Journal articles on the topic 'Green Rooves'

Abstract The use of green roofs is demonstrated to improve the energy performance of buildings, increase biodiversity, reduce environmental impacts of urban areas, and mitigate climate change phenomena. Their use on a large scale is desirable in the coming years. Still, the choice of the most suitable green roof design solution should also consider the impacts of their production. Within this study, the Life Cycle Assessment methodology was used to evaluate the environmental impact of a particular typology of soil-less green roofs ideated by an Italian company. In this lightweight green roof, the growing medium is replaced by recycled felt layers, filtration is guaranteed by geotextile, and a closed-loop sub-irrigation system fertilises the pre-growth lawn placed on the top. The extremely low weight of this system suggests an optimal use in building retrofitting scenarios, but its environmental implication was not known. The environmental impact of this product has been assessed with an attributional cradle-to-gate approach through four different methodologies (ReCiPe midpoint and endpoint H V1.1, Ecological footprint V1.01, and IPCC 2013 GWP 100y V1.0) using the ecoinvent v3, Agri-footprint 1.0, and ELCD database on the SimaPro 8.4.4.0 software. The IPCC method has shown a Global Warming Potential of 7.66 kg of CO2 eq. for 1 m2 of Pratotetto® green roof; however, the reuse of waste materials from the textile industry must be considered.

The research object is the installation process of modular green roofs with planters placed on the concrete roof’s surface. These roofs effectively reduce rainfall disposal, prolong the lifespan of the roof coating, and enhance urban aesthetic and recreational spaces. Green roofs reduce houses’ gas emissions and increase green spaces in densely built areas. The spatial–technological model was developed for the proposed modular green roof based on network planning, scheduling theory, and graph theory. The sequence and composition of technological processes and operations were established for the installation process. The functional model of installing a modular green roof has been developed. The model makes it possible to optimise the principles of saving labour contribution (working hours) and time.

Green roofs are a passive cooling technique that stop incoming solar radiation from reaching the building structure below. Many studies have been conducted over the past 10 years to consider the potential building energy benefits of green roofs and shown that they can offer benefits in winter heating reduction as well as summer cooling.With review and summarized the description of its functional traits in our country, this paper discuss the necessity to carry out the research on the functional traits of green roofs, and gave some suggestions about how to do this.At last, we propose the estimate method for the cost of green roofs construction project and green roof’s economic value and ecological benefit.

Green roofs are generally applied to concrete roofed buildings. This study compares the thermal performance of green roofs that occur in corrugated concrete and zinc to expand green roof innovation. The study experimented on a method using the 2011 Ecotect computer simulation. The results showed that the difference in temperature reduction in corrugated zinc was higher than in concrete. Changes in heat outside the roof space on both have a number that has a relatively small difference, but the difference in heat is visible in the inner space. Based on the thermal performance of the roof, the use of corrugated zinc roofs as the base of the green roof in the building could be an alternative green roof material besides concrete.

AbstractThis paper concentrates on livestock production systems by introducing sustainable housing characteristics, and the type of information required to make an informed choice on environmentally sound materials and systems. It then compares energy use in two contrasting beef cattle systems, one a conventional straw-bedded court and roofed silo, with feed delivered by a side-delivery wagon, and the other a roofless woodchip corral and earth-bank silo, with feed delivered by fore-end loader. The woodchip corral system requires 70% less energy than the conventional bedded court, when the total energy inputs are analysed for preparation of the building materials, construction of the livestock accommodation with associated feed and waste storage, and manufacture and operation of machinery. However, when energy used in feed production is included this dominates the energy budget, accounting for 60% of all energy used in the conventional bedded court, and 85% of energy used in the woodchip corral system.

Hydrological response of anthropogenic soil systems, including green roofs, has crucial importance in many fields of water engineering and management. As a consequence, there is an increasing need for modelling of the anthropogenic soil systems behaviour. To obtain empirical data, two green roof test beds were established on a green roof of University Centre for Energy Efficient Buildings, Czech Technical University in Prague. Each test bed is 1 m² in area and is instrumented for the runoff monitoring. One test bed was filled with less permeable local soil, the other with highly permeable commercial soil substrate, both were planted with stonecrops. Two simple deterministic lumped models – a nonlinear reservoir model and a linear reservoir cascade model – were used to assess the hydrological response of these green roof systems. The nonlinear reservoir model seems more appropriate for extensive green roof systems than the linear reservoir cascade model because of better description of rapid system reaction typical for thin soil systems. Linear reservoir cascade model frequently failed to mimic internal variability of observed hydrographs. In systems with high potential retention (represented by the test bed with local soil), episodically applied models that consider the same initial retention capacity for all episodes do not allow plausible evaluation of the actual episode-related retention. In such case, simulation model accounting for evapotranspiration between the rainfall events is needed.

<p>Green roofs are the integration of plant material and its supporting structures in buildings. Such an approach provides a habitat for local flora and fauna, helps manage storm water, reduces heat demand in winter and the cooling load in the summer, enhances the aesthetic values of dwellings, provides the occupants with comfort and amenities and strengthens environmental responsibility. Because roofs represent approximately 40 percent to 50 percent of the surfaces in urban areas, green roofs have an important role in drainage and as a result water management as well. In fact, when a green roof is installed on 50 percent or more of the roof’s surface, it guarantees 2 points and can contribute 7 additional points toward LEED certification - almost 20 percent of the required rating. This paper classifies green roofs and offers strategies for their integration in residential buildings and examines their benefits, construction principles and applications.</p>

Green roofs may make an important contribution to urban stormwater management. Rainfall-runoff models are required to evaluate green roof responses to specific rainfall inputs. The roof's hydrological response is a function of its configuration, with the substrate – or growing media – providing both retention and detention of rainfall. The objective of the research described here is to quantify the detention effects due to green roof substrates, and to propose a suitable hydrological modelling approach. Laboratory results from experimental detention tests on green roof substrates are presented. It is shown that detention increases with substrate depth and as a result of increasing substrate organic content. Model structures based on reservoir routing are evaluated, and it is found that a one-parameter reservoir routing model coupled with a parameter that describes the delay to start of runoff best fits the observed data. Preliminary findings support the hypothesis that the reservoir routing parameter values can be defined from the substrate's physical characteristics.

This study presents the results of a review of publications conducted by researchers in a variety of climates on the implementation of ‘green roofs’ and their impact on the urban environment. Features of green roofs in urban areas have been characterized by a particular emphasis on: Filtration of air pollutants and oxygen production, reduction of rainwater volume discharged from roof surfaces, reduction of so-called ‘urban heat islands’, as well as improvements to roof surface insulation (including noise reduction properties). The review of the publications confirmed the necessity to conduct research to determine the coefficients of the impact of green roofs on the environment in the city centers of Central and Eastern Europe. The results presented by different authors (most often based on a single case study) differ significantly from each other, which does not allow us to choose universal coefficients for all the parameters of the green roof’s impact on the environment. The work also includes analysis of structural recommendations for the future model green roof study, which will enable pilot research into the influence of green roofs on the environment in urban agglomerations and proposes different kinds of plants for different kinds of roofs, respectively.

In order to estimate the detention effect (storage and peak flow attenuation) of a sedum green-roof, a comparison between the response of an impervious roof (runoff coefficient C=1) and a green-roof has been carried out. Precipitation and runoff data from several controlled experiments (with wet initial conditions, i.e. approximately at field capacity) on a sedum green-roof were used for the analysis. For events with variable rain intensity, the green-roof's attenuation effect was as high as 65% for design storms. In contrast, events with constant intensity had increases in peak flows of up to 5%. The lowest detention volumes were observed for the experiments with constant rain intensity, for which a maximum of 29% of the rain volume was detained, whereas for rain events with variable intensity the detention volume was up to 52%. Simulations (using PondPack), based on a real case study, showed that green-roofs can be implemented in combination with other structural best management practices (BMPs) to obtain a desired detention. They can be used to reduce the size of other structural BMPs, and can occupy unused space that is readily available.

A simple conceptual model for green roof hydrological processes is shown to reproduce monitored data, both during a storm event, and over a longer continuous simulation period. The model comprises a substrate moisture storage component and a transient storage component. Storage within the substrate represents the roof's overall stormwater retention capacity (or initial losses). Following a storm event the retention capacity is restored by evapotranspiration (ET). However, standard methods for quantifying ET do not exist. Monthly ET values are identified using four different approaches: analysis of storm event antecedent dry weather period and initial losses data; calibration of the ET parameter in a continuous simulation model; use of the Thornthwaite ET formula; and direct laboratory measurement of evaporation. There appears to be potential to adapt the Thornthwaite ET formula to provide monthly ET estimates from local temperature data. The development of a standardized laboratory test for ET will enable differences resulting from substrate characteristics to be quantified.

This qualitative research intended to acknowledge the application of “green office concept” at Housekeeping Department of Ministry of Health of Indonesia. The researcher captured the data from the research field factually. Data gathered from the responsible staffs purposively, data collection methods used were moderate participant observation, indepth interview, and document analysis. The data validated by technique triangulation and resource triangulation.The qualitative research resultshowed that (1) the staffs have moderate commitment for “green office”behavior. As showed by the paper saving, electricity saving, water saving, waste management, greening, cleanliness, and room’s air conditioning; (2) Eco – friendly office technology applied by using information technology system as electronic mail, electronic filling system and web based communication group.(3) The office physical building design suitable for naturally lighting design with lights’ placement grouping system, and also considers building green coefficient.(4) Vehicle cleaning and watering trees with condensed water were prohibited.(5) Office materials selected to minimize the use of papers and tissues. (6) Air conservation system applied by using centralized Air Conditioning System with average degree 24 – 25 celcius. (7) Airhumidity about 55% with no smoking rule. (8) Electric saving lights used by grouping system and also there was motion sensor lights at the bathroom; (9) flush the plant with Air Conditioning condensed water.

Green roofs are a layer that effectively working on blocks of solar radiation from entering the building's structure below partially. Its work as a passive cooling technique, and have the potential to reduce the high surface temperature of conventional roofs because of the soil thermal resistance, evapotranspiration, and several effects for foliage shading. This affects the heat flux flow of the roof that in turn influences the indoor thermal conditions and the building energy demand. The research goals are to test the influence of the green roof on reducing heat transfer to the interior of heavy structural buildings. The experimental part was done to examine the effect of the green roof and compare it with a standard roof under influence of ambient air temperature, solar radiation, and wind speed and test the effect of the green roof on reducing heat transfer inside the building. The model site was at the Diwanyah city (Latitude: 31.9868 and Longitude: 44.9215), the engineering college campus, Qadisiyah University. The experimental setup includes two cubicles, with equal internal volume values (163cm * 163cm * 105cm). The experimental results showed for the period 5-8 September 2019. The maximum zone temperature was 46.4 °C for traditional roof and 37.06 °C for the green roof at 3:24 p.m. The results showed that the maximum internal temperature was 46.97 °C and 36.42 °C for the traditional roof and green roof respectively at 3 p.m. Also, the results for period 18-21 July 2019 noted that the zone temperature decreased by 7.5 °C and the maximum temperature of the internal traditional standard roof’s surface is 45.66 °C and 37.41 °C for the green roof.

