpretations of sedimentation process, stratigraphic pattern, and paleoenvironmental significance to prevailing viewpoints on the WM mode of origin.A flood basin in the Over Betuwe between the channel belts of the Neder Rijn and River Waal is investigated to characterize WM stratigraphy. The KF braided stream deposits (Kb) form a regionally extensive sandy to gravelly lithofacies. As Kb aggradation ceased, fluvial channels incised into local braid plain swales. The WM was deposited during episodes of fluvial activity as a suspended load mud drape across segments of the abandoned braid plain. The WM is a gray silty lithofacies that also contains local admixtures of sand. Explanations for the origin of the sand admixed into the mud include variability in hydrodynamic load across the flood plain, eolian mixing, and/or biogenic mixing. In the study area, eolian deposition of sand onto a wet flood plain surface is the most probable cause for the admixed sand fraction. Pedogenesis of the WM in the study area is limited to gleying under reduced wetland conditions and the development of organic rich vegetation horizons that formed on top of relatively unaltered fluvial strata. Similar reduced soil properties and limited pedogenic development occur downdip to the present coast, but updip of the study area, the WM is the parent material for poorly drained to well drained and oxidized profiles that range from Entisols to weakly expressed Alfisols.The presence of pumice granules in Kb deposits of the study area indicate that channel belt deposition continued after the Laacher See volcanic eruption in Germany at ~12,900 cal yr. Deposition of the WM occurred episodically throughout the Lateglacial and terminated by the early Holocene. The time interval between the end of WM deposition and subsequent burial by flood basin peat reflects a duration of exposure of at least 3500 yrs. Since regional water table rise affected the area ~5000 cal yrs ago, the early Holocene water table must have been maintained by spring fed ground water sources from nearby ice pushed ridges.Deposition of the WM is associated with transitional braided to meandering fluvial channels during times when the Rhine-Meuse Valley experienced a sensitive response to rapid climate change. The WM is regionally time transgressive and probably formed during flood plain transitions between permafrost and base-flow driven hydrologic regimes. Regional landscape dynamics suggest that WM deposition and subsequent preservation was driven by fluctuations of the southern limit of permafrost during Northern Hemisphere deglaciation.

Highlights Irrigation is key to the productivity of Great Plains agriculture but is threatened by water scarcity. The irrigated area grew to >9 million ha since 1870, mostly since 1950, but is likely to decline. Changes in climate, water availability, irrigated area, and policy will affect productivity. Adaptation and innovation, hallmarks of Great Plains populations, will ensure future success. Abstract. Motivated by the need for sustainable water management and technology for next-generation crop production, the future of irrigation on the U.S. Great Plains was examined through the lenses of past changes in water supply, historical changes in irrigated area, and innovations in irrigation technology, management, and agronomy. We analyzed the history of irrigated agriculture through the 1900s to the present day. We focused particularly on the efficiency and water productivity of irrigation systems (application efficiency, crop water productivity, and irrigation water use productivity) as a connection between water resource management and agricultural production. Technology innovations have greatly increased the efficiency of water application, the productivity of water use, and the agricultural productivity of the Great Plains. We also examined the changes in water stored in the High Plains aquifer, which is the region’s principle supply for irrigation water. Relative to other states, the aquifer has been less impacted in Nebraska, despite large increases in irrigated area. Greatly increased irrigation efficiency has played a role in this, but so have regulations and the recharge to the aquifer from the Nebraska Sand Hills and from rivers crossing the state. The outlook for irrigation is less positive in western Kansas, eastern Colorado, and the Oklahoma and Texas Panhandles. The aquifer in these regions is recharged at rates much less than current pumping, and the aquifer is declining as a result. Improvements in irrigation technology and management plus changes in crops grown have made irrigation ever more efficient and allowed irrigation to continue. There is good reason to expect that future research and development efforts by federal and state researchers, extension specialists, and industry, often in concert, will continue to improve the efficiency and productivity of irrigated agriculture. Public policy changes will also play a role