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Journal articles on the topic 'Greta Britain'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Macnicol, John. "Greta Jones, Social Hygiene in Twentieth Century Britain, Croom Helm, London, 1986. 180 pp. £25.00." Journal of Social Policy 16, no. 4 (October 1987): 578–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400016214.

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2

Ellis, Joyce, John Walton, and Bill Luckin. "Greta Jones, Social Hygiene in Twentieth Century Britain. London: Croom Helm, 1986. 180 pp. Bibliography. £25.00." Urban History 14 (May 1987): 190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800008749.

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3

Benke, Jr., Ralph L., and Joseph E. Hollis. "Computer Needs In The Modern Academic Environment." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 2, no. 2 (November 2, 2011): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v2i2.6578.

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The industrial revolution, which began in Greta Britain around 1760, changed business as radically as Louis Pasteurs proof of the germ theory of disease changed medicine. The industrial revolution caused the transition from manual to machine techniques of production that resulted in the domestic system of production giving way to the factory system.Over two hundred years after the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, another upheaval is being visited on business. The Information Revolution spearheaded by the development of computers, is changing the way we do business, the way we educate business students, and even the way we think about business. Business faculty that are not up to date on computers or are not keeping their students up to date, are going to find that they and their students will be at a competitive disadvantage.

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4

Pickard, Sarah, Benjamin Bowman, and Dena Arya. "“We Are Radical In Our Kindness”: The Political Socialisation, Motivations, Demands and Protest Actions of Young Environmental Activists in Britain." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-02020007.

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Abstract The year 2018 was a watershed in environmental activism, especially regarding young activists. Greta Thunberg started her School Strikes for Climate and the environmental movement Extinction Rebellion was founded. This article deals with young people’s involvement in these two global movements. It draws on 60 semi-structured interviews carried out with young environmental activists before, during and after protest actions under the auspices of the climate strikes and/or Extinction Rebellion in five British locations. The period of the political socialisation of this young generation is outlined and how it contributes to young people becoming environmental activists. The article then identifies the “radical” demands made by young environmental activists and their “radical” repertoire of contention in relation to their perceptions of the “radical” compared to hegemonic definitions. The interviews show that these young environmentalists are part of a generation of activists committed to obtaining significant change from powerholders through the use of deliberately non-violent direct action that challenges academic perceptions of radical repertoires of contention.

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Chibani, Daniel. "Great Britain’s Ulterior Motives in Abolishing Ottoman Slavery." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (April 11, 2022): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3653.

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This essay seeks to provide an alternative perspective of Great Britain’s involvement in the abolition of the Ottoman slave trade during the 19th and 20th centuries. Contemporary scholars often cite Britain’s involvement in the abolition of Ottoman slavery as a means of establishing moral superiority on the world stage. While there is some validity to this, a critical analysis of Britain’s motives towards abolishing the Ottoman slave trade reveals Britain’s vast economic, political, and territorial interests obtained from Ottoman abolition. Britain conquered vast regions in East and North Africa such as Egypt and Sudan which justified these conquests as necessary in the fight against slavery while simultaneously profiting from these regions through colonization and legitimate trade. Not only would Britain hinder the Ottoman slave trade through such territorial acquisitions, but they would simultaneously control and monitor strategic economic zones such as the Red Sea, Tunisia, the Persian Gulf, and the Gulf of Aden. While Britain is often portrayed as the morally superior emancipator and the Ottomans as the inferior enslavers, Britain’s facade of moral superiority is tainted when considering their ulterior motives.

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Daga, Sneha. "Standing up for a Healthier Future for the Next Generation." Sushruta Journal of Health Policy & Opinion 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2023): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.38192/15.2.5.

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Food poverty is a real issue in the modern United Kingdom and one that adversely affects children leading to a long-lasting impact on their future health. This has been further complicated by the COVID-19 pandemic,[1] the economic recession and the cost-of-living crisis. Increasing numbers of families are struggling to pay their bills whilst being forced to choose between buying essential food for their children. Many children are going hungry in schools with inadequate provisions for free meals. The concept of eating healthily is understandably low in priority, and healthy, affordable food is scarce. There is the additional element of the impact of an unequal society and inherent biases, which affects families and children from marginalised communities far more. What is our role as young people growing up in modern, multi-cultural Britain? What meaningful contribution can we make to achieving a fair and just society, that we read about in our school lessons? This opinion piece will explore some of the ways we as young people, can make a difference in our own communities and neighbourhoods. There are lessons to be learnt from such role models as young activists such as Malala Yousafzai, Greta Thunberg and Licypriya Kangujam.