Drainage from the 27,316-m2 Jacob K. Javits Convention Center (JJCC) green roof was investigated in the field to quantify the system’s long-term rainfall-runoff response. The JJCC hosts one of the largest extensive green roofs in the United States. Utilizing four years of rooftop monitoring data collected using a weather station, custom designed and built drainage systems, three Parshall flumes equipped with pressure transducers, and weighing lysimeters, this study quantified the 25.4-mm-deep green roof’s ability to decrease the volume and peak rate of runoff. With parameters derived from the site, the Environmental Protection Agency Stormwater Management Model (EPA-SWMM) predicted event total runoff volume and event peak runoff rates to within +10% to −20% and +25% to −15% of the observations, respectively. The analysis further indicated that approximately 55% of the cumulative precipitation that fell on the JJCC extensive green roof during the monitoring period (warm weather months, June 2014–November 2017) was captured and retained. The average percent retained on an event-basis was 77%, and average event runoff coefficient was 0.7, implying a substantial reduction in the volume and rate of runoff generated from the roof compared to the pre-green roof condition, when most, if not all, of the precipitated water would have immediately resulted in runoff. Our research suggests that, on average, 96% of rainfall events 6.35 mm or less were retained within the green roof, whereas 27% of the total event volume was retained for events greater than 12.7 mm in depth. A sensitivity analysis suggests if the substrate depth were increased, better stormwater capture performance would be achieved, but only up 127 mm, whereas increased precipitation coupled with warmer temperatures as a result of climate change could decrease the performance by up to 5%, regardless of substrate depth. An equivalency analysis suggested that even shallow green roofs can significantly reduce the required stormwater detention volume that New York City requires on new development. This particular green roof appears to be more than 18 times as cost-effective as a subsurface cistern would be for managing an equivalent volume of stormwater in Midtown Manhattan.

Color and light are the main factors in the car manufacturing industry, with not much research, conducted on this topic, related to employee physical comfort. The factor affecting employee work comfort is the color factor and lighting time in their workplace environment. Color is the light, reflected by an object, then interpreted by the eye based on the light that hits the object. The value of the color wavelength in the spectrum of 380 nm to780 nm impacts worker performance. Good lighting will affect whether or not the room’s light conditions affect the illumination’s value. A good working room condition will affect the physical comfort of employees. Employee physical comfort has developed in many previous studies. However, research on the configuration of colors and lighting in the manufacturing industry’s work environment is still underdeveloped. This research aims to measure and determine the impact of color and lighting at specific color wavelengths on the illumination value and the employee’s physical comfort. It starts with studying the color, light, human comfort, then examines the effect on the manufacturing industry employees’ performance in the wiring installation assembly industry. Color and light settings are proven essential to get better human comfort. Green color with a wavelength of 490 nm to 570 can increase the highest illuminate average lux value of 12.43 %. Yellow can increase the heart rate by 4.85 %, while green can reduce Diastole by 2.95 % and Systole by 1.29 %. Pupillary size changes L by 23.17 % and R by 21.43 %. The effect of green color and lighting time can increase the value of illumination and decrease heart rate, blood pressure, and pupil size so that it impacts the physical comfort of employees.

d0metal-alkyl complexes (M = Ti, Zr, and Hf) show specific activity and selectivity in olefin polymerization and oligomerization depending on their ligand set and charge. Here, we show by a combined experimental and computational study that the13C NMR chemical shift tensors of the α-carbon of metal alkyls that undergo olefin insertion signal the presence of partial alkylidene character in the metal–carbon bond, which facilitates this reaction. The alkylidene character is traced back to the π-donating interaction of a filled orbital on the alkyl group with an empty low-lying metal d-orbital of appropriate symmetry. This molecular orbital picture establishes a connection between olefin insertion into a metal-alkyl bond and olefin metathesis and a close link between the Cossee–Arlmann and Green–Rooney polymerization mechanisms. The13C NMR chemical shifts, the α-H agostic interaction, and the low activation barrier of ethylene insertion are, therefore, the results of the same orbital interactions, thus establishing chemical shift tensors as a descriptor for olefin insertion.

In reality, no one single-handedly creates a new field of historical inquiry. As soon as you open your mouth to pronounce George Grote the modern father of ancient Greek history, you remember that August Boeckh, Karl Otfried Müller, and Connop Thirlwall laid Grote's groundwork. But it almost seems as if Michael O'Brien has pulled off such a feat. Taking the scattered bricks of the intellectual history of the antebellum American South, he has, over long years of labor, built from them a coherent structure where none existed before, a many-roomed mansion of the mind. The two volumes and 1,200 pages of Conjectures of Order: Intellectual Life and the American South, 1810–1860 culminate a quarter-century of rare scholarly achievement.

Combining multivariable statistics and geostatistics with landscape metrics, we attempted to quantify the spatial pattern of urbanization in the city of Niamey, Niger. Landscape metrics provided local quantification of both landscape composition and physiognomy while the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) yielded a multivariable summary of the main source of landscape metrics variation across the city. We used the variogram (geostatistics) to analyze the spatial pattern of the PCA outcomes and to characterize the associated spatial scales of variation. In Niamey, the main urban structure corresponded to a gradient ranging from highly diversified, fragmented, and both wooded and built-up areas in the city center and along the Niger River, to less green zones gathering steel-roofed houses whose density diminished towards the periphery. This concentric structure centered on the Niger River clearly reflected the history of Niamey. PCA and geostatistics provided appealing quantitative estimates of spatial patterns, scales, anisotropy and intensity of urban structures. Although these different tools are known in landscape ecology, they are rarely used together. The present paper illustrates how they allow characterizing the marked spatial variation of the urban landscape of the fast-growing African city of Niamey (Niger). Such a quantification of the urban landscapes may be extremely useful for future correlative investigations in various fields of research and planning.

Purpose Understanding the dynamic hygrothermal behavior of building elements is very important to ensure the optimal performance of buildings. The Laboratory for Quality Control in Buildings of the Basque Government tested a flat roof designed by a construction company that developed a building to be constructed using prefabricated modules. This is a five to eight floor building with ventilated façade and a flat roof covered by gravel with the possibility of changing it to a green cover. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach The interest of this research was threefold. The first objective was to accurately test, under real dynamic weather conditions, the roof design in a PASLINK test cell to obtain the U-value and the thermal capacitance of the different roof layers, and of the roof as a whole, through the precise calibration of resistance-capacitance mathematical models of the roof. Based on the parameters and experimental information of these calibrated models, a second goal was to calibrate and validate a Wufi model of the roof. Findings This second calibrated model was then used to simulate the dynamic hygrothermal behavior of the roof, obtaining the roof’s hourly thermal demand per square meter for a whole year in different locations considered in the Spanish Building Code. These simulations also permitted the authors to study the risk of condensation and mold growth of the tested component under different climatic conditions. Originality/value The successful combination of the PASLINK method to calibrate the Wufi hygrothermal model is the main novelty of this research.

The bat survey in the Greek part of the Prespa basin in 2018–2020 confirmed, despite the limited methods used, its extraordinary importance for bat diversity. The study documented the presence of 22 bat forms (20 species) by acoustic surveys and a favourable status of some roosts including several nursery colonies. Three of the recorded species are here reported for the first time, Eptesicus nilssonii (the first record for Greece), Nyctalus lasiopterus, and Barbastella barbastellus, however, confirmation by a capture or direct observation of an individual is still needed. The collected data showed that bats do not avoid the urbanized parts of the study area and underlined the importance of old houses, churches, and ruins providing suitable roosting and foraging opportunities. The measurements of light pollution in villages revealed a high amount of light diffusion caused by the used type of shieldless luminaires. Heat maps of light intensity revealed a slightly higher bat activity in almost all villages in 2020, upon the situation in 2018. Bat passes were recorded not only in the peripheries of the highest illumination zones but also inside them, although some of the bat passes may belong to bats flying enough in the dark above the light levels of the installed lamps. The study provides application of mitigation actions for the Municipality of Prespa with the main aim to reduce the current level of the ALAN (Artificial Light At Night).

Wilayah perkotaan di Indonesia memiliki karakteristik yang sama dengan wilayah perkotaan di negara-negara berkembang. Beberapa karakteristik tersebut seperti: (1) penurunan fungsi alam dengan berkurangnya ruang hijau atau vegetasi, (2) penumpukan bangunan beratap pada wilayah yang dekat dengan akses transportasi, industri dan pasar, (3) lokasi pemukiman pada zona yang berbahaya karena dekat dengan terminal, sepanjang aliran sungai, sepanjang jalur rel kereta api, dan tempat pembuangan sampah akhir. Keterkaitan antara nilai indeks kemiskinan dengan morfologi fisik dan vegetasi suatu wilayah dapat diketahui dengan pemanfaatan teknologi remote sensing (RS). Keakuratan analisis pemukiman miskin dengan teknologi RS bergantung pada kualitas citra satelit Very High Resolution (VHR) dan kelengkapan dataset Sistem Informasi Geografis (SIG). Teknologi Geospasial yang terintegrasi seperti RS, SIG, dan Global Positioning System (GPS) dapat berkontribusi secara interaktif dalam penilaian, pemahaman dan pemetaan untuk memecahkan masalah pemukiman penduduk yang kompleks di Indonesia. Urban areas in Indonesia have the same characteristics with urban areas in developing countries. Some characteristics such as: (1) decreased of the function of nature with the reduced the number of natural green space or vegetation, (2) accumulation of roofed buildings in the area close to transportation access, industry and market, (3) the location of housing in the dangerous zone as close to the terminal, along the river side, along the railway lines, and the final waste disposal sites. The linkage between poverty index values with the physical morphology and vegetation of an area can be identified by the use of technology and remote sensing (RS). The accuracy of the analysis of poor housing with RS technology relies on the image quality of Very High Resolution (VHR) satellite and the completeness of the dataset Geographic Information Systems (GIS). Geo-spatial technologies are integrated as RS, GIS, and Global Positioning System (GPS) can contribute interactively in the assessment, understanding and mapping to solve the complex problem of residential in Indonesia.

Solar energy is one of the most abundant and available forms of renewable energy. Reliance on the electricity network can be decreased and net-zero energy achieved by mounting photovoltaic power on the tops of houses. Photovoltaic arrays can also change how the roof’s surface reacts to its environment. The influence of the structural system of a roof and weather on the energy consumption of a building is important. This research is concerned with focusing on the indirect effect of solar photovoltaic rooftop panels (shading effect) on the roof surface to see whether this effect is worth studying and calculating the total electrical load in the residential sector. Photovoltaic panels were modeled as a shading device, and the Integrated Environmental Solution-Virtual Environment Software was used to anticipate the monthly decline and growth in heating and cooling loads associated with the roof level. The influence of a photovoltaic system on a building’s roof-related energy load was measured concerning low-rise residential buildings in Mafraq city, which belongs to a mild dry-warm temperature zone. The findings indicated that a solar roof structure decreased heat loss by 4.85% in the summer and boosted heat transfer by 5.54% in the winter. The results highlight that renewable energy is very important in our times due to climate change and the increased demand for electricity by the residential sector, which is stimulated to find multiple ways to decrease and adapt to this change, and the aim of this paper helps to encourage to use solar energy by identifying the indirect effect of solar panels on building’s rooftops. This investigation also focuses on the value of offering essential instructions to who is concerned to the utilization of alternative energy to heat and cool structures, also will educate the public on a building’s total energy requirements, which is critical for future green structure design.