in regulating consumption and motivating on-farm efficiency improvements. Water supplies, while finite, will be stretched much further than projected by some who look only at past rates of consumption. Thus, irrigation will continue to be important economically for an extended period. Sustaining irrigation is crucial to sustained productivity of the Great Plains “bread basket” because on average irrigation doubles the efficiency with which water is turned into crop yields compared with what can be attained in this region with precipitation alone. Lessons learned from the Great Plains are relevant to irrigation in semi-arid and subhumid areas worldwide. Keywords: Center pivot, Crop water productivity, History, Sprinkler irrigation, Subsurface drip irrigation, Water use efficiency.

The Ganga-Brahmaputra river system together forms one of the largest deltas in the world comprising some 59570 sq km. The waterpower resources of the Brahmaputra have been presumed to be the fourth biggest in the world being 19.83 x 103 m3s1. The entire lower portion of the Brahmaputra consists of a vast network of distributary channels, which are dry in the cold season but are inundated during monsoon. The catchment area of the entire river is about 580,000 sq km, out of which 195,000 sq km lies in India. The maximum discharge as measured at Pandu in 1962 was of the order of 72800 m3 s-1 while the minimum was 1750 m3 s-1 in 1968. The drainage pattern in the valley is of antecedent type while the yazoo drainage pattern is most significant over the composite flood plain to the south of the Brahmaputra. The Brahmaputra valley is covered by Recent alluvium throughout its stretch except a few isolated sedimentary hills in the upper Assam, inselbergs/bornhardt of gneissic hills in the Darrang, Kamrup and Goalpara districts and a few inlying patches of Older Alluvium in the Darrang and Goalpara districts. The basin is very unstable. The present configuration of the basin is the result of uplift and subsidence of the Precambrian crystalline landmasses. Four geotectonic provinces can be delineated in the N-E India through which the Brahmaputra flows. These are bounded by major tectonic lineaments such as the basement E-W trending Dauki fault, a NE-SW trending structural feature of imbricate thrusts known as 'belt of Schuppen' and the NW-SE trending Mishmi thrust. Hydrogeologically, the Brahmaputra basin can be divided into two distinct categories, viz(a) dissected alluvial plain and (b) the inselberg zone. The first category is rep resented in the flood plain extending from the south of Sub-Himalayan piedmont fan zone in the north to right upto the main rock promontory of Garo Hills and Shillong Plateau. The inselberg zone is characterized by fractured, jointed and weathered ancient crystalline rocks with interhill narrow valley plains, consisting of thin to occasionally thick piles of assorted sediments. From the subsurface lithological data, two broad groups of aquifers are identified. These are i) shallow water table and ii) deeper water table or confined ones, separated by a system of aquicludes. The shallow aquifer materials, in general, consist of white to greyish white, fine grained micaceous sand and the thickness ranges from 1.2 to 10.3 m. The sand and clay ratio varies from 1: 2.5 to 1:26. The bedrock occurs at depth ranges of 30.4 to 39.5 m. The materials of the deeper aquifers comprise grey to greyish white, fine to medium grained sand. The sand and clay ratio varies from 1:2 to 1:7. The effective size of the aquifer materials varies from 0.125 to 0.062 mm with uniformity co-efficient around 4.00, porosity 38 to 42%, co-efficient of permeability 304 to 390 galls per day/0.3m2. The ground water is mildly alkaline with pH value 6.5 to 8.5, chloride 10 to 40 ppm, bi-carbonate 50 to 350 ppm, iron content ranges from a fraction of a ppm to 50 ppm. Total dissolved solids are low, hardness as CaCo3 50 to 300 ppm, specific conductance at 25 °C 150 to 650 mhos/cm. The yield from shallow aquifers is 1440 litres to 33750 litres/hour and for deeper aquifers ~ 1700 litres/hour at a drawdown of 13.41 m, specific capacity 21 litres/minute. The temperatures of ground water are 23°-25° C during winter, 24°-26° C during pre-monsoon and 27°- 28° C during peak monsoon. The general hydraulic gradient in the north bank is 1:800 whereas in the south bank it is 1: 300-400 The Tertiary sediments yield a range of water from 200 to 300 l.p.m whereas the yield from the Older Alluvium is 500 to 700 1.p.m. The estimated transmissibility and co-efficient of storage is of the order of ~ 800 1.p.m/ m and 8.2 x 10-3 respectively. Depths to water levels range from 5.3 to 10m below land surface (b.l.s). In the Younger or Newer Alluvium, ground water occurs both under water table and confined conditions. Depths to water levels vary from ground level to 10 m b.l.s. Depth to water ranges from 6 m b.l.s. to 2 m above land surface. The yield of the deep tubewells ranges from 2 to 4 kl/minute for a drawdown of 3 m to 6 m. The transmissibility of the aquifers varies from 69 to 1600 l.p.m/m and the storage co-fficient is of the order of 3.52 x 10-2.

