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1
Weil, Frederick D., and Elim Papadakis. "The Green Movement in West Germany." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 3 (May 1985): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071366.
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Sarkar, Saral. "The Green Movement in West Germany." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 11, no. 2 (April 1986): 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548601100203.
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Glees, A. "The Green Movement in West Germany." German History 3, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/3.1.97.
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Rovinskaya, T. "The European Green Movement in Times of Crisis: New Approaches." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2021): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-4-24-33.
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The article traces the ideological evolution of the European Green Movement from radical opposition to political conformism and pragmatism. Two fundamentally important moments characterize the development of “green” ideology in Europe: first, reliance on civil society and, second, an emergency/crisis as a necessary condition and impetus for development. Due to the belonging of the European ecological parties to the left wing of the traditional political spectrum, there is a convergence of political positions of the “Greens” and “Leftists” in Europe: nowadays, the party programs of the “Greens” are predominantly socio-ecological in nature. They are based on the Sustainable Development concept adopted in 1992 by the states of the world, which “reconciles” the environment with the economy. On the example of the German environmental party “Union 90/Greens”– the largest and most influential ecological party in the world – one can clearly see the development vector: from an alternative (opposition) political force to the third largest party in power (following the elections to the Bundestag in 2021), which became “the progressive force of the left-center”, the stronghold of the “green bourgeoisie”. The large-scale crisis of 2019–2021 associated with the COVID-19 pandemic played into the hands of the German Greens in the sense that it significantly contributed to a shift in priorities towards “green” politics and Green Economy in Western Europe and around the world, particularly as Germany is the main mastermind and beneficiary of the Green Deal in Europe. According to this trend, all ecological parties of Western Europe benefit from the crisis and are actually becoming parties of the political mainstream.
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Raisch, Judith, and Reimut Zohlnhöfer. "Beeinflussen Klima-Schulstreiks die politische Agenda? Eine Analyse der Twitterkommunikation von Bundestagsabgeordneten." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 667–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-667.
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Have the school strikes for the climate (Fridays for Future (FFF) movement) affected political agenda setting in Germany? And does a MP’s party affiliation matter for how often and in what ways he or she mentions the FFF movement? These questions are answered by analyzing 78,000 Twitter tweets of 89 Members of the German Bundestag from all seven parties represented in parliament between November 2017 und April 2019 . MPs of all parties paid more attention to climate issues after the school strikes began . Moreover, and in line with the expectations of the issue ownership literature, it turns out that MPs for the Greens and the Left Party referred more often to the FFF movement in their tweets than members of the AfD, FDP, CDU, and CSU . Similarly, Green and Left MPs’ tweets about the FFF movement were more positive, encouraged followers to support the movement more often, and linked comments on the FFF movement that critiqued the government’s climate policy more frequently than members of the latter parties . The tweets of SPD MPs resembled those of Green and Left MPs .
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Richter, Saskia. "Petra Kelly, International Green Leader: On Biography and the Peace Movement as Resources of Power in West German Politics, 1979-1983." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330407.
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This article uses the biography of the activist and Green Party co-founder Petra Kelly in order to rethink the Greens' founding process and to articulate a new conception of charismatic political leadership. It shows how Kelly used her activism in the new social movements as the basis for her leadership role in the Greens, and how her ongoing work in the peace movement provided her a means of maintaining power within the nascent party during the early 1980s. By examining Kelly's contributions to the Greens' approach to politics, the article shows that she was more than just a figurehead for the new party. Most importantly, the article shows that throughout her career as an activist and politician, Kelly used her biography to establish credibility and to support her unique style of charismatic leadership. The German public's response to Kelly reveals the influence of this charismatic leadership and shows how her movement-driven and biographically informed approach, which brought personal experiences and emotions into politics, was part of a larger transformation of the political in West Germany during the 1970s and 1980s.
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Blings, Steffen. "Niche Parties and Social Movements: Mechanisms of Programmatic Alignment and Party Success." Government and Opposition 55, no. 2 (August 20, 2018): 220–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.18.
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AbstractNiche parties often originate in social movements, yet the latter’s role in shaping these parties has received scant attention. I argue that movement roots can help niche parties achieve both vote- and policy-seeking goals by keeping core issues salient, bolstering issue ownership and securing allies in civil society. Employing interviews with movement, as well as Green and Pirate party leaders in Sweden and Germany, I identify three mechanisms (electoral pressure, grassroots linkage, elite orientation) that lead to programmatic alignment. This article extends an emerging research agenda that highlights how social movements shape party politics and offers evidence that niche party–movement interactions open new avenues for political representation counterbalancing mainstream parties’ increasing detachment from civil society.
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Frankland, E. Gene. "Parliamentary Politics and the Development of the Green Party in West Germany." Review of Politics 51, no. 3 (1989): 386–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500049743.