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7

Rodríguez González, Gilberto. "Gestión del patrimonio arqueológico en Gran Bretaña." SPAL. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla, no. 5 (1996): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/spal.1996.i5.01.

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8

Slinger, Michael J. "Great Britain and the Confederacy." British Journal of American Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2023-0028.

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Abstract This essay describes the efforts of the Confederate States of America to convince Great Britain to support its secession from the United States. Although the South's leaders were confident that Britain's need for cotton would lead it to become an ally, numerous factors—including the British public's aversion to slavery—contributed to the country remaining neutral.

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9

Gao, Jie. "Compromise and Defence: Great Britain and the Burma Road Crisis." China and Asia 3, no. 1 (September 29, 2021): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030102.

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Abstract China and Britain both found themselves in extremely precarious situations by the early summer of 1940, when Japan demanded that Britain close the Burma Road, a vital overland supply route for Chinese forces fighting against Japanese aggression. The British had just seen all of their continental European allies fall like dominoes to Hitler’s forces over the span of a few weeks, while China was fighting a losing defensive war against Japan with minimal outside support. China desperately needed to maintain its overland supply line to the British Empire, the Burma Road, but Britain feared that the very existence of this conduit of war materiel would provoke a Japanese attack on vulnerable British colonies in the Far East. American policy on Japanese aggression was ambiguous at this point and neither Britain nor China could realistically expect help from Washington in the short term. As a result, Britain signed a one-sided confidential memorandum to close the Burma Road to buy time and shore up its East Asian position to the extent that it was able. This deal, a lesser-studied counterpart to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement policy in Europe, compromised the Chinese war effort against Japan, paved the way for the Japanese conquest of Southeast Asia, and ultimately failed to prevent Britain’s defeat in East Asia. Recognizing that this temporary concession would not moderate Japanese behavior, Britain reopened the Burma Road three months later. This paper examines the vital role of the Burma Road in the Chinese war effort in 1940 and why Japan demanded that London close it, then explores the factors that led to Britain’s unavoidable capitulation on the issue and subsequent reversal three months later, along with the consequences for the Allied war effort in the Far East.

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Valdés, Juan Núñez. "WOMEN IN THE EARLY DAYS OF PHARMACY IN GREAT BRITAIN." International Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research And Studies 04, no. 12 (October 1, 2018): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33826/ijmras/v04i12.1.1.

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This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull and Agnes Thompson Borrowman.The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been the usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated

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García Asuero, Agustín. "Chemical Society Y Pharmaceuthical Society Of Great Britain: Parallel Lifes." Anales de la Real Academia Nacional de Farmacia, no. 90(02) (July 1, 2024): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.53519/analesranf.2024.90.02.03.

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This report reviews the creation and beginnings of two important scientific societies, the “Chemical Society of London”, and the “Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain”. The similarity is noted in terms of their starting point and establishment of specific objectives, e.g., the practice of chemistry. Differences are observed in the admission criteria, which are more restrictive by the “Chemical Society”. Both societies are the result of the process of differentiation of science, and the reaffirmation of professional sentiment and the rights associated with the practice of the trade. Key figures are reviewed in both cases, highlighting in the case of the “Chemical Society” the German influence on British chemistry. The search for a headquarters that satisfies the material needs and the fulfilment of the entrusted missions involves a long pilgrimage. The “Chemical Society of London” soon became the “Chemical Society” and later became the “Royal Society of Chemistry”. The “Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain” became the “Royal Pharmaceutical Society” over the years. Keywords: Chemical Society of London; Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain; history

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12

Holman, Brett. "The Phantom Airship Panic of 1913: Imagining Aerial Warfare in Britain before the Great War." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2016): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.173.