Introduction The counterculture that arose during the 1960s and 1970s left lasting social and political reverberations in developed nations. This was a time of increasing affluence and liberalisation which opened up remarkable political opportunities for social change. Within this context, an array of new social movements were a vital ingredient of the ferment that saw existing norms challenged and the establishment of new rights for many oppressed groups. An expanding arena of concerns included the environmental damage caused by 200 years of industrial capitalism. This article examines one aspect of a current environment movement in Australia, the anti-Coal Seam Gas (CSG) movement, and the part played by participants. In particular, the focus is upon one action that emerged during the recent Bentley Blockade, which was a regional mobilisation against proposed unconventional gas mining (UGM) near Lismore, NSW. Over the course of the blockade, the conventional ritual of waving at passers-by was transformed into a mechanism for garnering broad community support. Arguably, this was a crucial factor in the eventual outcome. In this case, we contend that the wave, rather than a countercultural artefact being appropriated by the mainstream, represents an everyday behaviour that builds social solidarity, which is subverted to become an effective part of the repertoire of the movement. At a more general level, this article examines how counterculture and mainstream interact via the subversion of “ordinary” citizens and the role of certain cultural understandings for that purpose. We will begin by examining the nature of the counterculture and its relationship to social movements before discussing the character of the anti-CSG movement in general and the Bentley Blockade in particular, using the personal experience of one of the writers. We will then be able to explore our thesis in detail and make some concluding remarks. The Counterculture and Social Movements In this article, we follow Cox’s understanding of the counterculture as a kind of meta-movement within which specific social movements are situated. For Cox (105), the counterculture that flourished during the 1960s and 1970s was an overarching movement in which existing social relations—in particular the family—were rejected by a younger generation, who succeeded in effectively fusing previously separate political and cultural spheres of dissent into one. Cox (103-04) points out that the precondition for such a phenomenon is “free space”—conditions under which counter-hegemonic activity can occur—for example, being liberated from the constraints of working to subsist, something which the unprecedented prosperity of the post WWII years allowed. Hence, in the 1960s and 1970s, as the counterculture emerged, a wave of activism arose in the western world which later came to be referred to as new social movements. These included the civil rights movement, women’s liberation, pacifism and the anti-nuclear and environment movements. The new movements rejected established power and organisational structures and tended, some scholars argued, to cross class lines, basing their claims on non-material issues. Della Porta and Diani claim this wave of movements is characterised by: a critical ideology in relation to modernism and progress; decentralized and participatory organizational structures; defense of interpersonal solidarity against the great bureaucracies; and the reclamation of autonomous spaces, rather than material advantages. (9) This depiction clearly announces the countercultural nature of the new social movements. As Carter (91) avers, these movements attempted to bypass the state and instead mobilise civil society, employing a range of innovative tactics and strategies—the repertoire of action—which may involve breaking laws. It should be noted that over time, some of these movements did shift towards accommodation of existing power structures and became more reformist in nature, to the point of forming political parties in the case of the Greens. However, inasmuch as the counterculture represented a merging of distinctively non-mainstream ways of life with the practice of actively challenging social arrangements at a political level (Cox 18–19; Grossberg 15–18;), the tactic of mobilising civil society to join social movements demonstrates in fact a reverse direction: large numbers of people are transfigured in radical ways by their involvement in social movements. One important principle underlying much of the repertoire of action of these new movements was non-violence. Again, this signals countercultural norms of the period. As Sharp (583–86) wrote at the time, non-violence is crucial in that it denies the aggressor their rationale for violent repression. This principle