A study was conducted in selected areas of Dahod and Kheda districts of Middle Gujarat to ascertain the housing and feeding management practices followed by goat keepers. The data was collected from randomly selected 240 goat keepers (120 each from Dahod and Kheda district) through personal interview with the help of pre-tested structured schedule. The present study revealed that majority of the goat keepers (65.83%) had an enclosed shed for housing their goats followed by open shelter during day or night time by using a deshi clay tiles (61.25%) and thatched type roofed materials (26.67%) and 97.50 % of the goat keepers housed their goats on kutcha floor attached to human dwelling (56.67%) and near to human dwelling (42.50%). Majority of goat keepers (88.75%) used wooden pole in goat shelter and 93.33 % of the goat keepers regularly cleaned goat shelter. Only two fifth of the respondents (40.0%) used feeding trough in goat shelter. Majority of the goat keepers (74.17%) maintained the goats under extensive system followed by semi-stall-feeding system (25.83%) by allowing 4-6 hours of browsing time per day (70.0%) on fallow land or/and forest pasture area by covering about 3-4 km distances daily by flock. About 46.67% goat keepers provided green fodder regularly, while 54.17% respondents fed locally available tree leaves and loppings to the goats regularly and 75.42 % offered dry forages occasionally to goats as per availability of browse, while more than half (57.92 %) of the goat keepers fed home-made concentrates/grains mixture to lactating goats and 64.17 % of the goat keepers provided tube well water for drinking to goats. The district-wise differences were more in providing roofing materials, feeding trough and source of drinking water, and the grazing land was more of plain type in Kheda district.

AbstractRoosts are a very important resource for bats, and often play a central role in conservation projects. To evaluate the feasibility of identifying urban bat roosts, we trapped 30 individual bats from seven species, attached radio transmitters and located their daytime roosts. This enabled us to build hypothesis on the importance of trees and buildings as daytime roosts for urban bats. None of the captured animals were reproducing or lactating, so we assumed all recorded roosts to be simple daytime roosts. Of the 30 marked bats, 18 individuals (six species) could be monitored, and a total of 114 roosts were located; 57 of which were in trees, and another 57 in buildings. Our results indicate that neither building condition nor green coverage in the immediate (≤ 20 m) surroundings of a building was a significant predictor for the presence of roosts in or on a building. For tree roosts, diameter at breast height (DBH) was the most important factor determining the choice of tree roosts, but was found insignificant in a Generalized Linear Mixed Model. We presume that the lack of significance regarding green coverage and DBH in the model can be explained by the limited sample size of our study.

One of the virtues of watercress is its ability to grow in wastewater. This work aims at experimentally studying the thermal behavior of a watercress planted roofed cubic cell. To do this, the temperatures of various components of the cell and the solar radiation received by this cell were measured in order to compare the watercress roof performance with that of the conventional concrete roof. Then, the influence of the opening applied on the door of the studied cell was analyzed. As results, the fluctuation amplitude of the indoor ambient temperature of the concrete roofed cell is wider than that of the green roofed cell. Moreover, the last opening applied to the facades of the cell was the optimum area that the ambient temperature indoor was more attenuated. The LAI’s crop was worth 1.2. In addition, the low value of the canopy apparent thermal conductivity revealed that this layer plays a role of thermal insulation. The rooftop greening allows energy savings of about 85% compared to the consumed energy with conventional roofing. An extension of this work could be the energy performance analysis of a system using renewable energy for pumping domestic wastewater produced in or around green roofed housing.

Green roofs and solar photovoltaics are green technologies that developed to meet the sustainable and low carbon emission targets by the ways of effective stormwater management and renewable energy generation. Previous studies have proved that the cooling effects from the evapotranspiration process in green roofs can keep the photovoltaics (PV) near the best operational temperature, while PV panel can provide the shading benefit to the green roof’s vegetation. The paper aims to synthesize the influential factors, including solar PV and green roof designs on solar power output efficiency. This review identifies the research gaps in the previous studies of green roof integrated solar PV system and highlights the desirable characteristic for each component. This review also suggests a guideline to construct practical green roofs integrated solar PV system.

Leafy vegetable production in the Philippines is less diversified than many other countries, especially those used in salads. As a result, Filipino farmers are less familiar with production of leaf-type lettuce that is increasing in popularity with consumers. Therefore, two separate experiments were conducted simultaneously in open field and under bamboo house-type protective structures roofed with plastic to evaluate the performance and profitability of different leaf-type lettuce cultivars. Each study was carried out in randomized complete block design with five treatment cultivars and three replications. Most cultivars grown under protective structures had higher marketable yields than those grown in the open field. Despite plants grown under protective structures incurring higher production costs compared to the open field, higher marketable yields under protective structures resulted in higher net returns. Among the five cultivars, Green Span gave the highest return in the open field and Green Tower under the protective structure. Smaller lettuce cultivars produced lower yields than bigger cultivars.

Green roofs are recognised as contributing towards building-related energy efficiency. Since roofs account for 20–25% of all urban surface areas, it is not surprising that such a green system can offer a sustainable solution to decreased energy consumption. The current literature on green roofs mostly focuses on the eco-benefits of such structures. A handful of research papers1 have theorised that as green roofs become more prevalent, there will be associated social outcomes for an urban community. However, empirical work in this space is minimal. This research addresses this gap and contributes to the literature by providing insights into city dwellers’ social experiences when using a green roof space. This study identified a green roof space in central Sydney, Australia: the Alumni Green at the University of Technology Sydney. The roof, containing a garden, a concrete open space and a raised grass area amounting to 1,200 m2, is above parts of the university’s library and classrooms, and is easily accessible by staff, students, and members of the public. Two members of the research team conducted surveys on site. Some green-roof users were also contacted via email. Over 128 individuals began the survey, although after removing responses that were incomplete or containing errors, 104 responses remained. The findings revealed that users, most commonly, relaxed or socialised on the green roof, with exercise a far less frequent activity. Further, those who frequented the green roof once a week or more reported significantly greater social well-being and attachment to place than those who visited less. Likewise, those who visited the green roof for periods of 30 min or more also reported greater social wellbeing. There were no significant differences between frequency and length of use and users’ perspectives on the green roof’s economic, physical, collective identity or environmental impacts. These present findings have implications for urban and landscape designers, as they reveal that green roofs have similar social and place-attachment benefits to those observed of green spaces in the literature. Given that green roofs can fit in places that parks or other open spaces often cannot, their implementation should be encouraged to promote social well-being and place attachment.

The research was carried out with the objective of evaluating the effect of different substrates based on grass roots, on air layering in lychee plants. The grass seedlings were planted in plastic pots with a capacity of 10 liters with a mixture of soil, sand and barnyard manure (3:1:1). The treatments were composed of Esfagno as a control and forage roots: Tifton, Jiggs, Mombaça and Tanzânia. Ninety days after planting, their roots were removed and placed to dry for later use in layering. After drying the roots, batches weighing 30 grams were made for all species and batches were separated for layering. Air layering was performed on adult lychee plants, in branches between 1 and 2 cm in diameter, with each treatment of five layering. Five plants of each treatment were collected for evaluation. The setting index, green mass and dry mass of the roots were evaluated. Grass roots can be used as a substitute for Esfagno in air layering in lychee trees. The substrates formed by roots of Mombaça and Tanzânia grass showed the best results in replacement of Esfagno in air layering in lychee trees and may be a solution for use in the production of seedlings of this fruit tree.

AbstractThe ring-necked parakeet Psittacula krameri (Aves: Psittaciformes) is a widely distributed species of Asian and African origin, which occurs with over 40 alien populations in the rest of the world. Most established populations of this species are showing a clear trend of territorial expansion and numerical growth. Recent reviews highlighted that one of the main impacts by alien ring-necked parakeets is the competition with threatened bat species using trunk cavities as roosts. In Italy, the only known reproductive population of Nyctalus bats (Mammalia: Chiroptera) occurs in an urban area in the central part of the country, surrounded by increasing and expanding populations of ring-necked parakeets. In this work, we updated the population status of both ring-necked and Alexandrine parakeets and breeding noctule bats in the region. Then, we ran a species distribution model using Maxent software to analyze the environmental suitability of the region for the ring-necked parakeet and a connectivity model using Circuitscape software to predict the possibility of its expansion in the area occupied by breeding noctule bats. We recorded a high number of individual parakeets and breeding colonies, together with a remarkable noctule population decline, from about 400 to about 120 individuals, in the last 20 years, possibly due to urban green management practices. Although some ring-necked parakeets have already been observed in the study area, there is no evidence of reproduction in the surroundings of the noctule colony. However, our model showed a high environmental suitability for the ring-necked parakeet in the area occupied by breeding noctules. As well, the connectivity model showed the potential for a direct flow of individuals from the main urban centers to the area used by noctule bats. The arrival of alien parakeets to the area occupied by the bat breeding colony should be tightly monitored by surveying the suitable areas for this bird, as well as the identified ecological corridors. Early detection of new invasions, together with a sustainable urban green management practice, may prevent the extinction of the southernmost breeding colony of the common noctule.

Construction of the hotel development is carried out without cessation of the hotel operations have a bigger challenge because of many things such as: accesses to the hotel, material loading area, noise, safety of guests and hotel staff, working time, demonstrations, etc should be well managed in order to minimize the impacts to hotel operation. Risk is the chance of occurrence of adverse events, which is caused by the uncertainty. The research aims to identify, analyze and how the risks can be managed. The method in this research is Descriptive Qualitative Risk Analisis. Respondents determined by Purposive Sampling, from various stakeholders who are competent in this development. The research are identified 47 risks. Eleven risks are unacceptable risk includes : noise, licensing, planning of MEP works, declining of contractor profit, the rising cost for build a new access roads, land slides, limited parking, hotel access interference, discomfort of the hotel’s guests and staff, disruption in the project work time and delay of project completion due to interruption by the hotel operations. Nineteen risks are undesirable risk includes: public opinion, decreasing of green open land, insufficient capacity of the existing facilities, difficulties in the hotel's marketing, declining of the hotel room’s selling prices, the declining of satisfaction level of hotel guests, decreasing of hotel’s profits, lack of project scope, nappropriate strategy for supplying material and equipment and lack of competence of the project consultants and contractors, inappropriate standard of job’s handling, lack of quality control, inappropriate project organizational, improper work methods, limited area for materials loading, decreasing of cleanliness levels of the hotel, insufficient noise isolation blocks. Ten risks are acceptable risk and seven risks are negligible risk. Major risks are unacceptable and undesirable risk, which are need to be managed by determining their allocation, ownership and mitigation actions.