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AbstractIn late 1912 and early 1913, people all over Britain reported seeing airships in the night sky, yet there were none. It was widely assumed that these “phantom airships” were German Zeppelins, testing British defenses in preparation for the next war. The public and press responses to the phantom airship sightings provide a glimpse of the way that aerial warfare was understood before it was ever experienced in Britain. Conservative newspapers and patriotic leagues used the sightings to argue for a massive expansion of Britain's aerial forces, which were perceived to be completely outclassed by Germany's in both number and power. In many ways this airship panic was analogous to the much better known 1909 dreadnought panic. The result was the perfect Edwardian panic: the simultaneous culmination of older fears about Germany and the threat of espionage, invasion, and, above all, the loss of Britain's naval superiority. But, in reality, there was little understanding about the way that Zeppelins would be used against Britain in the First World War—not to attack its arsenals and dockyards, but to bomb its cities.

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13

Shkurupii, Olha V., Alla V. Svitlychna, Iryna L. Zahrebelna, and Olha A. Svitlychna. "BREXIT: Preconditions, Consequences, Interests and the Main Vectors of Interstate Relations of Great Britain in the Sphere of Trade." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 3, no. 53 (2022): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-3-12-19.

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The carried out analysis reflects the essence and course of the Brexit process. In terms of essence, the Great Britain’s exit from the EU should be considered a complex transformational process, which in a real form reproduces the model of structural changes occurring within the framework of a non-balanced open system (dissipative structure). Such a conceptual approach to the interpretation of this process allows us to specify the definition of Brexit as a solution to the intra-system contradiction that has formed within the most complex form of integration, which is the European Union. With the transformation (transformation of the form) and structural changes occurring along this process, a new quality of the basic system together with the separated former elements of this system, which have acquired the status of independent integral system units, is formed. In the future, the dynamics may take the form of either progress or regression. Accordingly, Brexit as a result of the transformation of the economic and political union of European countries is fraught with risks for both sides – as for Great Britain, so for the EU. The economic system of Great Britain is one of the largest and most productive in Europe and the world. Therefore, Brexit has significantly weakened the EU economy, but has not caused a critical deterioration in its condition. Similarly, the Great Britain’s loss of the EU membership, which the country had since 1973, had hindered the possibilities of growth, but did not cause a devastating change in the economy. The situation in the sphere of international trade appears to be similar. For Great Britain, the Brexit transition period has become extremely difficult, as it largely coincided with the protracted period of the COVID-19 pandemic. As a response to the challenges facing the country after Brexit, Great Britain is implementing a model of interstate relations aimed at preserving the partnerships acquired during the period of the EU membership and at the same time forming new ones, being no less effective. Within the limits of this model, the most likely format of equally close economic (including trade) relations «countries of Europe – Great Britain – the USA» will be formed. Trade relations with China remain mutually beneficial for Great Britain, although their context has become significantly politically determined, given the divergence of the interests of the USA and China and the Great Britain’s loss of the role of a conductor of Chinese interests in the EU. Great prospects are opened to Great Britain by the direction of Indo- and Asia-Pacific cooperation, which involves developing relations with countries, the vast majority of which are participants in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

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Ulunyan, Arutyun. "“Cotton Shadow” of the Great Game (1880s — Early 20th Century)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023789-6.

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The article analyzes the interconnection between the political and economic interests of Britain in the context of the Great Game in the 1880s — early 20th century and the strengthening of the British participation in making and development of the Russian cotton industry. Archival sources, materials of parliamentary reports, the British press, publications of British and Russian participants in the events, all of them, provide legitimate basis to detect the peculiarities of the links between Britain’s economic and political interests during this period. The “cotton shadow” of the Great Game turned out to be a phenomenon that allows even at the statistical level to reveal the prevailing importance of economic interests over purely political assessments of the likely Russian threat to Britain in Central and East Asia and partially overshadow them.

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15

Newell, Dianne. "The Politics of Food in World War II: Great Britain’s Grip on Canada’s Pacific Fishery." Historical Papers 22, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030970ar.

