Academic literature on the topic 'Green politics'

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Journal articles on the topic "Green politics"

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Weetman, D. F. "Green Politics." Indoor and Built Environment 1, no. 5 (1992): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000463456.

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Weetman, D. F. "Green Politics." Indoor Environment 1, no. 5 (September 1992): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1420326x9200100501.

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Korhola, Eija-Ritta. "The joys and frustrations of an environmental law-maker." European View 18, no. 2 (October 2019): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819888139.

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For many years, environmental politics was seen as a relatively light policy area. In many European countries environmental issues were usually delegated to the Greens. As a result, until recently, climate and environmental policy has been dominated by the political approach and emphasis of the green movement. Today, however, political leaders across Europe are finally seeing how political environmental politics actually is. There is also a growing understanding that the green approach may not be the only possible way forward. Due to its top-down, bureaucratic and inflexible approach to the policy area, the green agenda may in fact sometimes even be dangerous. Thus, this article argues that the time has come to shift the paradigms of environmental politics and climate politics from the politics of limitation to the politics of possibilities. The European People’s Party family could offer a real alternative to the green agenda and show the merits of environmental subsidiarity.
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Mazza, Patrick. "Green cities politics." Capitalism Nature Socialism 2, no. 3 (October 1991): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455759109358454.

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Henderson, Caspar. "Green politics — Two." Global Environmental Change 4, no. 4 (December 1994): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0959-3780(94)90042-6.

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Schreurs, Miranda A., and Lam Peng-Er. "Green Politics in Japan." Journal of Japanese Studies 26, no. 2 (2000): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/133295.

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Edgington, David W., and Peng-Er Lam. "Green Politics in Japan." Pacific Affairs 73, no. 3 (2000): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672042.

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Miller, Henry I. "Green politics’ bitter harvest." Trends in Biotechnology 19, no. 5 (May 2001): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0167-7799(01)01605-5.

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Dijkink, Gertjan, and Herman Van Der Wusten. "Green politics in Europe." Political Geography 11, no. 1 (January 1992): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(92)90016-m.

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FINGER, MATTHIAS, and SIMON HUG. "Green politics in Switzerland." European Journal of Political Research 21, no. 3 (April 1992): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00299.x.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Green politics"

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Guedes, Olga M. R. "Green politics, ideology and communication." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1996. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/27785.

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Li, Kin-man Ronald, and 李健民. "Green politics of planning in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574791.

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Li, Kin-man Ronald. "Green politics of planning in Hong Kong." Hong Kong : The University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574791.

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Simcock, Adam. "MacIntyre and green political thought : deliberative eco-politics for dependent rational animals." Thesis, Keele University, 2018. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/5151/.

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Ecologism is a political ideology that emerged in the 1970s. It challenged the neoliberal privileging of economic growth over environmental protection and a narrow conception of the self as autonomous, rational and self-interested. Ecologism’s normative challenge has grown quiet as it became perceived as too inward looking and focused on the self, rather than engaged with issues such as climate change that now preoccupy green political thought. However, in the early 21st century, neoliberalism now dominates western democracies. This turn away from the self and normative opposition to neoliberalism has clearly not furthered the environmental cause, and so there is a need to return to re-politicise the ontological arguments of ecologism. A small number of green political theorists have begun to look towards the Thomistic Aristotelianism of Alasdair MacIntyre and this thesis seeks to add to their number. I argue that MacIntyre’s work concerning the self as dependent rational animal, and arguments for the political and social structures that support this self, can be used to affirm and reengage ecological arguments with politics. MacIntyre’s thought moves ecologism away from its “inward-turn”, concerned with the self’s personal experience of the environment, to a collective politics that looks outwardly to challenge the dominant neoliberal order. In bringing ecologism into conversation with MacIntyre’s philosophy, the original contribution I offer ecological political theory is two-fold. Firstly, the virtues of acknowledged dependence can be used to reflect substantive concern for the environment within political deliberation. Secondly, I develop MacIntyre’s conception of localized deliberative democracy. In order to counter claims that such localization is naïve, I bring MacIntyre’s ideal into conversation with Murray Bookchin’s model of municipal libertarianism and consider two real world examples: Rojava in northern Syria and the ‘Idle no More movement’ in Canada. These examples offer hopeful evidence that decentralised deliberative politics, starting from acknowledging our dependence, can oppose the hegemony of neoliberalism both socially and ecologically.
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Jeong, Hyoung-Wook. "Green democratization in a developing country : a case study of South Korean green politics." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250190.