The author is challenging the Romanian outdated methodology of research of the well-known Dacian citadels from the late Iron Age excavated during the last 70 years. He is stressing the danger for the health of the Romanian society of the so-called “dacomania”, a trend originated from the communiste period which developed and became stronger and stronger. The duty of the academic community is to fight using the correct research methodology, otherwise it will be vulnerable in front of the irrationale propaganda.The first part of the study deals with the architecture of the Dacian citadels from the Șureanu (Sebeșului) Mountains from south-western Transylvania. The focus of the author’s considerations is concentrated on the building technique of the defense stone-walls. As stone walls are rare during the Iron Age on the territory of Romania, the massive fortifications found in the mountains mentioned above are spectacular. This evolution was explained as a consequence of the development of the Dacian political structures till to a state stage during the 1st century BC. Then Burebista, the first king established his residence at Sarmizegetusa and after conquered the Greek cities from the Black Sea shore, used Greek builders for his citadels. The influence of the Hellenistique building technology is obvious. But the structures were named by Romanian researchers in the field “murus Dacicus” a local original type of fortification wall. The main local feature was consider the using of the wood to link the stone blocks of the wall. The wooden beams were fixed in the blocks faces in some special cuts in the shape of dovetail. The author is offering examples from France, where at Mont Saint Odile and at Frankenbourg in Alsace, there are massive fortifications using the same technique of sticking together the stone blocks. Even their chronology is not well established, it is very probable that the technique arrived in northern Gaul from the Southern Greek cities, maybe by Etruscan intermediary. So he rejects the concept of “murus Dacicus”, the original local Dacian contribution being unrecognizable.The second analysis, more extended is dedicated to the so-called Dacian temples from Sarmizegetusa Regia (Grădiștea Muncelului). The author doubts concerning the identification as sanctuaries of the rows of round stone bases uncovered by the archaeologists. His first objection is based on the archaeological inventory recovered. There are only iron nails and iron elements used in assembling the beams of roofs. In prehistory the possibility of identification of a building as a sacred one is based on cult objects, or cultic structures (as ritual altars, hearths etc.), giving as examples the Neolithic sanctuary at Parța, or buildings from the Iron Age at Popești, or Cârlomănești in Southern Romania. In the reconstructions proposed by several architects and archaeologists as Dinu Antonescu, I. H. Crișan, I. Glodariu is starting from the idea of the using of columns on the stone round bases, resulting a roofed “forest of columns”. It is missing the essential element of a temple: cella, the sacred room. There are also missing any traces of rituals, no animal bones, or votive objects deposits being identified.The author is comparing the plan of the structures from Sarmizegetusa Regia with the plan of the earlier wooden structures identified by geophysical surveys at Mont Lassois (France). The conclusion is that the rows of stone bases are nothing but the bases of granaries elevated from the soil on short stone feet to protect the cereals from moisture and mice (so-called “staddle stones” in England). The European prehistoric sites the system was used. The Romans developed it in big buildings in stone, the horrea. In Northern Spain they are still called horreos and are still functioning, being the best analogies for the buildings vanished at Sarmizegetusa Regia. Some Roman, or Greek technical adviser offered this solution for stockpiling supplies at Sarmizegetusa. It seems normal to the author to exist huge public granaries in an Iron Age settlement which became almost a town, because of the geographical position in the mountains at high altitude with no possibility of local agriculture. The subsistence during the winter of the inhabitants was based on the cereals from the Mureș valley, at approximately 50 km away. The central power had the duty of organizing this supplying system for the community. Starting with the first Austrian researches from the 19th century in the area were reported finds of big quantities of burnt cereals.The Dacians used to have buildings on elevated bases, as are illustrated on Trajan’s Column.It cannot be identified at Sarmizegetusa Regia any temple, nor a “sacred area”, as buildings of the same type were identified at other citadels in the area, as at Costești, for example, where their topographical position is diverse (inside the fortification and outside). The interpretation of a Dacian state with a strong theocratic profile and the fanatical religious feelings of the Dacian warriors is rejected as with no documentary support. At the same time the author is rejecting the interpretation of the systematical destruction of the Dacian buildings by the Romans on religious grounds, giving as example the Latin authors’ different statements and attitude towards the Jews and the Dacians: hate for the Jews, sympathy for the Dacians.