is founded on the liberal notion, whose legacy goes back to Locke, that the legitimacy of the government rests upon the consent of the governed—that is, the people can withdraw their consent (Locke in Ball & Dagger 92). Ghandi also relied upon this idea when formulating his non-violent approach to conflict, satyagraha (Sharp 83–84). Thus an idea that upholds the modern state is adopted by the counterculture in order to undermine it (the state), again demonstrating an instance of counterflow from the mainstream. Non-violence does not mean non-resistance. In fact, it usually involves non-compliance with a government or other authority and when practised in large numbers, can be very effective, as Ghandi and those in the civil rights movement showed. The result will be either that the government enters into negotiation with the protestors, or they can engage in violence to suppress them, which generally alienates the wider population, leading to a loss of support (Finley & Soifer 104–105). Tarrow (88) makes the important point that the less threatening an action, the harder it is to repress. As a result, democratic states have generally modified their response towards the “strategic weapon of nonviolent protest and even moved towards accommodation and recognition of this tactic as legitimate” (Tarrow 172). Nevertheless, the potential for state violence remains, and the freedom to protest is proscribed by various laws. One of the key figures to emerge from the new social movements that formed an integral part of the counterculture was Bill Moyer, who, in conjunction with colleagues produced a seminal text for theorising and organising social movements (Moyer et al.). Many contemporary social movements have been significantly influenced by Moyer’s Movement Action Plan (MAP), which describes not only key theoretical concepts but is also a practical guide to movement building and achieving aims. Moyer’s model was utilised in training the Northern Rivers community in the anti-CSG movement in conjunction with the non-violent direct action (NVDA) model developed by the North-East Forest Alliance (NEFA) that resisted logging in the forests of north-eastern NSW during the late 1980s and 1990s (Ricketts 138–40). Indeed, the Northern Rivers region of NSW—dubbed the Rainbow Region—is celebrated, as a “‘meeting place’ of countercultures and for the articulation of social and environmental ideals that challenge mainstream practice” (Ward and van Vuuren 63). As Bible (6–7) outlines, the Northern Rivers’ place in countercultural history is cemented by the holding of the Aquarius Festival in Nimbin in 1973 and the consequent decision of many attendees to stay on and settle in the region. They formed new kinds of communities based on an alternative ethics that eschewed a consumerist, individualist agenda in favour of modes of existence that emphasised living in harmony with the environment. The Terania Creek campaign of the late 1970s made the region famous for its environmental activism, when the new settlers resisted the logging of Nightcap National Park using nonviolent methods (Bible 5). It was also instrumental in developing an array of ingenious actions that were used in subsequent campaigns such as the Franklin Dam blockade in Tasmania in the early 1980s (Kelly 116). Indeed, many of these earlier activists were key figures in the anti-CSG movement that has developed in the Rainbow Region over the last few years. The Anti-CSG Movement Despite opposition to other forms of UGM, such as tight sands and shale oil extraction techniques, the term anti-CSG is used here, as it still seems to attract wide recognition. Unconventional gas extraction usually involves a process called fracking, which is the injection at high pressure of water, sand and a number of highly toxic chemicals underground to release the gas that is trapped in rock formations. Among the risks attributed to fracking are contamination of aquifers, air pollution from fugitive emissions and exposure to radioactive particles with resultant threats to human and animal health, as well as an increased risk of earthquakes (Ellsworth; Hand 13; Sovacool 254–260). Additionally, the vast amount of water that is extracted in the fracking process is saline and may contain residues of the fracking chemicals, heavy metals and radioactive matter. This produced water must either be stored or treated (Howarth 273–73; Sovacool 255). Further, there is potential for accidents and incidents and there are many reports—particularly in the United States where the practice is well established—of adverse events such as compressors exploding, leaks and spills, and water from taps catching fire (Sovacool 255–257). Despite an abundance of anecdotal evidence, until recently authorities and academics believed there was not enough “rigorous evidence” to make a definitive judgment of harm to animal and human health as a result of fracking (Mitka 2135). For example, in Australia, the Queensland