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Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.

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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
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Hagberg, Lovisa. "Finding a place for green politics : political space-time, globalisation and new environmental policy concepts /." Umeå : Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Univ. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-109.

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Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics." Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.

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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
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Drugan, Joanna Marie. "Environmental themes in French literature and politics of the 1930s." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323737.

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Ward, Stephen. "The politics of environmental agendas : the case of UK local authorities." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261618.

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Books on the topic "Green politics"

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Spretnak, Charlene. Green politics. Santa Fe, NM: Bear & Co, 1986.

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Spretnak, Charlene. Green politics. London: Grafton Books, 1985.

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Spretnak, Charlene. Green politics. Santa Fe, N.M: Bear, 1986.

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Green politics. Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1993.

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Radcliffe, James. Green Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696.

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Fritjof, Capra, and Lutz Rüdiger, eds. Green politics. London: Paladin Grafton, 1985.

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Wolfgang, Rüdig, ed. Green politics three. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1995.

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Green politics in Japan. London: Routledge, 1999.

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Toke, Dave. Green politics and neo-liberalism. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Party, Green. Green politics: Fact and fiction. London: The Party, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Green politics"

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Paterson, Matthew. "Green Politics." In Theories of International Relations, 252–74. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24743-1_9.

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Stoll, Steven. "Green Politics." In U.S. Environmentalism since 1945, 104–26. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11293-4_5.

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Radcliffe, James. "Industrial Society Challenged." In Green Politics, 1–20. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_1.

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Radcliffe, James. "Ecological Pressure Groups." In Green Politics, 181–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_10.

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Radcliffe, James. "Conclusions." In Green Politics, 200–206. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_11.

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Radcliffe, James. "Centralism versus Decentralism." In Green Politics, 21–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_2.

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Radcliffe, James. "Humanity and Nature: The Problem of Alienation." In Green Politics, 46–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_3.

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Radcliffe, James. "The Need for an Environmental Ethic." In Green Politics, 64–84. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_4.

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Radcliffe, James. "Eco-feminism and Post-modernism." In Green Politics, 85–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_5.

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Radcliffe, James. "Animal Rights: An Ecological Problem?" In Green Politics, 105–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981696_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Green politics"

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Sanjaya, Fitri Juliana, Robby Darwis Nasution, Nabillah Audia Putri Utami, and Ninda Mirantama. "Green Politics Theory: Industrialization and Environment." In 2nd International Indonesia Conference on Interdisciplinary Studies (IICIS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211206.046.

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Stölzle, Simon C., and Dominika P. Gałkiewicz. "GREEN BONDS REPRESENTING GREEN FINANCE IN EUROPE – BASIC CHARACTERISTICS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2020.27.

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This study examines whether there is a negative green bond premium for investors in the secondary European market. To answer this question, the matched pairs method is applied, where the daily i-spreads of green bonds and the interpolated daily i-spreads of similar non-green bonds are compared. The bond sample contains 37 bond couples issued by corporations, financial institutions and governments between November 2019 and April 2020. The findings suggest that there is an average statistically significant negative very small green bond premium. The negative premium could be explained by investors’ preferences for green financial instruments leading to excess demand. The negative green bond premium may also be a compensation for the issuer’s external costs or reflect the internalization of environmental externalities. Further evidence shows that the negative green bond premium varies across industries and is not higher for lower rated investment grade bonds.
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"The Green Management in The Context of Regional Development." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p7.

