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Journal articles on the topic 'Gregorian Chant'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Cho, Eun Young, Hayoung Wong, and Zong Woo Geem. "The Liturgical Usage of Translated Gregorian Chant in the Korean Catholic Church." Religions 12, no. 12 (November 23, 2021): 1033. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12121033.

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For centuries, Gregorian chant has served as a monophonic song written for the religious services of the Roman Catholic Church, but Korean Catholics first encountered this chant in the early nineteenth century. Korean Catholics ultimately became more attracted to the Korean translations of these chants, as opposed to the original Latin versions. This article introduces some issues related to the language translation of Gregorian chant, especially for chants performed in Holy Week. The issues include discrepancies in the number of syllables, shifts in melismatic emphasis, difficult diction in vocalization, briefer singing parts because of space limitations, challenging melodic lines, and translation losses from neumes to modern notes.

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2

Dyer, Joseph, and Jerome F. Weber. "A Gregorian Chant Discography." Notes 47, no. 4 (June 1991): 1174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/941663.

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Milanese, Guido, and Cyril J. Law. "Newman and Gregorian Chant." Antiphon: A Journal for Liturgical Renewal 20, no. 2 (2016): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atp.2016.0037.

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4

Levy, Kenneth. "Charlemagne's Archetype of Gregorian Chant." Journal of the American Musicological Society 40, no. 1 (1987): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831580.

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Argues that the "Gregorian" repertory of Mass propers was fully neumed under Charlemagne, a century sooner than is generally supposed. The chief witness is an "apocryphal" Offertory, Factus est repente for Pentecost. Affected are widely-held views concerning: (1) the origin of neumes; (2) the impact of oral-improvisational techniques on Gregorian chant; and (3) the origin and relationship of Gregorian and Old Roman chant styles.

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5

Johnsen, Paul. "Integrative Devices in Gregorian Chant." American Journal of Semiotics 8, no. 3 (1991): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ajs19918318.

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6

Brunner, Lance W., and Kenneth Levy. "Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians." Notes 56, no. 1 (September 1999): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/900473.

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7

Piscitelli, Felicia. "Gregorian Chant Collections in Print." Music Reference Services Quarterly 8, no. 1 (January 2001): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j116v08n01_05.

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8

Levy, Kenneth. "Charlemagne's Archetype of Gregorian Chant." Journal of the American Musicological Society 40, no. 1 (April 1987): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.1987.40.1.03a00010.

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9

Levy, Kenneth. "Gregorian Chant and the Romans." Journal of the American Musicological Society 56, no. 1 (2003): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2003.56.1.5.

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Abstract A central problem in plainchant studies has been the relationship between the two “Roman” repertories, “Old Roman” (ROM) and “Gregorian” (GREG). Many attempts have been made to penetrate the “mystérieuse alchimie” that links them. Almost without exception, these have embraced the notion that ROM music was the supplier of GREG. This paper advances an alternative hypothesis. It recognizes initial transfers of ROM musical material to the Franks under Pippin III (before 768)—ROM music that was generally improvisational in process and style. However, still under Pippin or later under Charlemagne, the Franks rejected the ROM music and, in their effort to establish GREG, turned to familiar Gallican chants, which tended to have fixed, memorable melodies. Later, perhaps during the tenth century renovatio imperii under Otto I, though perhaps even during Charlemagne's reign, the authorized GREG repertory reached Rome, where it was supposed to supplant the local ROM. But the Roman musicians resisted; rather than abandon ROM, they compromised by accepting certain portions of GREG music and remodeling them so they conformed with ROM style. This sequence of events would explain the musical relationships between ROM and GREG.

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10

Howard, H. Wendell. "Silence, Solitariness, and Gregorian Chant." Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 19, no. 4 (2016): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.2016.0032.

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11

Crocker, R. "Gregorian Chant. By David Hiley." Music and Letters 92, no. 4 (November 1, 2011): 633–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcr082.