Government was unable to find a clear link between fracking and health complaints in the Tara gasfield (Thompson 56), even though it is known that there are fugitive emissions from these gasfields (Tait et al. 3099-103). It is within this context that grassroots opposition to UGM began in Australia. The largest and most sustained challenge has come from the Northern Rivers of New South Wales, where a company called Metgasco has been attempting to engage in UGM for a number of years. Stiff community opposition has developed over this time, with activists training, co-ordinating and organising using the principles of Moyer’s MAP and NEFA’s NVDA. Numerous community and affinity groups opposing UGM sprang up including the Lock the Gate Alliance (LTG), a grassroots organisation opposing coal and gas mining, which formed in 2010 (Lock the Gate Alliance online). The movement put up sustained resistance to Metgasco’s attempts to establish wells at Glenugie, near Grafton and Doubtful Creek, near Kyogle in 2012 and 2013, despite the use of a substantial police presence at both locations. In the event, neither site was used for production despite exploratory wells being sunk (ABC News; Dobney). Metgasco announced it would be withdrawing its operations following new Federal and State government regulations at the time of the Doubtful Creek blockade. However it returned to the fray with a formal announcement in February 2014 (Metgasco), that it would drill at Bentley, 12 kilometres west of Lismore. It was widely believed this would occur with a view to production on an industrial scale should initial exploration prove fruitful. The Bentley Blockade It was known well before the formal announcement that Metgasco planned to drill at Bentley and community actions such as flash mobs, media releases and planning meetings were part of the build-up to direct action at the site. One of the authors of this article was actively involved in the movement and participated in a variety of these actions. By the end of January 2014 it was decided to hold an ongoing vigil at the site, which was still entirely undeveloped. Participants, including one author, volunteered for four-hour shifts which began at 5 a.m. each day and before long, were lasting into the night. The purpose of a vigil is to bear witness, maintain a presence and express a point of view. It thus accords well with the principle of non-violence. Eventually the site mushroomed into a tent village with three gates being blockaded. The main gate, Gate A, sprouted a variety of poles, tripods and other installations together with colourful tents and shelters, peopled by protesters on a 24-hour basis. The vigils persisted on all three gates for the duration of the blockade. As the number of blockaders swelled, popular support grew, lending weight to the notion that countercultural ideas and practices were spreading throughout the community. In response, Metgasco called on the State Government to provide police to coincide with the arrival of equipment. It was rumoured that 200 police would be drafted to defend the site in late April. When alerts were sent out to the community warning of imminent police action, an estimated crowd of 2000 people attended in the early hours of the morning and the police called off their operation (Feliu). As the weeks wore on, training was stepped up, attendees were educated in non-violent resistance and protestors willing to act as police liaison persons were placed on a rotating roster. In May, the State Government was preparing to send up to 800 police and the Riot Squad to break the blockade (NSW Hansard in Buckingham). Local farmers (now a part of the movement) and activist leaders had gone to Sydney in an effort to find a political solution in order to avoid what threatened to be a clash that would involve police violence. A confluence of events, such as: the sudden resignation of the Premier; revelations via the Independent Commission against Corruption about nefarious dealings and undue influence of the coal industry upon the government; a radio interview with locals by a popular broadcaster in Sydney; and the reputed hesitation of the police themselves in engaging with a group of possibly 7,000 to 10,000 protestors, resulted in the Office for Coal Seam Gas suspending Metgasco’s drilling licence on 15 May (NSW Department of Resources & Energy). The grounds were that the company had not adequately fulfilled its obligations to consult with the community. At the date of writing, the suspension still holds. The Wave The repertoire of contention at the Bentley Blockade was expansive, comprising most of the standard actions and strategies developed in earlier environmental struggles. These included direct blocking tactics in addition to the use of more carnivalesque actions like music and theatre, as well as the use of various media to reach a broader public. Non-violence was at the core of all actions, but we would tentatively suggest that