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Shahini, Ermir. "Green Politics as an Institutional Efficient Tool for Developing Albanian Economy." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, International Relations and Sociology . Cognitive-crcs, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2015.03.6.

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"An Analysis of the Correlation between Green Supply Chain Transformation and Enterprise Financial Performance." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.11.

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"Risk Prediction and Evaluation of Transnational Transmission of Green Financial Crisis Based on Complex Network." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.101.

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"Analysis on the Upgrading and Development of Chinese Manufacturing Industry Based on Green Technology Innovation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.104.

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"The Correlation Analysis of the Green Credit Policy and the Operating Performance of the Listed Banks in China." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.93.

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Huang, Lu, Hanping Hou, Jianliang Yang, Xue Li, and Yue Wang. "Study on the Selection of Operation Mode of Green Supply Chain of Agricultural Products." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.69.

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Khaustova, N. A. "THE ROLE OF GREEN PARTIES IN FORMING THE ENVIRONMENTAL AGENDA." In SAKHAROV READINGS 2022: ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS OF THE XXI CENTURY. International Sakharov Environmental Institute of Belarusian State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46646/sakh-2022-1-25-28.

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The article presents an analysis of the main ideological attitudes of the «green» parties at the present stage. The author reveals the reasons for the popularity and growth of their influence in modern society. The program provisions of the environmental parties in Russia and Germany are considered in the context of the past parliamentary elections. The conclusion is made about the formation of a new paradigm of the relationship between man and nature, which influenced the formation of a new trend in the popularity of «green» in politics.
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Reports on the topic "Green politics"

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Lunsgaarde, Erik, Kevin Adams, Kendra Dupuy, Adis Dzebo, Mikkel Funder, Adam Fejerskov, Zoha Shawoo, and Jakob Skovgaard. The politics of climate finance coordination. Stockholm Environment Institute, October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2021.022.

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As COP26 approaches, governments are facing calls to increase the ambition of their climate commitments under the Paris Agreement. The mobilization of climate finance will be key to meeting these goals, prompting the need for renewed attention on how to enhance the coordination of existing funds and thus increase their effectiveness, efficiency and equity. The climate finance landscape is fragmented due to the variety of actors involved at different levels. Coordination difficulties emerge in multiple arenas and reflect the diversity of funding sources, implementation channels, and sectors relevant for climate action (Lundsgaarde, Dupuy and Persson, 2018). The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development has identified over 90 climate-specific funds. Most of them are multilateral. While bilateral climate finance remains significant, growth in multilateral funding has been the main driver of recent funding increases and remains a focus of international negotiations. Practitioners often highlight organizational resource constraints – such as staffing levels, the continuity of personnel, or the availability of adequate information management systems – as factors limiting coordination. In this brief, we argue that improving climate finance coordination requires considering coordination challenges in a political context where both fund secretariats and external stakeholders play an important role in shaping collaboration prospects. To illustrate this point, we highlight the political nature of global-level coordination challenges between the multilateral Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and Green Climate Fund (GCF), as well as national-level challenges in Kenya and Zambia. Key challenges influencing coordination relate to the governance of climate funds, domestic bureaucratic politics in recipient countries, and the existence of multiple coordination frameworks at the country level.
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Bergsen, Pepijn, Leah Downey, Max Krahé, Hans Kundnani, Manuela Moschella, and Quinn Slobodian. The economic basis of democracy in Europe: structural economic change, inequality and the depoliticization of economic policymaking. Royal Institute of International Affairs, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135362.