Medical prosthetics, such as insulin pumps, are used to augment the management of chronic illnesses, such as Type 1 diabetes (T1D). I was diagnosed at the age of eight with this illness, but the few years before my diagnosis, I was like a huge sponge that was continually squeezed. My bladder was out of control. I peed while marching in a parade at my kindergarten. I let loose on a stranger’s welcome mat because I couldn’t make it to my toilet. Everyone thought it was just a phase, something I would “grow out of”. After about two years, I hadn’t.The easiest thing to blame was my excessive intake of water. I would drink an inordinate amount of water at all hours of the day. In the middle of the night, I would wake up and get myself a glass. Or two. Or three. During these times, my friends were in awe that I could walk alone, without fear, in the dark. For a seven-year-old that was tantamount to being a hero. But the only thing on my mind was the refreshing gush of water.I was a bottomless pit. Any amount of liquid and food that I swallowed seemed to disappear. I rapidly lost weight despite my enormous appetite. A few months after my eighth birthday, my Uncle John, a student doctor at the time, suspected I had diabetes. Although I didn’t know what diabetes was, it seemed like it would change my life forever. I wasn’t ready for change. But with great anxiety, I did the urine test. And it changed my life by saving it. If I hadn’t been diagnosed as having Type One diabetes, I would have died. With this auto-immune illness, the pancreatic cells which secrete a hormone called insulin (used to regulate blood glucose levels) are incapacitated. Consequently, for those who have T1D, external administration of insulin is needed.Fig. 1. Injection.Unlike those with Type 2 diabetes, those with T1D always need insulin injections, regardless of how well they maintain their exercise and dietary regimes. For many, insulin injections are needed. For others, an insulin pump is used to administer insulin in a manner that seeks to mimic a functional, biological pancreas. In this context, an insulin pump is an option used to keep those with T1D alive and can improve how diabetes care proceeds. For instance, in my 28 years of having T1D, I have injected myself with insulin daily to stay alive. In the early years of having the illness, I needed two injections a day. This increased to five insulin injections for two years. The toll this took on my body could be evidenced in scars, bruises and fatty lump deposits from where a syringe had punctured my flesh. However, after transitioning to insulin pump therapy, I only needed to inject myself once every three days, allowing my flesh more time to heal. In this case, insulin pump therapy helped the appearance and health of my skin, while also enabling me to feel more empowered in the face of an incurable illness. This article explores insulin pump usage as a means to manage T1D. In regards to this, the article also asks broader questions: What happens when insulin pump technologies fail? What then happens to the human body that is attached to the pump? How can we speak, write and think about re-organised bodies in which, for example, an internal organ’s pancreatic beta cells (those that secrete insulin), are external to the body and battery operated? Re-Organising the “Whole” BodyAnnemarie Mol and John Law specify, “In western theoretical tradition ‘the body’ is characteristically evoked as the exemplary case of what it is to be whole” (57). Yet, despite this characterisation of a coherent body, the body itself is a “set of tensions” (54). In the context of diabetes, Mol and Law write, “there are tensions between the interests of its various organs. Regulating blood sugar tightly may be good for the arteries, the eyes and the neurons, but since it increases the risk of hypoglycaemia [low blood glucose levels], it is bad for the brain” (54). While one area of the body can benefit, another can simultaneously be compromised. In this context, the body is a site of contradiction and tension that “hangs together” through its incoherence and inconsistency. In the case of T1D, while the pancreatic cells which secrete insulin are destroyed, other cells within the body (and within the pancreas itself) continue to function “normally”. However, this continued “normality” brings heath complications. For instance, the pancreas also releases glucagon, which is the sugar found in the body. As a result of the lack of insulin in T1D, glucagon becomes unmanageable and causes blood glucose levels within the body to rise. The “normal” secretion of glucagon, in this case, produces complications to do with high blood sugar (for example, neuron damage and retinopathy). In this case, insulin pump therapy can be used to compensate for the “normal” and “abnormal” functions of the pancreas. The insulin pump thus attempts to bring the body, as much as possible, to a cohesive whole. However, this cohesiveness is arranged in a manner that pushes those with diabetes to rethink how the body is organised. According to the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation (JDRF), an insulin pump is “a small computerised device that delivers a slow continuous level of rapid acting insulin throughout the day. It can be programmed to give more or less insulin when and if required. The insulin is delivered through a tiny tube (cannula) under the skin that is changed every three days”. It is in Section C in the Australian Government Prostheses list.Fig. 2. Insulin pump.The insulin pump is thus a medical prosthetic designed to communicate with the functioning cells within the pancreas, and the rest of the body, in order to keep the body alive. Usually, only one AA or AAA battery is needed to power most insulin pumps. Life hangs on the life span of that battery, and if the pump is on low battery, then one’s body is also in danger of shutting down.The pump is also located on the outside of the body, with a small cannula being the only thing inserted beneath the skin. On the front of the pump is a visual display designed similarly to the appearance of a mobile phone. The display has a “home page” which shows the time, how much insulin is in the pump, as well as the status of the battery (low battery or not). By clicking onto one of the buttons on the pump, the display shows a menu divided into different sections, such as “bolus” (insulin needed when eating or correcting high blood glucose levels), “suspend” (to stop the pump from administering insulin), “basal” (which regulates the continuous amount of insulin administered 24/7), etc. By scrolling onto a specific category, the pump user can access other sub-categories which enable the user to program the pump. The pump makes visible something that is not usually visible, that is, how much insulin is administered into the body. The use of an insulin pump thus reorganises what can and cannot be seen, smelt, touched and heard. With the pump, users connect to insulin in a number of ways that those without diabetes do not. My experiences with the pump enable me to smell the synthetic insulin that courses through my pump’s tubing when it leaks and when I inject myself. With the pump, insulin becomes connected to certain sounds. The pump alarms when the insulin in its reservoir has been depleted. It beeps to signal certain basal rates. Sometimes it beeps for no identifiable reason. Additionally, I relate to the feel of insulin: the puncture of the syringe, the smoothness of the cannula, the tug of the tubing, the weight of the pump itself. Pump users also develop a tactile relationship with insulin through pressing the pump buttons to program how their pump delivers their insulin. This tactility becomes a daily sensation as the pump is attached to its user for most of their sleeping and waking hours. The pump is their bedtime companion, it is there during exercise, and it is there during rest. It becomes a daily reminder of the need to augment oneself in terms of one’s T1D. This is a daily reminder that is disseminated through the information the user programs into the pump and what the pump also displays for its user. For instance, before eating a meal, the pump user can input their blood glucose level (through first pricking their fingertip to extract blood and place this blood onto a test-strip which is inserted into a blood glucose machine), and how many grams of carbohydrates they are going to consume.Fig. 3. Checking blood glucose.A separate device, called a Continuous Glucose Monitor, can also be used in conjunction with the insulin pump to track blood glucose trends. The pump then calculates how much insulin is needed by assessing the user’s blood glucose level and the amount of carbohydrates they will eat/drink. This information is based on prior data the user and/or the user’s doctor has programmed into the pump to determine how sensitive the user is to insulin. In this context, the pump’s information can be accessed and programmed by its user, but this same data can also be seen and programmed by others (e.g. doctors, nurses, anyone who has access to the pump). This intercorporeality can be dangerous as the pump can be manipulated by people who are not even attached to it. Hacking the Insulin Pump and Other Technological limitsBarnaby Jack, a security researcher, “devised an attack that hijacks nearby insulin pumps, enabling him to surreptitiously deliver fatal doses to diabetic patients who rely on them” (Goodin). In this attack, Jack did not have to physically touch the pump or the person attached to it. Instead, Jack designed software and special antenna to communicate with the radio transmitters contained in some insulin pumps. Administering insulin, in this case, is about the communication between technologies, but in such a way that positions the person attached to the pump as a technology themselves. They are packaged in such a way that their body is the site through which radio transmitters, software and antenna can impinge on the life of their body. Consequently, the body, insulin pump technologies and computer software cannot fully function without the other. Thus, while the insulin pump can help with diabetes self-care, it can also put those attached to pumps at risk of being technologically hacked. There are also more limits to wearing the pump. In my experience, this has ranged from my pump malfunctioning (it has administered insulin without stopping) to the tubing which connects me to the pump catching on doors and getting tangled in car seat-belts. In regards to the latter, the way in which I walk into and sit in certain spaces has to be reconfigured in order to account for how well (or not well) the insulin pump can be accommodated. Additionally, being twice pregnant while using the insulin pump provided further complications as to how the pump could stay attached to my stomach as it enlarged. My body thus becomes spatialised in terms of how well my pump can fit into certain spaces without being damaged or without my body feeling any pain from it “getting in the way”. Additionally, while the pump is attached to its user by a cannula, the pump itself needs to clip onto an article of clothing or be placed in a pocket so that it does not dangle or drop to the ground. The need to attach the pump in order to secure it can be annoying. Anna Presswell, a woman with T1D and an insulin pump has written: “It has been 3 years since I was able to sleep pyjama-less. This may not seem like a big deal, but having tried it once in 42 degree heat in Thailand, almost completely tieing [sic] myself up overnight like a cartoon baddy, being tubing free and able to sleep 'al fresco' again, would be devine [sic]” (1). In Presswell’s case, being attached to the pump means that she is also attached to feelings of discomfort and a lack of freedom. She expresses this sense of being restricted through her desire to be “tubing free”. Presswell’s insulin pump is not the only thing that constricts her, but it is ultimately her T1D that inhibits how she can move, feel, and sleep. In this context, while the pump is dominantly used to augment T1D self-care management, it does not erase the reality of having to live with T1D. The pump is a reminder of the illness which no amount of augmentation can cure. In terms of my experience, the pump is a harsh reminder of having T1D, but it also signifies the biomedical advances in treatment and how privileged I am to be attached to such a device. Being connected to my pump means being connected to my body by having awareness of it in medical terms (hypoglycaemia, hyperglycaemia, etc.) and in terms of feeling (feeling “low” or feeling “high” in terms of blood glucose levels). Such awareness manifests in how I program information into the pump and is complicated through the