Bentley may have provided a novel addition to the repertoire, stemming originally from the vigil, which brought the first protestors to the site. At the beginning of the vigil, which was initially held near the entrance to the proposed drilling site atop a cutting, occupants of passing vehicles below would demonstrate their support by sounding their horns and/or waving to the vigil-keepers, who at first were few in number. There was a precedent for this behaviour in the campaign leading up to the blockade. Activist groups such as the Knitting Nannas against Gas had encouraged vehicles to show support by sounding their horns. So when the motorists tooted spontaneously at Bentley, we waved back. Occupants of other vehicles would show disapproval by means of rude gestures and/or yelling and we would wave to them as well. After some weeks, as a presence began to be established at the site, it became routine for vigil keepers to smile and wave at all passing vehicles. This often elicited a positive response. After the first mass call-out discussed above, a number of us migrated to another gate, where numbers were much sparser and there was a perceived need for a greater presence. At this point, the participating writer had begun to act as a police liaison person, but the practice of waving routinely was continued. Those protecting this gate usually included protestors ready to block access, the police liaison person, a legal observer, vigil-keepers and a passing parade of visitors. Because this location was directly on the road, it was possible to see the drivers of vehicles and make eye contact more easily. Certain vehicles became familiar, passing at regular times, on the way to work or school, for example. As time passed, most of those protecting the gate also joined the waving ritual to the point where it became like a game to try to prise a signal of acknowledgement from the passing motorists, or even to win over a disapprover. Police vehicles, some of which passed at set intervals, were included in this game. Mostly they waved cheerfully. There were some we never managed to win over, but waving and making direct eye contact with regular motorists over time created a sense of community and an acknowledgement of the work we were doing, as they increasingly responded in kind. Motorists could hardly feel threatened when they encountered smiling, waving protestors. By including the disapprovers, we acted inclusively and our determined good humour seemed to de-escalate demonstrated hostility. Locals who did not want drilling to go ahead but who were nevertheless unwilling to join a direct action were thus able to participate in the resistance in a way that may have felt safe for them. Some of them even stopped and visited the site, voicing their support. Standing on the side of the road and waving to passers-by may seem peripheral to the “real” action, even trivial. But we would argue it is a valuable adjunct to a blockade (which is situated near a road) when one of the strategies of the overall campaign is to win popular backing. Hence waving, whilst not a completely new part of the repertoire, constitutes what Tilly (41–45) would call innovation at the margins, something he asserts is necessary to maintain the effectiveness and vitality of contentious action. In this case, it is arguable that the sheer size of community support probably helped to concentrate the minds of the state government politicians in Sydney, particularly as they contemplated initiating a massive, taxpayer-funded police action against the people for the benefit of a commercial operation. Waving is a symbolic gesture indicating acknowledgement and goodwill. It fits well within a repertoire based on the principle of non-violence. Moreover, it is a conventional social norm and everyday behaviour that is so innocuous that it is difficult to see how it could be suppressed by police or other authorities. Therein lies its subversiveness. For in communicating our common humanity in a spirit of friendliness, we drew attention to the fact that we were without rancour and tacitly invited others to join us and to explore our concerns. In this way, the counterculture drew upon a mainstream custom to develop and extend upon a new form of dissent. This constitutes a reversal of the more usual phenomenon of countercultural artefacts—such as “hippie clothing”—being appropriated or co-opted by the prevailing culture (see Reading). But it also fits with the more general phenomenon that we have argued was occurring; that of enticing ordinary residents into joining together in countercultural activity, via the pathway of a social movement. Conclusion The anti-CSG movement in the Northern Rivers was developed and organised by countercultural participants of previous contentious challenges. It was highly effective in building popular support whilst at the same time forging a loose coalition of various activist groups. We have surveyed one practice—the wave—that