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Abstract Maintaining and transporting food supplies during wartime are crucial activities. How to fulfill these obligations often is an important point in determining a government's wartime trade strategy. An example is the case of Great Britain during World War II. Britain attempted to control the cost and quality of its imported foodstuffs by influencing the production, supply and price within supplying countries. British food missions were established to negotiate the best-possible agreements and to protect Britain's long-term commercial interests. This self-interest can be seen in the food programme established by the British Ministry of Food and in the negotiations with British Columbia packers for canned salmon. Britain needed this nutritious and practical foodstuff, but refused to enter into longterm contracts with Canadian suppliers. The British Columbia salmon was considered too expensive, and Britain wanted to return to the cheaper Japanese and Russian suppliers after the war. The ultimate result was that the BC salmon canning industry was seriously curtailed at war's end, and the very existence of the resource was threatened.

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16

Mashevskyi, Oleh. "NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP." European Historical Studies, no. 24 (2023): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4.

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The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.

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17

Lucas, Spencer G., Andrew B. Heckert, Nicholas C. Fraser, and Philip Huber. "Aetosaurus from the Upper Triassic of Great Britain and its biochronological significance." Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und Paläontologie - Monatshefte 1999, no. 9 (October 21, 1999): 568–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/njgpm/1999/1999/568.

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18

Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.

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The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 39, no. 1 (November 19, 2021): 329–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-03901031.

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Smith, Alison. "Great Britain." Woman's Art Journal 24, no. 1 (2003): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1358827.

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Marsh, Jan, and Pamela Todd. "Great Britain." Woman's Art Journal 22, no. 2 (2001): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1358953.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 20, no. 1 (1999): 367–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160200x00385.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 22, no. 1 (2001): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160202x00275.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 22, no. 1 (2001): 383–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160202x00419.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 21, no. 1 (December 9, 2000): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-02101018.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 21, no. 1 (December 9, 2000): 377–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-02101039.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 21, no. 1 (December 9, 2000): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-02101048.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 32, no. 1 (June 19, 2014): 69–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-03201008.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 38, no. 1 (November 15, 2020): 407–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-03801038.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 33, no. 1 (November 25, 2015): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-90000058.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 37, no. 1 (December 4, 2018): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028_03701025.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 18, no. 1 (1997): xxv—15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160298x00018.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 18, no. 1 (1997): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160298x00072.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 18, no. 1 (1997): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160298x00144.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 19, no. 1 (1998): 209–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160299x00189.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 19, no. 1 (1998): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160299x00206.

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Hughes, Meredydd G. "Great Britain." Educational Administration Quarterly 21, no. 1 (February 1985): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013161x85021001010.

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Chamberlain, M. Anne. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Journal of Rehabilitation Research 12, no. 4 (December 1989): 392–595. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004356-198912000-00010.

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Connellan, Owen, and Nathaniel Lichfield. "Great Britain." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 59, no. 5 (November 2000): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1536-7150.00096.

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Adonis, Andrew. "Great Britain." Electoral Studies 8, no. 3 (December 1989): 262–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(89)90007-3.

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Mortimore, Roger. "Great Britain." Electoral Studies 13, no. 4 (December 1994): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(94)90048-5.

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Osborne, Patrick E. "Key issues in assessing the feasibility of reintroducing the great bustard Otis tarda to Britain." Oryx 39, no. 1 (January 2005): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605305000050.

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The great bustard is a globally-threatened species needing conservation action across Europe. This paper discusses key issues in the case for reintroducing the bird to Britain. Great bustards became extinct as a breeding species in Britain in 1832 probably as a result of hunting, agricultural change and inclement weather. The factors that caused the loss are no longer thought to operate. Suitable habitat exists in pockets across England and especially on Salisbury Plain where a large area is protected for military training and conservation purposes. The Plain combines short grass areas for lekking, long grassland for feeding and adjacent arable land for nesting. Pilot studies on arthropods in long grassland suggest that their density is sufficient for chick-rearing but the precautionary creation of additional food-rich areas among arable crops is recommended. Genetic studies indicate that Britain's bustards probably belonged to the central European group and that restocking should not use birds from Iberia. Only Russia has sufficient birds to supply a reintroduction project and losses there through nest destruction are high. By rescuing eggs, artificially incubating them and transporting chicks to Britain, the project should have zero detriment to the donor population. Modelling indicates that 40 chicks will need to be brought to Britain for 5–10 years to build a founder population of 100 birds. Although focused on direct action in Britain, the project will promote grassland conservation across Europe and serve as a model for translocating bustards elsewhere.