paradoxical feelings of safety, annoyance, frustration and inhibition I, and others, feel about being attached to an insulin pump. This intimate connection between myself and my pump blurs the boundary between where I begin and where the pump ends. As the pump acts as the medium through which I deal with my body (and live in my body), I experience it as a part of my body. This experience necessitates the question I posed earlier: how then do we contend with re-organised bodies, wherein an internal organ’s pancreatic beta cells (those that secrete insulin), are external to the body and battery operated?Soma and techné?The concept of somatechnology may be a useful way to think through this connection between bodies and technologies. This concept of somatechnology emerged through conversations between colleagues in the Department of Critical and Cultural Studies at Macquarie University in 2004 (Pugliese and Stryker 1). These conversations pointed towards an imperative to name the connection between embodied practice and technologies of power, rather than to constitute them as separate and distinct from one another. The term “Somatechnics” was established to meet this need and fused the terms soma (body) and techné (technologies) to illustrate their symbiotic operation. Joseph Pugliese and Susan Stryker attest that the term “Somatechnics” can work as a “shorthand notation for the notion ... that the body is not so much a naturally occurring object that becomes available for representation or cultural interpretation as it is the tangible outcome of historically and culturally specific techniques and modes of embodiment processes” (2). Somatechnics thus point to the dynamic means through which corporealities are constituted through techné that are “continuously engendered in relation to others and to a world” (Sullivan and Murray 3). In this context, everyday belonging to the world becomes constituted through somatechnics, thus illuminating how technologies of power/knowledge become consolidated through embodied practice. Stryker argues that in supplanting the “and” in “embodiment and technology”, somatechnics enables a critique of understanding identity as separate from the technologies that constitute bodily becoming (80). Somatechnics, in this case, becomes the means through which bodies can be seen as “inextricably conjoined with the techniques and technologies (technics) through which bodies are formed and transformed” (Stryker 80). As I’ve specified in another publication, these include both hard and soft technologies that constitute bodily being in the world … hard technologies are normatively slated as the products that are separate from the human body, such as computers and other gadgets. Conversely, soft technologies are normatively considered as techniques that constitute the norms people maintain in order to manage themselves and others. (Laforteza 28)The Greek etymological root of technology, techné, signals both types of technology, phrasing particular importance on the conception of soft technologies. David Rooney specifies that techné “means belonging to the arts, crafts or skill, and is also related to tactics. Therefore, to the ancients, technology was more than ‘gadgets’, it was also … to do with skills, know-how, and the art of doing things; [techné thus comprises] ... knowledge, actions and ‘gadgets’” (3). Rooney further attests that comprehending technologies as an “indissoluble” partnership between the hard and soft provides a comprehensive account of how social orders become technologised. In doing this, Rooney uses Michel Foucault’s conception of technologies (of production, sign-systems, power, and the self) to go beyond a hard/soft and technological/social boundary. The concept of somatechnology goes even further by specifying that social networks and their norms are technologised, and vice-versa. Moreover, the concept of somatechnics argues that this technologisation of society cannot exist outside the body. Here, the normative idea of hard technologies as outside the body is challenged. In context to users of insulin pumps, this enmeshment of soma and techné is brought to the fore through the pump standing in for certain pancreatic cells, to the point that it enables the body to live and “function” as a human body. Simultaneously, the pump is redundant without the input of human agency and the ways in which the user of the pump programs the pump to work. In light of this, the pump “re-organises” the body in such a way that already speaks to the inherent incoherence and inconsistency of the body. Using the pump also engenders the cultivation of norms, roles, rules and assumptions that constitute pump users as specific medicalised bodily beings. Operating the pump thus makes visible the body as technologised and technologies as bodily. The body that is attached to an insulin pump cannot simply be named and understood as soma, but as somatechnology.ConclusionIn terms of having T1D and an insulin pump, the concept of somatechnology can be used as a theoretical framework to investigate the discourses of health and “normality” that inform how users of insulin pumps deal with their diabetes and their bodies. Discourses of health and “normality” involve a preoccupation with augmentation to either fix, cure, treat, and/or maintain the “healthy” and “normal” body. Insulin pumps act in this capacity to augment diabetes care by transcending the limits of the illness, but in such a way that can make users fully aware of such limits. This is because the insulin pump is a prosthetic developed to constitute bodies with T1D as primed for life, not as a body built to decay and die because of its illness. In this case, the insulin pump as a prosthetic is premised on the hope of improving and sustaining a life that is always-already involved with the threat and expectation of diabetes related complications and death. At stake in using a prosthetic device to ‘manage’ the body is the push to understand and make knowable a body that is unknowable, un-mappable, and unpredictable. ReferencesGoodin, Dan. “Insulin Pump Hack Delivers Fatal Dosage over the Air.” The Register, 27 Oct. 2011. 5 Aug. 2019 ‹http://www.theregister.co.uk/2011/10/27/fatal_insulin_pump_attack/›.JDRF. “Insulin Pump Program.” JDRF: Improving Lives, Curing Type 1 Diabetes (2019). 9 Apr. 2019 ‹https://www.jdrf.org.au/type-1-diabetes/insulin-pump-program-faq›.Laforteza, Elaine Marie Carbonell. The Somatechnics of Whiteness and Race: Colonialism and Mestiza Privilege. Surrey: Ashgate, 2015.Mol, Annemarie, and John Law. “Embodied Action, Enacted Bodies. The Example of Hypoglycaemia.” Body & Society 10.2–3 (2004): 43–62.Presswell, Anna. Insulin Independent: Negotiating the Sometimes Rocky Road That Is Type 1 Diabetes Together (7 Jan. 2013). 19 July 2014 ‹http://insulinindependent.blogspot.com.au/2013/01/pumps-selling-points-and-counting-down.html›. Pugliese, Joseph, and Susan Stryker. “Introduction: The Somatechnics of Race and Whiteness.” Social Semiotics – Special Issue: Somatechnics of Race and Whiteness 19.1 (2009): 1–8. Rooney, David. A Contextualising, Socio-Technical Definition of Technology: Learning from Ancient Greece and Foucault. 1996. 10 July 2012.Stryker, Susan. “We Who Are Sexy: Christine Jorgensen‘s Transsexual Whiteness in the Postcolonial Philippines.” Social Semiotics – Special Issue: Somatechnics of Race and Whiteness 19.1 (2009): 79–91.Sullivan, Nikki, and Samantha Murray. “Introduction.” Somatechnics: Queering the Technologisation of Bodies. Eds. Nikki Sullivan and Samantha Murray. England: Ashgate Publishing, 2009. 1–12.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. The first decade of the 21st century witnessed a birth of a new espresso coffee culture, which shows no signs of weakening despite Ireland’s economic travails. References Berry, Henry F. “House and Shop Signs in Dublin in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 40.2 (1910): 81–98. Brooke, Raymond Frederick. Daly’s Club and the Kildare Street Club, Dublin. Dublin, 1930. Corr, Frank. Hotels in Ireland. Dublin: Jemma Publications, 1987. Craig, Maurice. Dublin 1660-1860. Dublin: Allen Figgis, 1980. Farmar, Tony. The Legendary, Lofty, Clattering Café. Dublin: A&A Farmar, 1988. Fenton, Ben. “Cafe Culture taking over in Dublin.” The Telegraph 2 Oct. 2006. 29 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1530308/cafe-culture-taking-over-in-Dublin.html›. Gilbert, John T. A History of the City of Dublin (3 vols.). Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1978. Girouard, Mark. Victorian Pubs. New Haven, Conn.: Yale UP, 1984. Hardiman, Nodlaig P., and Máire Kennedy. A Directory of Dublin for the Year 1738 Compiled from the Most Authentic of Sources. Dublin: Dublin Corporation Public Libraries, 2000. Huetz de Lemps, Alain. “Colonial Beverages and Consumption of Sugar.” Food: A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present. Eds. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. New York: Columbia UP, 1999. 383–93. Kennedy, Máire. “Dublin Coffee Houses.” Ask About Ireland, 2011. 4 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.askaboutireland.ie/reading-room/history-heritage/pages-in-history/dublin-coffee-houses›. ----- “‘Politicks, Coffee and News’: The Dublin Book Trade in the Eighteenth Century.” Dublin Historical Record LVIII.1 (2005): 76–85. Liddy, Pat. Temple Bar—Dublin: An Illustrated History. Dublin: Temple Bar Properties, 1992. Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín. “The Emergence, Development, and Influence of French Haute Cuisine on Public Dining in Dublin Restaurants 1900-2000: An Oral History.” Ph.D. thesis, Dublin Institute of Technology, Dublin, 2009. 4 Apr. 2012 ‹http://arrow.dit.ie/tourdoc/12›. ----- “Ireland.” Food Cultures of the World Encylopedia. Ed. Ken Albala. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2010. ----- “Public Dining in Dublin: The History and Evolution of Gastronomy and Commercial Dining 1700-1900.” International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 24. Special Issue: The History of the Commercial Hospitality Industry from Classical Antiquity to the 19th Century (2012): forthcoming. MacGiolla Phadraig, Brian. “Dublin: One Hundred Years Ago.” Dublin Historical Record 23.2/3 (1969): 56–71. Maxwell, Constantia. Dublin under the Georges 1714–1830. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1979. McDowell, R. B. Land & Learning: Two Irish Clubs. Dublin: The Lilliput P, 1993. Montgomery, K. L. “Old Dublin Clubs and Coffee-Houses.” New Ireland Review VI (1896): 39–44. Murphy, Antoine E. “The ‘Celtic Tiger’—An Analysis of Ireland’s Economic Growth Performance.” EUI Working Papers, 2000 29 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.eui.eu/RSCAS/WP-Texts/00_16.pdf›. Oldenburg, Ray, ed. Celebrating the Third Place: Inspiring Stories About The “Great Good Places” At the Heart of Our Communities. New York: Marlowe & Company 2001. Pennell, Sarah. “‘Great Quantities of Gooseberry Pye and Baked Clod of Beef’: Victualling and Eating out in Early Modern London.” Londinopolis: Essays in the Cultural and Social History of Early Modern London. Eds. Paul Griffiths and Mark S. R. Jenner. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2000. 228–59. Pettigrew, Jane. A Social History of Tea. London: National Trust Enterprises, 2001. Pincus, Steve. “‘Coffee Politicians Does Create’: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture.” The Journal of Modern History 67.4 (1995): 807–34. Pitte, Jean-Robert. “The Rise of the Restaurant.” Food: A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present. Eds. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. New York: Columbia UP, 1999. 471–80. Rooney, Brendan, ed. A Time and a Place: Two Centuries of Irish Social Life. Dublin: National Gallery of Ireland, 2006. Tannahill, Reay. Food in History. St Albans, Herts.: Paladin, 1975. Taylor, Laurence. “Coffee: The Bottomless Cup.” The American Dimension: Cultural Myths and Social Realities. Eds. W. Arens and Susan P. Montague. Port Washington, N.Y.: Alfred Publishing, 1976. 14–48. Vickery, Amanda. Behind Closed Doors: At Home in Georgian England. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009. Wheaton, Barbara Ketcham. Savouring the Past: The French Kitchen and Table from 1300-1789. London: Chatto & Windus, Hogarth P, 1983. Williams, Anne. “Historical Attitudes to Women Eating in Restaurants.” Public Eating: Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery 1991. Ed. Harlan Walker. Totnes: Prospect Books, 1992. 311–14. World Barista, Championship. “History–World Barista Championship”. 2012. 02 Apr. 2012 ‹http://worldbaristachampionship.com2012›.AcknowledgementA warm thank you to Dr. Kevin Griffin for producing the map of Dublin for this article.