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- To understand contemporary challenges to European democracy, it is crucial to look beyond the surface of politics and consider the deeper relationship between democracy and the economy. Instead of focusing exclusively on the rise of ‘populism’, it is necessary to acknowledge the multiplicity of threats to European democracy, in particular those arising from the structure of European economies and economic policymaking. - Understanding these weaknesses in the functioning of European democracies is crucial to an effective approach to future economic transformations, in particular the green transition, but also for dealing effectively and equitably with challenges such as higher inflation. It is important that the relevant policy changes and responses are democratically legitimate and do not foster the kind of political backlash that previous economic transformations did. - Over the past 40 years, economic inequality – ranging from income inequality to discrepancies in wealth and economic security – has widened throughout developed economies. In turn, these developments have generated increasing political inequality, as economic policymaking has served the interests of the well-off. - Democratic systems have also been made less responsive to electorates through the ‘depoliticization’ of policymaking, in particular economic policy, as a result of its insulation from national-level democratic scrutiny. The expansion of technocratic modes of governance – notably through independent central banks and EU-level institutions – has in many cases entrenched the policy preferences of specific groups in institutions removed from direct democratic control. - As this depoliticization has to a large extent made democratic contestation over economic policy redundant, politics has increasingly been polarized around ‘cultural’ questions. But such a focus on culture is unlikely to address the inequalities behind the dysfunction of democracies in Europe. - Strengthening European democracy requires a ‘repoliticization’ of economic policymaking, including both fiscal and monetary policymaking. In the specific context of the EU, this would mean opening up more policy space for national decision-makers and parliaments – in particular by giving them a more influential role in fiscal policy, and by making monetary policy more democratic.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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O'Donnell, Emily. Delivering multiple co-benefits in Blue-Green Cities. Royal Geographical Society (with IBG), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55203/pclw1513.

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Global cities face a range of water challenges, driven by increasingly frequent and extreme storm events, drier summers, accelerating urbanisation and reductions in public green space. Blue-Green Infrastructure (BGI) and Nature-Based Solutions (NBS) are increasingly being used to address challenges across the full water spectrum while tackling social, economic and environmental issues. In April 2021, the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG) hosted an online knowledge exchange event to explore the multiple co-benefits of Blue-Green Cities, and how these can overcome the biophysical, socio-political and societal barriers to innovation in urban flood and water management. This briefing paper draws together discussion from that event, framed by geographical research in the Blue-Green Cities (www.bluegreencities.ac.uk) and Urban Flood Resilience (www.urbanfloodresilience.ac.uk) projects, to give recommendations to enable greater implementation of BGI in policy and practice.
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Price, Roz. Climate Adaptation: Lessons and Insights for Governance, Budgeting, and Accountability. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.008.

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This rapid review draws on literature from academic, policy and non-governmental organisation sources. There is a huge literature on climate governance issues in general, but less is known about effective support and the political-economy of adaptation. A large literature base and case studies on climate finance accountability and budgeting in governments is nascent and growing. Section 2 of this report briefly discusses governance of climate change issues, with a focus on the complexity and cross-cutting nature of climate change compared to the often static organisational landscape of government structured along sectoral lines. Section 3 explores green public financial management (PFM). Section 4 then brings together several principles and lessons learned on green PFM highlighted in the guidance notes. Transparency and accountability lessons are then highlighted in Section 5. The Key findings are: 1) Engaging with the governance context and the political economy of climate governance and financing is crucial to climate objectives being realised. 2) More attention is needed on whether and how governments are prioritising adaptation and resilience in their own operations. 3) Countries in Africa further along in the green PFM agenda give accounts of reform approaches that are gradual, iterative and context-specific, building on existing PFM systems and their functionality. 4) A well-functioning “accountability ecosystem” is needed in which state and non-state accountability actors engage with one another. 5) Climate change finance accountability systems and ecosystems in countries are at best emerging. 6) Although case studies from Nepal, the Philippines and Bangladesh are commonly cited in the literature and are seen as some of the most advanced developing country examples of green PFM, none of the countries have had significant examples of collaboration and engagement between actors. 7) Lessons and guiding principles for green PFM reform include: use the existing budget cycle and legal frameworks; ensure that the basic elements of a functional PFM system are in place; strong leadership of the Ministry of Finance (MoF) and clear linkages with the overall PFM reform agenda are needed; smart sequencing of reforms; real political ownership and clearly defined roles and responsibilities; and good communication to stakeholders).
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, and Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.

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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.
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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André, and Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy: how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.

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We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.
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