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Bakhash, Shaul. "The Persian Gulf." World Politics 37, no. 4 (July 1985): 599–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010346.

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The focus and context of the great powers' interest in the Persian Gulf has altered —often subtly, sometimes dramatically —since Britain established its hegemony in the region in the 19th century. Britain engaged in a lucrative trade, but primarily sought to protect imperial communications and the approaches to India. Today, it is oil that gives the region its strategic importance. For a number of years after World War II, Britain remained the paramount power in the area, maintaining maritime peace, handling the external affairs of the Gulf sheikhdoms, mediating local disputes, dominating trade. Since Britain's withdrawal from the Gulf in 1971, the situation has become somewhat more messy.

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Marshall, P. J. "Presidential Address: Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: I, Reshaping the Empire." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679286.

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By the end of the eighteenth century Britain was a world power on a scale that none of her European rivals could match. Not only did she rule a great empire, but the reach of expeditionary forces from either Britain itself or from British India stretched from the River Plate to the Moluccas in eastern Indonesia. Britain's overseas trade had developed a strongly global orientation: she was die leading distributor of tropical produce diroughout die world and in the last years of the century about four-fifths of her exports were going outside Europe. Britain was at die centre of inter-continental movements of people, not only exporting her own population but shipping almost as many Africans across the Atantic during die eighteenth century as all the other carriers put together. It is not surprising therefore that British historians have searched for the qualities that marked out eighteeth-century Britain's exceptionalism on a world stage. Notable books have stressed, not only the dynamism of die British economy, but developments such as the rise of Britain's ‘fiscal-military state’ or die forging of a sense of British national identity behind war and empire overseas.

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Pantyukhina, T. V. "Great Britain in the conflict over Iran oil: the First World War period." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 9, no. 4 (2022): 577–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2022.4.7.

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The article highlights the activities of Great Britain in the competition for control over oil fields and the oil industry in Iran (Persia) and the South Caucasus in 1914-1918, which was not the subject of special research in Russian historiography. On the eve of the war, Great Britain actually controlled the production and refining of oil in Persia through the AngloPersian Oil Company. With the outbreak of the war, British interests in the region were put under threat by Germany and the Ottoman Empire, which sought to challenge the British monopoly on Persian oil. Despite the fact that the territory of Persia remained far from the major battles of World War I, the country was a strategically important war theater for Great Britain. The British troops stationed in Persia controlled the territory of southern Persia, while the north of the country was controlled by Russian troops. After Russia’s withdrawal from the war at the end of 1917, there was a threat of strengthening the positions of Turkish troops and their allies in Persia and their advance to the Caucasus, to the oil fields of Baku. To counter this threat, a special taskforce was formed, called «Dunsterforce». During its 8-month stay in Persia, Dunsterforce strengthened the British position in the country, successfully suppressing anti-British forces with weapons, diplomacy and the pound sterling. Dunsterforce failed to protect Baku from capture by the Turks in September 1918. However, in November 1918, British troops managed to take over Baku. As a result, by the end of the war the western, eastern and southern shores of the Caspian Sea were under the full control of the British military. under the full control of the British military.

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Darwen, Lewis, Donald M. MacRaild, Brian Gurrin, and Liam Kennedy. "‘Irish fever’ in Britain during the Great Famine: immigration, disease and the legacy of ‘Black ’47’." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 166 (November 2020): 270–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.37.

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AbstractDuring the worst year of the Great Irish Famine, ‘Black ’47’, tens of thousands of people fled across the Irish Sea from Ireland to Britain, desperately escaping the starvation and disease plaguing their country. These refugees, crowding unavoidably into the most insalubrious accommodation British towns and cities had to offer, were soon blamed for deadly outbreaks of epidemic typhus which emerged across the country during the first half of 1847. Indeed, they were accused of transporting the pestilence, then raging in Ireland, over with them. Typhus mortality rates in Ireland and Britain soared, and so closely connected with the disease were the Irish in Britain that it was widely referred to as ‘Irish fever’. Much of what we know about this epidemic is based on a handful of studies focusing almost exclusively on major cities along the British west-coast. Moreover, there has been little attempt to understand the legacy of the episode on the Irish in Britain. Taking a national perspective, this article argues that the ‘Irish fever’ epidemic of 1847 spread far beyond the western port of entry, and that the epidemic, by entrenching the association of the Irish with deadly disease, contributed significantly to the difficulties Britain's Irish population faced in the 1850s.