evolved out of mainstream culture over the course of the Bentley Blockade and suggested it may come to be seen as part of the repertoire of actions that can be beneficially employed under suitable conditions. Waving to passers-by invites them to become part of the movement in a non-threatening and inclusive way. It thus envelops supporters and non-supporters alike, and its very innocuousness makes it difficult to suppress. We have argued that this instance can be referenced to a similar reverse movement at a broader level—that of co-opting liberal notions and involving the general populace in new practices and activities that undermine the status quo. The ability of the counterculture in general and environment movements in particular to innovate in the quest to challenge and change what it perceives as damaging or unethical practices demonstrates its ingenuity and spirit. This movement is testament to its dynamic nature. References ABC News. Metgasco Has No CSG Extraction Plans for Glenugie. 2013. 30 July 2014 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-01-22/metgasco-says-no-csg-extraction-planned-for-glenugie/4477652›. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. Bachelor of Arts (Honours) Thesis, University of New England, 2010. 4 Nov. 2014 ‹http://www.rainforestinfo.org.au/terania/Vanessa%27s%20Terania%20Thesis2.pdf›. Buckingham, Jeremy. Hansard of Bentley Blockade Motion 15/05/2014. 16 May 2014. 30 July 2014 ‹http://jeremybuckingham.org/2014/05/16/hansard-of-bentley-blockade-motion-moved-by-david-shoebridge-15052014/›. Carter, Neil. The Politics of the Environment: Ideas, Activism, Policy. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge UP, 2007. Cox, Laurence. Building Counter Culture: The Radical Praxis of Social Movement Milieu. Helsinki: Into-ebooks 2011. 23 July 2014 ‹http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/building_counter_culture/›. Della Porta, Donatella, and Mario Diani. Social Movements: An Introduction. 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006. 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Seasonal monitoring of groundwater is essential to ascertain safe water for the population and ecosystem for drinking, irrigation, domestic purposes and to keep track of groundwater quality with natural (climate change adaptation) and anthropogenic manipulations (excessive withdrawal). It helps to arrive at essential decisions regarding groundwater management policies and adopt contaminant mitigation strategies. The seasonal trend of groundwater As is highlighted to identify the significant concerns and minimize the As risk. The present study provides a comprehensive idea about the seasonal mobilization process of 'Arsenic’ (As) in the shallow groundwater (<60 m bgl) of the Western Bengal Basin. Arsenic is a siderochalcophile metalloid that is carcinogenic. Arsenic contamination in shallow groundwater of the Bengal Basin has been an alarming issue since 1984, affecting millions of population's health and intensified with growing water demand. Arsenic concentration in shallow groundwater is found in excess contents; >10 μg/L (permissible limit assigned by WHO) however varies at seasonal time intervals over a year due to multiple factors, i.e., climate, recharge, biogeochemistry, and subsurface lithology. The present study aims to capture the probable redox drivers (i.e., the effect of variable rainfall and excessive groundwater withdrawal, recharge influences, the biogeochemical cycle of redox-sensitive elements) responsible for As abundances in the shallow aquifer at seasonal time intervals over multiple years. Our study has been conducted at Nadia district (Chakdaha, Haringhata block) in West Bengal (India), which is one of the 'As-hot spots' with >15% of the population reportedly being affected by arsenicosis. We have monitored shallow groundwater samples originating from reducing grey sand aquifers/GSA (<70 m bgl) and a few groundwaters from deep aquifers for multiple years (2016-2019) covering dry seasonal time intervals (i.e., postmonsoon: when the groundwater level remains at near maxima after the monsoonal recharge and pre-monsoon: when the groundwater level attains minima due to excessive withdrawal practice), when the probabilities of exposure to As toxicity is maximum via excessive groundwater utility due to minimal rainfall. In addition, we have monitored the composition of deeper water from several ponds (collected from just above the pond sediment-water interface) in proximity to the monitoring bore-wells, river water, rainwater at multiple dry seasonal time intervals to estimate the possible infiltration process into the shallow aquifers. Excessive groundwater withdrawal and drop in the water level (up to ~5 m bgl) in the shallow regional aquifer during dry periods; promotes surface water mixing with the aquifer. Our results showed a strong relationship between rainfall amounts and regional groundwater level in shallow aquifers