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12

Maiello, James Vincent. "Gregorian Chant (review)." Notes 67, no. 4 (2011): 736–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2011.0039.

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13

Mäkelä, Tomi. "Gregorian Chant and Modal Modernism." Musurgia XV, no. 1 (2008): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/musur.081.0061.

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14

Curry, Robert. "Gregorian Chant (review)." Parergon 10, no. 2 (1992): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1992.0098.

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15

Kelly, Thomas Forrest. "Montecassino and the Old Beneventan chant." Early Music History 5 (October 1985): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900000668.

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The term ‘Old Beneventan’ describes the archaic non-Gregorian chant found chiefly in two eleventh-century Graduals in the chapter library at Benevento. This is perhaps in part a translation of Dom Hesbert's ‘Ancien rit bénéventain’, with a hint of analogy to the ‘Old Roman’ chant. The term means that this chant is ‘Old’, that is, that it pre-dates the introduction of Gregorian chant into southern Italy; and that it is ‘Beneventan’. But both words need to be evaluated carefully.

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16

WEBER, JEROME F. "Recent recordings of plainchant." Plainsong and Medieval Music 26, no. 1 (March 20, 2017): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137116000115.

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FOREWORDThe Editorial Committee extends its heartfelt thanks and warmest wishes to Rev. Jerome F. Weber, who is retiring as PMM's Audio Review Editor effective this issue. For a quarter century, Father Weber has regularly contributed reviews of hundreds of plainchant recordings to this journal, casting his net widely to capture Gregorian and post-Gregorian repertoires, monastic and regional traditions including Byzantine Chant, and chants on recordings devoted mainly to polyphony. Having published A Gregorian Chant Discography in 1990, addenda et corrigenda in PMM 19/1 (2010), he launched the website chantdiscography.com in November 2010, a relational database of sound recordings in formats ranging from shellac 78s and vinyl LPs to cassette tapes and compact discs. An enormously useful resource for scholars and music lovers alike, the online discography analyses well over a thousand new and re-issued CD recordings produced since 1990 along with data from the 1990 discography. We wish our colleague the very best in his well-earned retirement!

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17

Hornby, Emma. "The Transmission of Western Chant in the 8th and 9th Centuries: Evaluating Kenneth Levy's Reading of the Evidence." Journal of Musicology 21, no. 3 (2004): 418–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2004.21.3.418.

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Since the 19th century, scholars have been attempting to discover the origins of Gregorian chant and to establish when musical notation began to be widely used in its redaction. For almost 30 years, Kenneth Levy's scholarship on the subject has been hugely influential. He hypothesizes that Gregorian chant was notated in the time of Charlemagne (742-814), or even Pippin (714-768). There are alternative ways of reading the 8th- and 9th-century evidence, however, and largely oral transmission of the Gregorian melodies until the later 9th century cannot be ruled out.

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18

Conklin, Darrell, and Geert Maessen. "Generation of Melodies for the Lost Chant of the Mozarabic Rite." Applied Sciences 9, no. 20 (October 12, 2019): 4285. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app9204285.

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Prior to the establishment of the Roman rite with its Gregorian chant, in the Iberian Peninsula and Southern France the Mozarabic rite, with its own tradition of chant, was dominant from the sixth until the eleventh century. Few of these chants are preserved in pitch readable notation and thousands exist only in manuscripts using adiastematic neumes which specify only melodic contour relations and not exact intervals. Though their precise melodies appear to be forever lost it is possible to use computational machine learning and statistical sequence generation methods to produce plausible realizations. Pieces from the León antiphoner, dating from the early tenth century, were encoded into templates then instantiated by sampling from a statistical model trained on pitch-readable Gregorian chants. A concert of ten Mozarabic chant realizations was performed at a music festival in the Netherlands. This study shows that it is possible to construct realizations for incomplete ancient cultural remnants using only partial information compiled into templates, combined with statistical models learned from extant pieces to fill the templates.