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Andreeva, T. "Great Britain and Processes of the European Integration after Euro Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-40-47.

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The paper is devoted to the Great Britain's stance on the promoting of European integration towards creation of a federal state, after the euro crisis. It focuses on advantages and losses of the British policy in the EU. There are standpoints and views of four main political parties of Great Britain on the country's secession from the EU as well as the results of both local elections and elections for the European Parliament which reveal the rise of the right secessionist and anti-European moods in British society. The author also considers the European nations' present views and attitudes to the European idea. The following questions are answered in the article: Do the anti-European moods exert the crucial and lasting effect on British European policy? Is it better and more profitable for Britain to stay within the organization taking an active part in the integration process, or to withdraw from it?

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Power, Gerald. "Education, Culture and the British Position in the Arabian Gulf: Establishing the British Council in Kuwait, 1952–1955." Britain and the World 15, no. 1 (March 2022): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0381.

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Connections between Great Britain and the countries of the Arabian Gulf during the era of the Cold War and decolonisation have been the subject of close examination by historians in recent years. However, no historian has addressed with any profundity the cultural dimension of Britain's dealings with the Gulf states. The intent of this article is to confront this question and to show that cultural change in the Arabian Gulf was a major preoccupation of the UK government, particularly when it was associated with the expansion of education then unfolding across the region, most intensely in Kuwait. There was especial anxiety that Arab Nationalism and anti-Western sentiment were penetrating local societies and thus undermining an already precarious British influence in the region. The British Council was widely championed as the best instrument at Britain's disposal to counter this threat. It was envisaged that the Council would allow increased cultural contact between Arabs and Britons, offer an alternative vision of Britain to Gulf residents and provide an additional channel through which Britain could influence Gulf governments.

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Morris, Justin. "How Great is Britain? Power, Responsibility and Britain's Future Global Role." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 13, no. 3 (March 28, 2011): 326–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2011.00450.x.

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Gough, Judith. "The Unwavering Support." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-17.

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The interview with Judith Gough, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to Ukraine, reveals Her Excellency’s opinion on a range of issues and the position of Great Britain on security matters. The article states Great Britain was one of the pioneers of the campaign for the imposition of sanctions against the Russian Federation in response to its aggression against Ukraine. Great Britain also highly appreciates the support of Ukraine after the Salisbury incident. Specifically, here the reader will find articulated Great Britain’s position relating to the Minsk process, which can be succinctly described by a phrase ‘there is no such thing as an ideal peace process.’ The negotiations are always associated with difficulties and never finish at a pace desired. However, the paramount task of today is to stop hostilities in Donbas. The interview goes on to explore the role of the NATO Contact Point Embassy, which consists in that every NATO Member State undertakes the functions to carry out NATO public diplomacy, assists the NATO Liaison Office in communicating with citizens of the receiving state, and makes clear what the organization is and what its activities are. It is stressed it is the first time when such functions are jointly undertaken by two countries, Great Britain and Canada. Thus, Ukraine has gained the support of two states at the same time. The article also underlines that Great Britain does not intend to change its visa policy towards Ukraine. However, that is not a discriminatory model, as such a policy is applied to the entire world in the same manner. An important aspect of this matter in the relations between Ukraine and Great Britain is an ever-growing number of visas issued. It is mentioned that Brexit has not changed the policy of Great Britain towards Ukraine, has not affected the decision to support Ukraine, and has not decreased an interest to it. After the referendum, the support has become even more evident. The number of visits at the ministerial level has also increased. The article delineates the importance of such organisation as the British Council, providing not only English tutor lessons at a globally recognised level but also vigorously taking part in the realm of cultural diplomacy. Key words: Ukrainian-British relations, Brexit, NATO, Minsk process.

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