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This study deals with the experiences of the Greens (Die Griinen) during the 1980's as a “new” party in West German state and federal parliaments and specifically with the Green parliamentary groups' relationships with the movement-party. The founders of the Greens sought to organize as a decentralized, participatory democracy. Accordingly, they developed rules to hinder the emergence of a professionalized leadership and to restrict the autonomy of parliamentary groups. Utilizing a comparative approach, the author investigates the extent to which the Greens have become “parliamentarized” by the normalizing forces of the established system at state and federal levels. This study relates the Greens' developmental experiences to the “classic” observations of Duverger, Michels, and others about modern party development. Finally, it reviews the recent perspectives of various intraparty groups about the future of the Greens.
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Honneth, Axel. "The Political Identity of the Green Movement in Germany: Social-Philosophical Reflections." Critical Horizons 11, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/crit.v11i1.5.
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Mushtaq, Shireen, Dua Hamid, and Javeria Sheikh. "Securitisation of the Refugee Issue in Germany: The Far Right Challenge to Government Policies." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.1.
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The refugee crisis in Germany began as the Syrian Civil war soared into a large-scale conflict. Germany adopted the Open Door Policy and allowed over a million Syrian refugees to enter. This paper focuses on the implication of this refugee crisis on German national politics. In this paper, Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s theory of securitisation and de-securitisation is used, they describe Securitisation as an extreme version of politicisation and de-securitisation is the process of normalising the issue. Through a case study, we assess the role of securitising actors and desecuritising actors in Germany. The securitising actors include mainly Alternative for Germany (AfD), Pegida movement, Christian Social Union (CSU), whereby they focus on securitising the refugee and migrant issue by treating it as an existential threat to Germany. As a counter narrative the desecuritising actors include the ruling party and their coalition such as the Christian Democratic Union, the Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, and the Left Party which focus on desecuritising the issue. The paper concludes, the process of securitisation has been more effective as compared to the process of desecuritisation in German national politics.
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Dominick, R. "The roots of the Green Movement in the United States and West Germany." Environmental History Review 12, no. 3 (September 1, 1988): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3984283.
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Rovinskaya, T. "Greens in Europe: Incremental Growth." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-58-71.
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The article deals with the environmental ideology evolution and the Green Movement political development – from groups of activists and ecological non-governmental organizations to influential political parties, at both national and international level (mainly in the Western Europe). The overlook covers the period from early 1970s to present. The mass political Green Movement arose in early 1970s in the Western Europe, USA and Australia in response to vivid ecological threats and the inability of national and international authorities to offer effective solutions. From the very beginning, the Greens declared their commitment to the principles of environmental responsibility, global sustainable development, inclusive democracy, consideration for diversity, personal freedom, gender equality and non-violence. In the political field, the Greens meet two main challenges: formation of political agenda with regard to environmental issues; promotion of effective political decisions and economic mechanisms to protect the environment from an anthropogenic impact. Ecological NGOs, especially large international organizations (like Greenpeace) perform public protest actions against the transnational and state corporations’ economic activities violating the environment (f.e. Arctic oil extraction, radioactive waste storage, gene engineering in agriculture etc.). But beyond the active political lobbying and drawing of wide public support to acute environmental issues, NGOs are not able to involve into political process directly. Within 1970s–1980s (and also later on) ecological political parties were formed in most Western European countries, with a target to participate in official parliamentary elections at local, regional, national and supra-national level. Many of them succeeded and became influencing in their countries. Political methods used by the Greens are thoroughly analyzed in the paper. Special attention is paid to political strategy and tactics of the German ecological party Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, as well as to participation of the European Union Green parties in work of the European Parliament. German Greens count for the most successful ecological party not only in Europe, but also worldwide. Using flexible tactics of parliamentary coalitions, they managed to facilitate a general turn of the German policy toward ecologization (renunciation of the atomic energy development in Germany, conservation of energy and renewable energy sources programs, ecological taxes implementation, prohibition on gene engineering in agriculture etc.). Being a part of the governing coalition, the “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen” were also involved in many other sociopolitical and international issues. Since 1984, many European ecological parties are present in the European Parliament. In 2004, the European Green Party was created to consolidate electoral efforts of the Greens at the European level. Almost all EU ecological parties are also members of the international Global Greens organization. Owing to activities of the Green Movement as a whole, state authorities of many countries (primarily in the Western Europe) adopted environment friendly legislation and state programs. Despite short periods of reverse, the general development of Greens is progressive and prospective.
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Sound, P., and M. Veith. "Weather effects on intrahabitat movements of the western green lizard, Lacerta bilineata (Daudin, 1802), at its northern distribution range border: a radio-tracking study." Canadian Journal of Zoology 78, no. 10 (October 1, 2000): 1831–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/z00-103.