Drawing upon popular magazines, newspapers, blogs, Web sites, and videos, this essay compares the media framing of six, “fat” political figures from around the world. Framing refers to the suggested interpretations that are imbedded in media reports (Entman; McCombs and Ghanem; Seo, Dillard and Shen). As Robert Entman explains, framing is the process of culling a few elements of perceived reality and assembling a narrative that highlights connections among them to promote a particular interpretation. Frames introduce or raise the salience of certain ideas. Fully developed frames typically perform several functions, such as problem definition and moral judgment. Framing is connected to the [covert] wielding of power as, for example, when a particular frame is intentionally applied to obscure other frames. This comparative international study is an inquiry into “what people and societies make of the reality of [human weight]” (Marilyn Wann as quoted in Rothblum 3), especially in the political arena. The cultural and historical dimensions of human weight are illustrated by the practice of force-feeding girls and young women in Mauritania, because “fat” women have higher status and are more sought after as brides (Frenkiel). The current study, however, focuses on “fat” politics. The research questions that guide the study are: [RQ1] which terms do commentators utilize to describe political figures as “fat”? [RQ2] Why is the term “fat” utilized in the political arena? [RQ3] To what extent can one detect gender, national, or other differences in the manner in which the term “fat” is used in the political arena? After a brief introduction to the current media obsession with fat, the analysis begins in 1908 with William Howard Taft, the 330 pound, twenty-seventh President of the United States. The other political figures are: Chris Christie (Governor of New Jersey), Bill Clinton (forty-second President of the United States), Michelle Obama (current First Lady of the United States), Carla Bruni (former First Lady of France), and Julia Gillard (former Prime Minister of Australia). The final section presents some conclusions that may help readers and viewers to take a more critical perspective on “fat politics.” All of the individuals selected for this study are powerful, rich, and privileged. What may be notable is that their experiences of fat shaming by the media are different. This study explores those differences, while suggesting that, in some cases, their weight and appearance are being attacked to undercut their legitimate and referent power (Gaski). Media Obsession with Fat “Fat,” or “obesity,” the more scientific term that reflects the medicalisation of “fat” (Sobal) and which seems to hold sway today, is a topic with which the media currently is obsessed, both in Asia and in the United States. A quick Google search using the word “obesity” reports over 73 million hits. Ambady Ramachandran and Chamukuttan Snehalatha report on “The Rising Burden of Obesity in Asia” in a journal article that emphasizes the term “burden.” The word “epidemic” is featured prominently in a 2013 medical news report. According to the latter, obesity among men was at 13.8 per cent in Mongolia and 19.3 per cent in Australia, while the overall obesity rate has increased 46 per cent in Japan and has quadrupled in China (“Rising Epidemic”). Both articles use the word “rising” in their titles, a fear-laden term that suggests a worsening condition. In the United States, obesity also is portrayed as an “epidemic.” While some progress is being made, the obesity rate nonetheless increased in sixteen states in 2013, with Louisiana at 34.7 per cent as the highest. “Extreme obesity” in the United States has grown dramatically over thirty years to 6.3 per cent. The framing of obesity as a health/medical issue has made obesity more likely to reinforce social stereotypes (Saguy and Riley). In addition, the “thematic framing” (Shugart) of obesity as a moral failure means that “obesity” is a useful tool for undermining political figures who are fat. While the media pay considerable attention to the psychological impact of obesity, such as in “fat shaming,” the media, ironically, participate in fat shaming. Shame is defined as an emotional “consequence of the evaluation of failure” and often is induced by critics who attack the person and not the behavior (Boudewyns, Turner and Paquin). However, in a backlash against fat shaming, “Who you callin' fat?” is now a popular byline in articles and in YouTube videos (Reagan). Nevertheless, the dynamics of fat are even more complicated than an attack-and-response model can capture. For example, in an odd instance of how women cannot win, Rachel Frederickson, the recent winner of the TV competition The Biggest Loser, was attacked for being “too thin” (Ceja and Valine). Framing fat, therefore, is a complex process. Fat shaming is only one way that the media frame fat. However, fat shaming does not appear to be a major factor in media coverage of William Howard Taft, the first person in this study. William Howard Taft William Howard Taft was elected the 27th President of the United States in 1908 and served 1909-1913. Whitehouse.com describes Taft as “Large, jovial, conscientious…” Indeed, comments on the happy way that he carried his “large” size (330 pounds) are the main focus here. This ‹happy fat› framing is much different than the media framing associated with ‹fat shaming›. His happy personality was often mentioned, as can be seen in his 1930 obituary in The New York Times: “Mr. Taft was often called the most human President who ever sat in the White House. The mantle of office did not hide his winning personality in any way” (“Taft Gained Peaks”). Notice how “large” and “jovial” are combined in the framing of Taft. Despite his size, Taft was known to be a good dancer (Bromley 129). Two other words associated with Taft are “rotund” (round, plump, chubby) and “pudgy.” These terms seem a bit old-fashioned in 2015. “Rotund” comes from the Latin for “round,” “circular,” “spherical.” “Pudgy,” a somewhat newer term, comes from the colloquial for “short and thick” (Etymology Online). Taft was comfortable with being called “pudgy.” A story about Taft’s portrait in the Smithsonian’s National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C. illustrates the point: Artist William Schevill was a longtime acquaintance of Taft and painted him several times between 1905 and 1910. Friendship did not keep Taft from criticizing the artist, and on one occasion he asked Schevill to rework a portrait. On one point, however, the rotund Taft never interfered. When someone said that he should not tolerate Schevill's making him look so pudgy in his likenesses, he simply answered, "But I am pudgy." (Kain) Taft’s self-acceptance, as seen in the portrait by Schevill (circa 1910), stands in contrast to the discomfort caused by media framing of other fat political figures in the era of more intense media scrutiny. Chris Christie Governor Christie has tried to be comfortable with his size (300+ pounds), but may have succumbed to the medicalisation of fat and the less than positive framing of his appearance. As Christie took the national stage in the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy (2012), and subsequently explored running for President, he may have felt pressure to look more “healthy” and “attractive.” Even while scoring political points for his leadership in the aftermath of Superstorm Sandy, Christie’s large size was apparent. Filmed in his blue Governor jacket during an ABC TV News report that can be accessed as a YouTube video, Christie obviously was much larger than the four other persons on the speakers’ platform (“Jersey Shore Devastated”). In the current media climate, being known for your weight may be a political liability. A 2015 Rutgers’ Eagleton Poll found that 53 percent of respondents said that Governor Christie did not have “the right look” to be President (Capehart). While fat traditionally has been associated with laziness, it now is associated with health issues, too. The media framing of fat as ‹morbidly obese› may have been one factor that led Christie to undergo weight loss surgery in 2013. After the surgery, he reportedly lost a significant amount of weight. Yet his new look was partially tarnished by media reports on the specifics of lap-band-surgery. One report in The New York Daily News stressed that the surgery is not for everyone, and that it still requires much work on the part of the patient before any long-term weight loss can be achieved (Engel). Bill Clinton Never as heavy as Governor Christie, Bill Clinton nonetheless received considerable media fat-attention of two sorts. First, he could be portrayed as a kind of ‹happy fat “Bubba”› who enjoyed eating high cholesterol fast food. Because of his charm and rhetorical ability (linked to the political necessity of appearing to understand the “average person”), Clinton could make political headway by emphasizing his Arkansas roots and eating a hamburger. This vision of Bill Clinton as a redneck, fast-food devouring “Bubba” was spoofed in a popular 1992 Saturday Night Live skit (“President-Elect Bill Clinton Stops by a McDonald's”). In 2004, after his quadruple bypass surgery, the media adopted another way to frame Bill Clinton. Clinton became the poster-child for coronary heart disease. Soon he would be framed as the ‹transformed Bubba›, who now consumed a healthier diet. ‹Bill Clinton-as-vegan› framing fit nicely with the national emphasis on nutrition, including the widespread advocacy for a largely plant-based diet (see film Forks over Knives). Michelle Obama Another political figure in the United States, whom the media has connected both to fast food and healthy nutrition, is Michelle Obama. Now in her second term as First Lady, Michelle Obama is associated with the national campaign for healthier school lunches. At the same time, critics call her “fat” and a “hypocrite.” A harsh diatribe against Obama was revealed by Media Matters for America in the personal attacks on Michelle Obama as “too fat” to be a credible source on nutrition. Dr. Keith Ablow, a FOX News medical adviser said, Michelle Obama needs to “drop a few” [pounds]. “Who is she to be giving nutrition advice?” Another biting attack on Obama can be seen in a mocking 2011 Breitbart cartoon that portrayed Michelle Obama devouring hamburgers while saying, “Please pass the bacon” (Hahn). Even though these attacks come from conservative media utterly opposed to the presidency of Barack Obama, they nonetheless reflect a more widespread political use of media framing. In the case of Michelle Obama, the media sometimes cannot decide if she is “statuesque” or “fat.” She is reported to be 5’11 tall, but her overall appearance has been described as “toned” (in her trademark sleeveless dresses) yet never as “thin.” The media’s ambivalence toward tall/large women is evident in the recent online arguments over whether Robyn Lawley, named one of the “rookies of the year” by the Sports Illustrated Swimsuit issue, has a “normal” body or a “plus-size” body (Blair). Therefore, we have two forms of media framing in the case of Michelle Obama. First, there is the ‹fat hypocrite› frame, an ad hominem framing that she should not be a spokesperson for nutrition. This first form of framing, perhaps, is linked to the traditional tendency to tear down political figures, to take them off their pedestals. The second form of media framing is a ‹large woman ambiguity› frame. If you are big and tall, are you “fat”? Carla Bruni Carla Bruni, a model and singer/songwriter, was married in 2008 to French President Nicolas Sarkozy (who served 2007 to 2012). In 2011, Bruni gave birth to a daughter, Giulia. After 2011, Bruni reports many attacks on her as being too “fat” (Kim; Strang). Her case is quite interesting, because it goes beyond ‹fat shaming› to illustrate two themes not previously discussed. First, the attacks on Bruni seem to connect age and fat. Specifically, Bruni’s narrative introduces the frame: ‹weight loss is difficult after giving birth›. Motherhood is taxing enough, but it becomes even more difficulty when the media are watching your waist line. It is implied that older mothers should receive more sympathy. The second frame represents an odd form of reverse fat shaming: ‹I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat›. As Bruni explains: “I’m kind of tall, with good-size shoulders, and when I am 40 pounds overweight, I don’t even look fat—I just look ugly” (Orth). Critics charge that celebs like Bruni not only do not look fat, they are not fat. Moreover, celebs are misguided in trying to cultivate sympathy that is needed by people who actually are fat. Several blogs echo this sentiment. The site Whisper displays a poster that states: “I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat.” According to Anarie in another blog, the comment, “I’m fat, too,” is misplaced but may be offered as a form of “sisterhood.” One of the best examples of the strong reaction to celebs’ fat claims is the case of actress Jennifer Lawrence. According The Gloss, Lawrence isn’t chubby. She isn’t ugly. She fits the very narrow parameters for what we consider beautiful, and has been rewarded significantly for it. There’s something a bit tone deaf in pretending not to have thin or attractive privilege when you’re one of the most successful actresses in Hollywood, consistently lauded for your looks. (Sonenshein) In sum, the attempt to make political gain out of “I’m fat” comments, may backfire and lead to a loss in political capital. Julia Gillard The final political figure in this study is Julia Eileen Gillard. She is described on Wikipedia as“…a former Australian politician who served as the 27th Prime Minister of Australia, and the Australian Labor Party leader from 2010 to 2013. She was the first woman to hold either position” (“Julia Gillard”). Gillard’s case provides a useful example of how the media can frame feminism and fat in almost opposite manners. The first version of framing, ‹woman inappropriately attacks fat men›, is set forth in a flashback video on YouTube. Political enemies of Gillard posted the video of Gillard attacking fat male politicians. The video clip includes the technique of having Gillard mouth and repeat over and over again the phrase, “fat men”…”fat men”…”fat men” (“Gillard Attacks”). The effect is to make Gillard look arrogant, insensitive, and shrill. The not-so-subtle message is that a woman should not call men fat, because a woman would not want men to call her fat. The second version of framing in the Gillard case, ironically, has a feminist leader calling Gillard “fat” on a popular Australian TV show. Australian-born Germaine Greer, iconic feminist activist and author of The Female Eunuch (1970 international best seller), commented that Gillard wore ill-fitting jackets and that “You’ve got a big arse, Julia” (“You’ve Got”). Greer’s remarks surprised and disappointed many commentators. The Melbourne Herald Sun offered the opinion that Greer has “big mouth” (“Germaine Greer’s”). The Gillard case seems to support the theory that female politicians may have a more difficult time navigating weight and appearance than male politicians. An experimental study by Beth Miller and Jennifer Lundgren suggests “weight bias exists for obese female political candidates, but that large body size may be an asset for male candidates” (p. 712). Conclusion This study has at least partially answered the original research questions. [RQ1] Which terms do commentators utilize to describe political figures as “fat”? The terms include: fat, fat arse, fat f***, large, heavy, obese, plus size, pudgy, and rotund. The media frames include: ‹happy fat›, ‹fat shaming›, ‹morbidly obese›, ‹happy fat “Bubba›, ‹transformed “Bubba›, ‹fat hypocrite›, ‹large woman ambiguity›, ‹weight gain women may experience after giving birth›, ‹I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat›, ‹woman inappropriately attacks fat men›, and ‹feminist inappropriately attacks fat woman›. [RQ2] Why is the term “fat” utilized in the political arena? Opponents in attack mode, to discredit a political figure, often use the term “fat”. It can imply that the person is “unhealthy” or has a character flaw. In the attack mode, critics can use “fat” as a tool to minimize a political figure’s legitimate and referent power. [RQ3] To what extent can one detect gender, national, or other differences in the manner in which the term “fat” is used in the political arena? In the United States, “obesity” is the dominant term, and is associated with the medicalisation of fat. Obesity is linked to health concerns, such as coronary heart disease. Weight bias and fat shaming seem to have a disproportionate impact on women. This study also has left many unanswered questions. Future research might fruitfully explore more of the international and intercultural differences in fat framing, as well as the differences between the fat shaming of elites and the fat shaming of so-called ordinary citizens.References Anarie. “Sick and Tired.” 7 July 2013. 17 May 2015 ‹http://www.sparkpeople.com/ma/sick-of--thin-people-saying-they-are-fat!/1/1/31404459›. Blair, Kevin. “Rookie Robyn Lawley Is the First Plus-Size Model to Be Featured in the Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Issue.” 6 Feb. 2015. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.starpulse.com/news/Kevin_Blair/2015/02/06/rookie-robin-lawley-is-the-first-pluss›. Boudewyns, Vanessa, Monique Turner, and Ryan Paquin. “Shame-Free Guilt Appeals.” Psychology & Marketing 23 July 2013. doi: 10.1002/mar.20647. Bromley, Michael L. William Howard Taft and the First Motoring Presidency. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, 2007. Capehart, Jonathan. “Chris Christie’s Dirty Image Problem.” 18 Feb. 2015. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2015/02/18/chris-christies-dirty-image-problem/›.“Carla Bruni.” n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.biography.com/people/carla-bruni-17183782›. Ceja, Berenice, and Karissa Valine. “Women Can’t Win: Gender Irony and the E-Politics of Food in The Biggest Loser.” Unpublished manuscript. Humboldt State University, 2015. “Chris Christie to Consider.” 17 April 2012. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.seeyounexttuesday.com-468›. Conason, Joe. “Bill Clinton Explains Why He Became a Vegan.” AARP The Magazine, Aug./Sep. 2013. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.aarp.org/health/healthy-living/info-08-2013/bill-clinton-vegan.html›. Engel, Meredith. “Lap Band Surgery.” New York Daily News. 24 Sep. 2014. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.nydailynews.com/life-style/health/lap-band-surgery-helped-chris-christie-article-1.1951266›. Entman, Robert M. “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power.” Journal of Communication 57 (2007): 163-173. Etymology Online. n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://etymonline.com/›. Frenkiel, Olenka. “Forced to Be Fat.” The Sunday Mail (Queensland, Australia). 13 Nov. 2005: 64. Gaski, John. “Interrelations among a Channel Entity's Power Sources: Impact of the Expert, Referent, and Legitimate Power Sources.” Journal of Marketing Research 23 (Feb. 1986): 62-77. Hahn, Laura. “Irony and Food Politics.” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 12 Feb. 2015. doi: 10.1080/14791420.2015.1014185.“Julia Gillard.” n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julia_Gillard›. Kain, Erik. “A History of Fat Presidents.” Forbes.com 28 Sep. 2011. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.forbes.com/sites/erikkain/2011/09/28/a-history-of-fat-presidents/›.Kim, Eun Kyung. “Carla Bruni on Media: They Get Really Nasty.” 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.today.com/news/carla-bruni-media-they-get-really-nasty-6C9733510›. McCombs, Max, and S.I. Ghanem. “The Convergence of Agenda Setting and Framing.” In Stephen D. Reese, Oscar. H. Gandy, Jr., and August Grant (eds.), Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2001. 67-83. Miller, Beth, and Jennifer Lundgren. “An Experimental Study on the Role of Weight Bias in Candidate Evaluation.” Obesity 18 (Apr. 2010): 712-718. Orth, Maureen. “Carla on a Hot Tin Roof.” Vanity Fair June 2013. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/hollywood/2013/06/carla-bruni-musical-career-album›. “President-Elect Bill Clinton Stops by a McDonalds.” n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹https://screen.yahoo.com/clinton-mcdonalds-000000491.html›. Ramachandran, Ambady, and Chamukuttan Snehalatha. “The Rising Burden of Obesity in Asia.” Journal of Obesity (2010). doi: 10.1155/2010868573. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2939400/›.Reagan, Gillian. “Ex-Chubettes Unite! Former Fat Kids Let It All Out.” New York Observer 22 Apr. 2008. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://observer.com/2008/04/exchubettes-unite-former-fat-kids-let-it-all-out/›. “Rising Epidemic of Obesity in Asia.” News Medical 21 Feb. 2013. 23 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2939400/›. Rothblum, Esther. “Why a Journal on Fat Studies?” Fat Studies 1 (2012): 3-5. Saguy, Abigail C., and Kevin W. Riley. “Weighing Both Sides: Morality, Mortality, and Framing Contests over Obesity.” Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 30.5 (2005): 869-921. Seo, Kiwon, James P. Dillard, and Fuyuan Shen. “The Effects of Message Framing and Visual Image on Persuasion. Communication Quarterly 61 (2013): 564-583. Shugart, Helene A. “Heavy Viewing: Emergent Frames in Contemporary News Coverage of Obesity.” Health Communication 26 (Oct./Nov. 2011): 635-648. Sobal, Jeffery. “The Medicalization and Demedicalization of Obesity.” Eating Agendas: Food and Nutrition as Social Problems. Ed. Jeffery Sobal and Donna Maurer. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1995. 67-90. Sonenshein, Julia. “Jennifer Lawrence Does More Harm than Good with Her ‘I’m Chubby’ Comments.” 3 Jan. 2014. 16 May 2015 ‹http://www.thegloss.com/2014/01/03/culture/jennifer-lawrence-fat-comments-body-image/#ixzz3aWTEg35U›. Strang, Fay. ”Carla Bruni Admits Used Therapy.” 3 May 2013. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-2318719/Carla-Bruni-admits-used-therapy-deal-comments-fat-giving-birth-forties.html›. “Taft Gained Peaks in Unusual Career.” The New York Times 9 March 1930. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0915.html›. Vedantam, Shankar. “Clinton's Heart Bypass Surgery Called a Success.” Washington Post 7 Sep. 2004: A01. “William Howard Taft.” Whitehouse.com. n.d. 12 May 2015. Whisper. n.d. 16 May 2015 ‹https://sh.whisper/o5o8bf3810d45295605bce53f8082Db6ddb29/I-am-so-sick-and-tired-of-skinny-people-saying-that-they-are-fat›. “You’ve Got a Big Arse, Julia. Germaine Greer Advice for Julia Gillard.” Politics and Porn in a Post-Feminist World. 24 Aug. 2012. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8lFtww!D3ss›. See also: ‹http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/greer-defends-fat-arse-pm-comment-20120827-24x5i.html›.