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19

Dubowchik, Rosemary. "An Introduction to Gregorian Chant (review)." Notes 57, no. 3 (2001): 618–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2001.0014.

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20

Peattie, Matthew. "Post-Gregorian chant in southern Italy." Early Music 45, no. 3 (August 2017): 470–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cax066.

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21

Planchart, Alejandro Enrique. "On the Nature of Transmission and Change in Trope Repertories." Journal of the American Musicological Society 41, no. 2 (1988): 215–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831433.

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Recent reinterpretations of the evidence on the early transmission of Gregorian chant point to a larger role for written sources than had previously been thought. Evidence for the trope repertories-the ordered transmission of entire trope series for a number of feasts over a considerable period of time-points to similar conclusions. Variations in trope series from one region to another point to the existence of general regional traditions. Since tropes did not posses the authority of Gregorian chant itself, they were acclimatized in each region in order to make them conform to local traditions, which seem to have their roots in the chant sung in each locality before the adoption of the Roman liturgy and Gregorian chant. The nature of the acclimatizations, both textual and musical, indicate that the tropes were often received in written form and then changed and manipulated in ways that in themselves suggest dependency upon a written text and music.

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22

Shelemay, Kay Kaufman, Peter Jeffery, and Ingrid Monson. "Oral and written transmission in Ethiopian Christian chant." Early Music History 12 (January 1993): 55–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900000140.

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Of all the musical traditions in the world among which fruitful comparisons with medieval European chant might be made, the chant tradition of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church promises to be especially informative. In Ethiopia one can actually witness many of the same processes of oral and written transmission as were or may have been active in medieval Europe. Music and literacy are taught in a single curriculum in ecclesiastical schools. Future singers begin to acquire the repertory by memorising chants that serve both as models for whole melodies and as the sources of the melodic phrases linked to individual notational signs. At a later stage of training each one copies out a complete notated manuscript on parchment using medieval scribal techniques. But these manuscripts are used primarily for study purposes; during liturgical celebrations the chants are performed from memory without books, as seems originally to have been the case also with Gregorian and Byzantine chant. Finally, singers learn to improvise sung liturgical poetry according to a structured system of rules. If one desired to imitate the example of Parry and Lord, who investigated the modern South Slavic epic for possible clues to Homeric poetry, it would be difficult to find a modern culture more similar to the one that spawned Gregorian chant.

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23

Boynton, Susan. "Aspects of Orality and Formularity in Gregorian Chant . Theodore Karp . Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians . Kenneth Levy ." Journal of the American Musicological Society 53, no. 1 (April 2000): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2000.53.1.03a00050.

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24

McGee, Timothy J. "Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians. Kenneth Levy." Speculum 75, no. 4 (October 2000): 958–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903585.

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25

Mahrt, William. "Gregorian Chant in the Season of Lent." Antiphon: A Journal for Liturgical Renewal 21, no. 2 (2017): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atp.2017.0012.

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26

Hughes, Andrew. "An Introduction to Gregorian Chant. Richard L. Crocker." Speculum 77, no. 1 (January 2002): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903813.

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27

Wiśniewski, Piotr. "Primate Stefan Wyszyński – An Eulogist of Gregorian Chant." Roczniki Humanistyczne 69, no. 4 Zeszyt specjalny (2021): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh21694spec-3.

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The article shows the unknown aspect of the activity of Primate Stefan Wyszyński related to sacred music, which included in particular the promotion of Gregorian chant. The author extracts from his speeches the most important statements considering the singing and emphasizes its value and topicality in the liturgy of the Catholic Church. The Primate’s respect for the singing is a testimony and manifestation of pastoral care to preserve the identity of the Church’s musical tradition.

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28

HOONDERT, Maarten M. J. "Gregorian Chant as Bearer of Meaning and Identity." Questions Liturgiques/Studies in Liturgy 89, no. 1 (March 31, 2008): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ql.89.1.2029549.

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29

Duncan, Roger. "Singing and Thinking: Gregorian Chant and Thomistic Philosophy." Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 2, no. 2 (1999): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.1999.0000.