at a monthly time scale, i.e., heavy rainfall events coinciding with an increment in groundwater level. We have used stable isotopes (δ18O, δ2H) as conservative tracers to deduce source and seasonal recharge contribution to the shallow aquifer. In the mixing model, the mass conservative approach using δ18O, D-excess tracers have shown 4- 14% mixing of deep pond water with the shallow aquifer water during dry winter and premonsoon time; however, there are exceptions for the pre-monsoon time of particular years, when regional shower contributed to the aquifers. Limited observations of pre-monsoonal groundwater for the stable carbon isotope ratios in the dissolved organics (δ13C-OC) showed a total ~34% ± 0.7% (applying mass conservative approach) mixing of pond-derived young labile organic carbon into the shallow groundwater. Our observation is consistent with earlier reports on the 14C-DOC signature from the region capturing traces of pond-derived labile organic carbon in the shallow groundwater. Such mixing causes the generation of anoxia and promotes As mobilization. In the majority of the shallow groundwater samples of the present study, an increasing total As contents (+ΔAs) and developing reducing conditions during dry pre-monsoon periods compared to the post-monsoon periods is evident, supporting our interpretation. However, the magnitude of such seasonal deviations in groundwater As varies over multiple years under different seasonal hydrological conditions. The few deep groundwater samples from GSA (>70 m bgl) show a predominance of historical rainwater with minimum mixing influence from the overlying shallow groundwater. However, the water samples from brown sand aquifer/BSA (35-70 m bgl) show a probable effect of evaporation connected with variable climate at a historical time or mixing of heavy pore water from the sediment intercalated clay-peat lenses. Arsenic mobilization in groundwater is linked to the process of dissimilatory reductive dissolution of As-coated Fe(III)-oxy-hydroxides and/or reduction of adsorbed arsenate [As(V)] from the aquifer sediment coupled to the microbial metabolism of available DOC in an anoxic condition. Based on multiple redox-sensitive geochemical tracers (i.e., total As, Fe, SO42-, NO3-, Mn, Cl-, DOC content, oxidation-reduction potential) in the seasonal shallow groundwater samples, our observations have documented contrasting variable seasonal trends in total As contents and development of redox conditions between post-monsoon and premonsoon time intervals over multiple years. Such seasonal patterns in As in shallow groundwater are probably linked to the dependency of redox controlled biogeochemical processes acting in the shallow aquifer on excess DOC supplied by the differential surface water recharge (rainwater, deep pond water) during dry pre-monsoon periods, triggering anoxic conditions for high As mobilization. Alternatively, we have proposed a possible influence of organic-rich pore water mixing from the shallow aquifer intercalated clay-peat lenses of variable thickness in the adjoining groundwater chemistry and total As contents; based on limited observations. The mixing of pore water intensifies with excessive withdrawal from ‘squeezed’ clay-peat lenses and often triggers regional land subsidence. The satellite-based observation of an overall ~12.5 mm land subsidence over the monitoring period covering 2017-2020 with a maximum rate of ~3.3mm/yr is noted in and around the study region, supporting our interpretation. Based on multiple geochemical tracers (i.e., total As, Fe, SO42-, dissolved inorganic carbon content [DIC]) and stable isotopes [δ13C-DIC, δ34S-SO42-], described in the present study, we have highlighted the role of carbon and sulfur biogeochemical cycles on seasonal As mobilization process in GSA groundwater. Our observation documents the microbiallymediated reduction of As-coated Fe(III)-OOH coupled to methanogenesis (by ‘carbonate reduction’) process triggers high As mobilization in the shallow and a few deep groundwater samples (Gr-1) with limited bacterial sulfate reduction (BSR) state (due to low initial SO42- contents). Such a process is more evident during dry pre-monsoon time. However, few shallow groundwater samples (Gr-2) with abundant SO42- contents show evidence of active BSR state and lower As mobilization, with however no conclusive inter-seasonal pattern being recorded for SO42- reduction. Rayleigh fractionation model with fractionation of δ34SSO42- isotopes by BSR process simulates the intensity of BSR at seasonal time intervals in the groundwater (Gr-2), which is found independent of the corresponding total As contents. The multi-proxy-based approach documented in the present study can serve as a template to study and compare the inter-seasonal pattern of groundwater total As contents from other regions of India and Bangladesh, providing information for decision-making on groundwater As mitigation and adoption strategies.