Historic-Archaeological Research of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milano on the Indus Delta (2010-2018). The following text is only an abridged note on the excavations at Banbhore and some significant extra-moenia surveys carried out by the Italian Team within the Institutional framework of a “Pak-French-Italian Historical and Archaeological Research at Banbhore” on the basis of a Licence issued by the competent Pakistani Authorities (2010-2015 - Coordinator of the Project Dr Kaleemullah Lashari), and, some later, within a new institutional asset: a “Memorandum of Understanding” (MoU) signed in the 2017 between the Director General of the Department of Antiquities of Sindh (Manzoor A. Kanasro) and the Magnifico Rettore of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milan (Prof. Franco Anelli). Aims of the said MoU are: (a) historical-archaeological research-work at Banbhore and Rani Kot; (b) training (theoretical and on the job) to selected students and officers of the DAS. The Italian group works under the sponsorship of the Italian Ministry for Foreign Affairs (now Ministry for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation/MAECI). Scientific director for the Italian Team is Prof. Valeria Piacentini, member of the Board of Directors of the Research Centre CRiSSMA of the Catholic University. In the following dissertation I won’t linger on the debated issue about the identification of the site of Banbhore with historic sites on the Indus delta (the historical Mihrān river) mentioned and described in the written sources of the past. Too many respected scholars and archaeologists have entered this debate since the end of the 19th Century, for which I refer to a well-known exhaustive literature. In the “50s of the previous century, Leslie Alckok – then official to the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan – carried out some preliminary excavations, followed by Dr Rafique Mughal and F.A. Khan. This latter carried out a systematic and extensive archaeological campaign of several years between the “50s and the “60s, well backed by one of the most authoritative Pakistani historians, N.A. Baloch. Khan brought to light extraordinary archaeological and architectural evidence, but, unfortunately, his excavation-notes have gone lost and little or nothing has been published. Thence, our research-work had to start from nothing. First of all and most urgent was an updated planimetric and altimetric study of the site by kite-photos: a massive wall of c. 1,4 km with 55 towers, 7 posterns, and major and secondary accesses to the citadel (2010-2012 by Y. Ubelman, S. Reynard, A. Tilia), regularly updated with advanced technologies (A. Tilia). Then, in collaboration with Dr M. Kervran, head of the French Team, we undertook an accurate study of the bastions and the shapes of its towers (squared, U-shaped, circular), which has brought to envisage three main occupational phases of the intra-moenia area: 1. Indo-Parthian/Indo-Kushan phase (c. III-II Century b.CE – III-IV Century CE); 2. Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian phase (c. III-IV Century – early VIII Century CE); 3. Islamic phase (VIII – XII/early XIII Century CE). Decay and/or abandonment and end of any settled life on the site can be dated around the XII-early XIII Century, due to attacks and pillaging by Turco-Mongol nomadic tribes, and/or the deviation of this branch of the Indus delta and consequent filling of the harbour, or both. Archaeological evidence come to light confirms the historical information. Our third aim (2010-2015) was to arrive to a first chronological panorama of the site through levels in stratigraphy and the assemblage of pottery and other significant evidence with the individual levels (N. Manassero – A. Fusaro – A. Tilia). Deep trenches were excavated (T/7 and T/9 on the Italian side; T/1 on the French side near the western portion of the bastions skirting the Hindu Temple. These brought to the very early Sasanian period or late Indo-Parthian (c. II-III Century CE), then the water-table invaded the trenches preventing us to go deeper; however, drillings (T/9) have allowed to go deeper for c.1,8 mt of shards …thus reaching a much earlier occupational phase. The question about an Hellenistic occupation at the bottom of the site (Arrian’s harbour of Alexander) is still unanswered… a dream…but the importance of Banbhore has induced to take it seriously and include it within our priorities. Ours and the French trenches have also produced significant information on the architectural panorama of the site for its earlier periods of life. A main N-S and E-W road axis was traced. The site was organised in insulae, each insula with its pits of organic and inorganic refusals, densely built along narrow roads by small mono-nuclear houses, roofed, bases in local stones and the elevation in unbacked bricks. Interesting the presence of refusals of some crafts, as if each building had at the same time the function of “home” and workshop. The refusals shew activities of ivory-working (T/1,T/4, T/9), and other crafts carried out “within the bastions of the citadel”, such as glass, shells and mother of pearl, alloys and various metallurgic activities, too, and so on. Significant the presence of a wealth of clay-moulds. T/5 has produced a clay-mould nearly intact in its shape. No less interesting, in the deeper layers, the presence of a well arranged organisation of the hydraulic resources (small canals, little domed cisterns in roughly cut local stones, wells..: T/9). One element of the site attracted our attention: the so called “Partition Wall”. It has a North-South direction; then, it bends Eastwards, including the Mosque and the Eastern lagoon, but cutting out the majestic Southern Gate. So far, it had been interpreted as a Wall that had a “religious” or “social” function to separate – after the Islamic conquest – the Muslims from the non-Muslim inhabitants of the site. Manassero dedicated the 2014 Field-Season to investigate: T/7 and T/8 were the trenches that gave a new profile to this structure and to the general occupational organisation of the citadel during its last period of life. The round-shaped tower in mud-bricks and the walls on both sides show that they had been hurriedly erected in a late phase of the life of the citadel (around the end of the X – early XI Century CE). They had been built on the top of pre-existing buildings either abandoned and collapsed or hastily flatted-down, likely to defend this eastern portion of the site and its Mosque by some human ravage that had succeeded to open a breach in the lower western bastion leaving the higher north-eastern area exposed to attacks (the skeleton found by Dr Kervran on her portion of the wall, and Khan’s skeletons with arrow-heads in their skulls and chests). According to F.A. Khan’s excavations and what he left us in his little booklet that so far – printed and re-printed – is the guide for visitors to Banbhore, in the eastern portion of the site during the latest stage of its life still stood beautiful palaces, the Friday Mosque, markets, and an eastern gate where a staircase (still in situ in the 2015) brought to a lagoon at the foot of the eastern bastions and to the river. At the end of this first stage of our historical and archaeological research-work, the identification of the site of Banbhore with the historic Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian fortified harbour-town seemed quite feasible. When we resumed our field-work in the 2017, we decided to go deeper in this direction. In the meantime, Dr Manassero had resigned due to personal choices of life. Dr Simone Mantellini bravely accepted to be our Field-Director for the archaeological sector. T/9 had unearthed an imposing Building (Building 1) running along the East-West road-axis, parallel to a second Building (Building 2). The road – wide about 5 meters – must have been a major road, that had played a central role within the general architectural urban asset of the site. Building 2 had the typical structure of the local houses: base in rough stones, elevation in mud-bricks. Excavations of Building 1 produced fillings well flatted and an endless chronological procession of floors in row mud, likely the re-occupation of an important palace during the last phase of the occupational life of Banbhore. The material (pottery and others) associated with the various levels in stratigraphy (Dr A. Fusaro) confirmed the dating of the dug portion from c. the early XIII to the XI Century CE. Historically speaking, it makes sense: chronicles of the time report about the invasion of Lower Sindh by the Seljuks (second half of the XI Century CE); they indulge on the assaults against the walls of its great harbour-town named Daybul, its long siege concluded with a peace-treaty that fixed the border with Makrān at Gwadar and gave to Daybul an autonomous status (nāḥiya) within the Seljuk dominion of Qāvurd-Khān ibn Chaghrī Beg. More interesting was the copious filling with ivory refusals. Along Building 2, were found semi-worked shells, glass, iron and brass rivets, iron instruments, alloys, coins and other. This induced to think to a late quarter of work-shops outside the Partition Wall, built on previous buildings. Lastly, some surveys extra-moenia and in the Lahiri Bandar and Mullah-ka Kot islands have revealed a close connection and interaction between these spaces and the citadel. Around the bastions: the remains of a densely settled area and a well organised regulation of the waters and the territory, rock quarries, urban quarters, dwellings, cairn-tombs (some of them re-used), an artificial lake of sweet water delimited to the south by a “barrage”, wells, and a vast so called “industrial area” to the north-northwest of the bastions, pottery kilns and others completed the image of a urban asset at least for a given span of time. Architectural and archaeological evidences have regularly been graphically, photographically and topographically documented (A. Tilia). Archaeometric analyses on the job (pottery, metals, alloys, coins…) and in Italy (ivory, glass, clay-moulds, shards…) have provided precious support and new elements to the archaeological work. We are now confronted with the plan of a positive shahristān. Banbhore is no longer only a fortified citadel. Written sources in Arabic and Persian confirm this feature. After the Jan.-Feb. 2018 field-season, the Islamic occupational phase of Banbhore and the “archaeological park” surrounding it enhanced this image: a positive fluvial and maritime system stemmed out, a well-fortified system and harbour-town, a centre of mercantile power, production and re-distribution of luxury goods, an international centre of pilgrimage and religious learning, too, outlet to the sea of the capital-city of the moment. For the forthcoming field-seasons, it was decided to concentrate the attention on the sector where the North-South axis crosses the East-West one. In particular: to further investigate Building 1; to look for the ivory-workshops that must be there around – given the copious pieces so far brought to light and used as refilling (more than 9.000 fragments) and some fragments of rough ivory (specialist of the Italian Team G. Affanni); to organise a deep-trench in the Pakistani sector (T/11), in order to resume Manassero’s investigations on the urban and architectural features of the pre-Islamic phases...and (why not?) try to overcome the water-table problem with the technological support offered by the Bahrya University of Karachi…the much dreamed quest of Alexander the Macedonian’s port. All in all and to conclude. Nowadays, at the end of this first stage of historical and archaeological research-work in collaboration with the DAS, the identification of the site of Banbhore and its surrounding area with the Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian and the Early-Islamic well-fortified harbour-town of Daybul/Debol can be confirmed. No other site with the characteristics described by the written sources of the time (chronicles, geographies, travelogues…plus Marco Polo and some significant Genoese archival documents) has so far come to light on the Indus deltaic region. Conversely, still un-answered are other queries: Banbhore can be identified also with the great harbour of Alexander the Macedonian? Or with the Barbaricum/Barbarikon/Barbariké, harbour-town of Parthian rulers or local lords of “Skuthia”, also mentioned in the Periplus Maris Erythraei? Or again with Dib/Deb, harbour mentioned in a Parthian-Manichaean text? Or again the Dibos of Greek sources? Or the Dêbuhl/Dêphul of an Arminian text à propos of the Prophet Mani? Wishful thinking; however, these queries represent some amongst the ambitious aims of our future research-work.