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30

Janssen, J. (Jacques), and A. van Heeswijk. "Modulating the Silence: The Magic of Gregorian Chant." Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 4, no. 4 (2001): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.2001.0041.

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31

Maloy, Rebecca. "Old Hispanic Chant and the Early History of Plainsong." Journal of the American Musicological Society 67, no. 1 (2014): 1–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2014.67.1.1.

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Given the fragmentary evidence about the emergence of Western plainsong, scholars have not reached a consensus about how early liturgical chant was transformed into fully formed Medieval repertories. Proposed explanations have centered on the Roman liturgy and its two chant dialects, Gregorian and Old Roman. The Old Hispanic (or Mozarabic) chant can yield new insights into how and why the creators of early repertories selected and altered biblical texts, set them to specific kinds of music, and assigned them to festivals. I explore these questions from the perspective of the Old Hispanic sacrificia, or offertory chants. Specific traditions of Iberian biblical exegesis were central to the meaning and formation of these chants, guiding their compilers’ choice and alteration of biblical sources. Their textual characteristics and liturgical structure call for a reassessment of the theories that have been proposed about the origins of Roman chant. Although the sacrificia exhibit ample signs of liturgical planning, such as thematically proper chants with unique liturgical assignments, the processes that produced this repertory were both less linear and more varied than those envisaged for Roman chant. Finally, the sacrificia shed new light on the relationship between words and music in pre-Carolingian chant, showing that the cantors shaped the melodies according to textual syntax and meaning.

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32

Boynton, Susan. "Review: Aspects of Orality and Formularity in Gregorian Chant by Theodore Karp; Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians by Kenneth Levy." Journal of the American Musicological Society 53, no. 1 (2000): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831872.

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33

Levy, Kenneth. "On Gregorian Orality." Journal of the American Musicological Society 43, no. 2 (1990): 185–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831614.

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The study considers various means of approach to the Gregorian melos during its oral transmission, before the conversion to neumes. Among these are intuitive analysis, based on the Carolingian received text; analogy with Balkan oral epic ("Homer and Gregory"); and "multiples" or parallel readings. An approach by way of a rare case of "close multiples" is explored in depth. The Gallo-Gregorian Offertory Elegerunt apostoli survives in parallel readings that are close in their musical substance but may be independent in their neumation. It suggests that during a later oral stage this particular chant, and perhaps a good deal of its cognate "idiomelic" repertory as well, had become melodically stable and memorized, and was no longer freely improvised. There have been common-sense reasons for supposing this, but nothing else takes it so near to proof.

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CLAIRE, JEAN. "Modality in western chant: an overview." Plainsong and Medieval Music 17, no. 2 (October 2008): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137108000831.

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Translator’s note Dom Jean Claire of the Abbey of Saint-Pierre de Solesmes was for many years engaged in a study of modality in Gregorian chant and in other surviving repertories of liturgical chant of the Latin West. He had perhaps an unparalleled knowledge of the chant, derived from both practice and study. Dom Claire sang the chant at Solesmes from the time he entered the monastery in 1944, and from 1971 to 1996 he was the choirmaster of the abbey and editor of Paléographie musicale, directing the abbey’s long tradition of scholarly and practical publications.

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35

Zaramella, Enea. "El canto popular entre política y religión: la visión de Mário de Andrade." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 4, no. 1 (September 12, 2015): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v4i1.20599.

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Mário de Andrade identifies rhythm as the common structural underpinning between poetry and song. Rhythm is also the apple of discord between them, since it is with rhythm that we are able to note the fundamental distinction between the sung and the spoken word. As well as differentiating language by means of its use, popular song also fluctuates rhythmically; that is, it has another ‘wave’ (or mood) which varies depending on a series of other factors, which Andrade calls to mind. By considering 'canto' (chant) in psycho-physical terms, this essay offers an interpretation of Andrade’s reading of the masses present at one political event in 1930 described in “Dinamogenias políticas.” Moreover, this paper connects the political with the religious practices introduced in Brazil by the Jesuits, focusing above all on the Gregorian chant. I propose that with his “Crítica do gregoriano” Andrade offers a counterpoint by which to understand popular music in Brazil.

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36

Москва, Ю. В. "Gregorian Semiology as a Method of Modal Identification in Early and Renaissance Polyphony." Научный вестник Московской консерватории, no. 4(31) (December 21, 2017): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26176/mosconsv.2017.31.4.04.

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Определение лада в раннем и ренессансном многоголосии принадлежит к самым актуальным и сложным научным проблемам. Раннее многоголосие восходит к григорианскому пению, поэтому исследование модальности в полифонии отталкивает ся от григорианской модальности. Однако григорианские напевы подвержены модификациям (транспозиции, трансмодализации) как сами по себе, так и в условиях модального многоголосия. Поэтому модальность cantus firmus не может служить надежным критерием определения лада в многоголосии. Поскольку лад проявляет ся посредством ритма, автор статьи предлагает новый метод: исследование модальности в раннем многоголосии с помощью григорианской семиологии Эжена Кардина — учения о ритмических и артикуляционных аспектах невменной нотации. В качестве примера приведен модальный анализ мессы Дж. П. да Палестрины «Ecce Sacerdos magnus». The modal identification in the early and Renaissanse polyphony is one of the most important and complicated scientific problems. The early polyphony goes back to Gregorian chant, therefore the study of the polyphonic modality begins with Gregorian modality. However, Gregorian chants mutate (in terms of transposition and transmodalisation) both on their own and as cantus firmus in the modal polyphony. Therefore, Gregorian modality is not a reliable criterion of modal determination in the early polyphony. Because of the connection of modality to rhythm, the author of the article proposes a new method: the investigation of modality in the early polyphony using the Gregorian semiology by Eugène Cardine — the doctrine about rhythmic and articulative aspects of the neumatic notation. As an example there is a modal analysis of G. P. da Palestrina’s mass “Ecce Sacerdos magnus”.

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37

Hughes, David G. "Evidence for the Traditional View of the Transmission of Gregorian Chant." Journal of the American Musicological Society 40, no. 3 (1987): 377–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831674.

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The numerous musical variants in the manuscripts of classical Gregorian chant are mostly trivial, having little effect on the melodies. They are more readily understood as mishearings than as misreadings. The few substantive variants are always regional. Many variants involving the replacement of E or B by F or C, or using special neumes such as the salicus or trigon suggest that at one time microtones were used in the chant-a hypothesis supported by some theoretical evidence. The variants taken together show that the chant was fully fixed with respect to pitch before its dissemination throughout the Carolingian Empire and beyond, and hence that any period of improvisational or recreative performance must have occurred prior to that time.

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38

Krummel, D. W., and Katherine Bergeron. "Decadent Enchantments: The Revival of Gregorian Chant at Solesmes." Notes 56, no. 1 (September 1999): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/900501.

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39

Florjanc, Ivan. "Gregorian Chant in Medieval Manuscripts in the Slovenian Lands." Musicological Annual 55, no. 1 (June 20, 2019): 219–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.55.1.219-224.

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As an astute researcher of the musical heritage in medieval codices, the Slovenian musicologist Jurij Snoj condensed in one book his life’s work, which he pursued both professionally (as well as privately) at the Institute for Musicology of the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Arts and Sciences, Ljubljana, between 1980 and 2018. Eight years after commencing his research, in 1988, he received his doctorate in the field of Gregorian chant with a discussion of partially preserved medieval codices in Ljubljana. He remained faithful to this field of expertise until today, but has deepened his knowledge consistently through codicological analyses of sources within the Slovenian national and cultural space, yet simultaneously looking for answers and connections to the musical traditions of neighbouring countries, especially those of Italian and Germanic origin. It is of no small importance that the author has been attending the symposia of the group Cantus Planus for more than twenty years: a study group of the International Musicological Society that concentrates on specialist questions about medieval Latin monody.

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40

Snyder, John L. "Aspects of Orality and Formularity in Gregorian Chant (review)." Notes 58, no. 3 (2002): 560–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2002.0042.

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41

Parkes, Henry. "Wild Strawberries from Reichenau: Ruminations on Authority and Difference in Eleventh-Century “Gregorian” Chant." Journal of the American Musicological Society 70, no. 1 (2017): 1–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2017.70.1.1.

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One of the paradoxes of Gregorian chant is the way in which written sources become ever more plentiful across the Middle Ages while commentaries on its cultural and intellectual status take the opposite direction, becoming rare after the ninth century. An exception to that trend is the essay De varia psalmorum atque cantuum modulatione (On the Varied Modulation of Psalms and Chants), a substantial yet little known offering from the music theorist and liturgist Berno of Reichenau (d. 1048). Previously considered to be of uncertain authorship and doubtful musical value, the work is now shown to be an authentic witness, in part through evidence provided by a rediscovered manuscript (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Mus.ms.theor. 95). This permits a new appreciation of the author's unique and revealing agenda—to soothe the many tensions reportedly incited by the textual content of chant. With resonances in contemporary music theory, De varia psalmorum testifies to divergent practices in need of a new theoretical underpinning, as well as to previously unstudied cultures of textual correction existing between the ninth and twelfth centuries. In so doing it offers a rare insight into the liturgical chant traditions of the post-Carolingian age, both in Berno's native Germany and further afield.

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42

PLANCHART, ALEJANDRO ENRIQUE. "What the Beneventans heard and how they sang." Plainsong and Medieval Music 22, no. 2 (September 12, 2013): 117–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137113000028.

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ABSTRACTSingers from the area south of Rome kept the Gregorian repertory received in the ninth century, including a few early tropes and proses, and their traditional Old Beneventan repertory alive side by side with remarkable consistency in oral tradition for nearly two hundred years. This might explain why the received Gregorian repertory retained its archaic traits in Benevento rather than in northern Europe. For the ‘new music’ of the tenth and eleventh centuries, mostly locally composed tropes, proses, and Latin Kyrieleison, south Italian singers adopted the musical surface of Gregorian chant, albeit Italianised (that is, moving largely in stepwise motion), but for the large-scale formal structures they harked back to the nearly obsessive repetition of extended passages that are the hallmark of Old Beneventan.

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43

LESSMANN, BENEDIKT. "Appropriations of Gregorian Chant in Fin-de-siècle French Opera: Couleur locale – Message-Opera – Allusion?" Journal of the Royal Musical Association 145, no. 1 (May 2020): 37–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2020.7.

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AbstractThis article compares three French operas from the fin de siècle with regard to their appropriation of Gregorian chant, examining their different ideological and dramaturgical implications. In Alfred Bruneau’s Le rêve (1891), the use of plainchant, more or less in literal quotation and an accurate context, has often been interpreted as naturalistic. By treating sacred music as a world of its own, Bruneau refers to the French idea of Gregorian chant as ‘other’ music. In Vincent d’Indy’s L’étranger (1903), a quotation of Ubi caritas does not serve as an occasional illustration, but becomes essential as part of the leitmotif structure, thus functioning as the focal point of a religious message. Jules Massenet’s Le jongleur de Notre-Dame (1902) provides a third way of using music associated with history and Catholicism. In this collage of styles, plainchant is not quoted literally, but rather alluded to, offering in this ambiguity a mildly anti-clerical satire.

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Sawicki OSB, Bernard Łukasz. "Gregorian Chant as a Practical School of Meditation: A summary." International Journal of Arts Education 9, no. 2 (2015): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2326-9944/cgp/v09i02/36182.

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McCulloch, David Benedict. "Decadent Enchantments: The Revival of Gregorian Chant at Solesmes (review)." Catholic Historical Review 87, no. 2 (2001): 339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2001.0074.

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Crocker, Richard. "Gregorian studies in the twenty-first century." Plainsong and Medieval Music 4, no. 1 (April 1995): 33–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100000875.

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This discussion is ‘after Hiley’: it consists of my reflections, after reading his splendid book, Western Plainchant, concerning what I need and do not need to do, what I want and do not want to do, in pursuing studies in Gregorian chant. Even though my discussion is of some very general issues, it does not offer a programme; on the contrary, it can be taken as a critique of most programmes and systems. None the less, I hope it may suggest to others some positive and fruitful ways of proceeding.

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Huglo, Michel, and Hendrik Van der Werf. "The Emergence of Gregorian Chant. A Comparative Study of Ambrosian, Roman and Gregorian Chant. Volume I: A Study of Modes and Melodies. Part One, Discourse." Revue de musicologie 71, no. 1/2 (1985): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/928606.

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Hornby, Emma. "The transmission history of the Proper chant for St Gregory: the eighth-mode tract Beatus uir." Plainsong and Medieval Music 12, no. 2 (October 2003): 97–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137103003061.

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The tract for the feast of St Gregory, Beatus uir, appears in very different versions in the Old Roman and Gregorian traditions, and in more than one version in the Gregorian tradition. Close study of the melodies of these different versions and of the second-mode tract Ecce uir, attached to the feast in Corbie, Bec and Bec-influenced institutions, permits tentative conclusions to be drawn about the adoption of Roman chant in early eighth-century England and mid-eighth-century Francia. Before the concerted Carolingian effort to learn the entire Roman Mass Proper, Beatus uir appears to have been adopted north of the Alps at least twice: in early eighth-century England, and at St Denis in the 750s.

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Jeffery, Peter. "Liturgical chant bibliography." Plainsong and Medieval Music 1, no. 2 (October 1992): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100001765.

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The critical study of medieval chant, which began in the mid-nineteenth century, is one of the oldest of the disciplines that coalesced into modern musicology. It is also one of the most international, for liturgical chant traditions represent the earliest preserved musical heritage of a great many different countries that are heirs to the medieval Latin and Byzantine worlds and their satellite cultures, ranging from Finland to Ethiopia, from Iceland all the way to southern India. In more recent times the knowledge of these traditions, particularly Gregorian and Byzantine chant, has spread to every continent as Western religious, musical, and educational traditions have been introduced throughout the world. Chant studies, therefore, are being pursued all over the globe, by hundreds of scholars writing in dozens of languages and utilizing countless different approaches – scholars who also desire the benefits of being in better contact with each other. It is to help keep track of these many independent scholarly efforts that the Liturgical Chant Bibliography is being published here, as the successor to the Liturgical Chant Newsletter. Future instalments will appear each year in the second issue of Plainsong & Medieval Music. All chant publications likely to be of interest to scholars are eligible for inclusion, provided (1) they have actually been published and (2) I have been able to see a copy, or have at least received complete bibliographical information (including author, title, publisher, date, page numbers).

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WEBER, JEROME F. "Recent releases of plainchant." Plainsong and Medieval Music 13, no. 1 (April 2004): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096113710400004x.

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Another reissue of Decca's long series of recordings made at the abbey of Solesmes is good news. Accord is a French reissue label of the Universal group (formerly PolyGram) that earlier had reissued about a dozen CDs that matched each original LP in content. The first five reissues were listed in A Gregorian Chant Discography, and five more were reported here in 1994 (nos. 19 to 23). Now, duplicating the contents of at least seven of those earlier discs, a new programme has begun with the cooperation of the monks of Solesmes to arrange the chants according to the liturgical year. Titles have been brought up to date, such as ‘Sixth Sunday of Easter’ and ‘chant d’entrée'. New digital transfers made from the original tapes provide superb sound. The first twelve discs have appeared in eight packages (two or three discs in some cases), and we can expect as many as another dozen discs to come.

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