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Daily activity patterns of male western green lizards, Lacerta bilineata (Daudin, 1802), at the edge of their northern distribution range in western Germany after the breeding season from June to October were recorded using implanted radio transmitters. Different activity indices discriminating between stimulation, duration, and length of movement were correlated with actual weather conditions (d0) and with weather conditions on the 2 previous days (d-1 and d-2). The lizards' dependence on weather showed two different phases throughout the study period. During the first period and in the period preceding a drastic change of weather in midsummer, weather had no significant influence on movement parameters. After that event, temperatures dropped and a strong dependence on weather of all movement parameters except those indicating displacements became apparent. Thresholds for 50% activity during this second phase were a maximum temperature of 17°C and a minimum humidity of 35%. Two days after periods of bad weather, the influence of weather conditions increased again. This can be explained by physiological deficits that require compensation during the period of marginal weather conditions prior to hibernation. Displacement movements were significantly longer than home-range movements and were neither triggered nor modulated by the weather. They must therefore represent activities such as patrolling territory boundaries.
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Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq." German Law Journal 4, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.
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[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.
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Berker, Lars E., and Jan Pollex. "Friend or foe?—comparing party reactions to Fridays for Future in a party system polarised between AfD and Green Party." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 15, no. 2 (March 11, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-021-00476-7.
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AbstractFridays for Future has risen as a new environmental movement pushing politicians to take action against climate change. However, its interaction with other political actors, most importantly political parties, has hardly been addressed systematically by scientific research. In this article, we take stock of party reactions to the movement on the national and subnational level in Germany. Furthermore, we investigate possible explanations for variances in these reactions in a comparison of subnational party organisations and thereby, focus on dynamics of party competition, especially on the impact of the Green Party as established contender and of the populist radical right AfD and its new role in environmental politics. We show that party reactions to the movement vary widely reflecting a clear divide on the left-right-spectrum. While centre-left parties, particularly the Green Party, support the movement, centre-right parties are utmost cautious and the populist radical right AfD stands out with a blatantly hostile attitude. Though indications for the impact of party competition dynamics were minor, we observed a strong polarisation on the climate issue that may take effect in the near future.
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Gross, Stephen G. "Reimagining Energy and Growth: Decoupling and the Rise of a New Energy Paradigm in West Germany, 1973–1986." Central European History 50, no. 4 (December 2017): 514–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917001017.
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AbstractThis article traces the rise of new ideas about energy and growth in West Germany between 1973 and 1986. It shows how new economic expertise emerged in response to the oil shocks, and looks at how West Germany could, paradoxically, sustain growth in a world of seemingly exhausted and insecure energy sources. These experts reconceptualized the economy to imagine a future where “decoupling”—reducing energy consumption while expanding Gross Domestic Production—was possible. They found support in the Social Democratic Party, which, in using their ideas to overcome an internal rift precipitated by the rise of the Green movement in the 1970s, helped make these new ideas mainstream. Investigating this new energy paradigm helps us understand why Germany began to diverge from other large, industrialized states in the 1980s, as it increasingly focused on energy conservation rather than on expanding its energy supply.
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Eyerman, Ron. "Book Reviews : Elim Papadakis: The Green Movement in West Germany. Croon Helm/St. Martin's Press, London, 1984." Acta Sociologica 28, no. 4 (October 1985): 365–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169938502800406.
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Hunold, Christian. "Environmentalists, Nuclear Waste, and the Politics of Passive Exclusion in Germany." German Politics and Society 19, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503001782486254.
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In this essay I examine the dispute between the German GreenParty and some of the country’s environmental nongovernmentalorganizations (NGOs) over the March 2001 renewal of rail shipmentsof highly radioactive wastes to Gorleben. My purpose indoing so is to test John Dryzek’s 1996 claim that environmentalistsought to beware of what they wish for concerning inclusion in theliberal democratic state. Inclusion on the wrong terms, arguesDryzek, may prove detrimental to the goals of greening and democratizingpublic policy because such inclusion may compromise thesurvival of a green public sphere that is vital to both. Prospects forecological democracy, understood in terms of strong ecologicalmodernization here, depend on historically conditioned relationshipsbetween the state and the environmental movement that fosterthe emergence and persistence over time of such a public sphere.
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Rohrschneider, Robert, and Dieter Fuchs. "It Used to Be the Economy: Issues and Party Support in the 2002 Election." German Politics and Society 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353583.
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Most explanations for the red-green victory in the 2002 electionrefer to two issues that emerged in the final months of the campaign:the Iraq crisis and the flood in eastern Germany. The surpriseannouncement by President Bush to dramatically increase pressureon Iraq, including a possible invasion, put this issue squarely into thecenter of the election campaign. This issue emerged at the onset ofthe hot campaign phase, taking parties and candidates by surprise.Chancellor Schröder quickly and emphatically ruled out the participationof German troops under any circumstances. His policy mayhave attracted a considerable number of voters who favored a moreconciliatory stance towards Iraq. For instance, eastern Germans,many of whom still remember the anti-American stances of thesocialist government, may have felt comfortable with an uncompromisingantiwar stance and thus supported the SPD in the end,despite this party’s failure to deliver on its economic promises. Andvoters who sympathize with the peace movement in postwar westernGermany may have become mobilized in support of the Greenparty. In turn, the largest flood in 500 years may have also providedChancellor Schröder with an opportunity to shore up his supportamong eastern voters. By all accounts, he met the leadership expectationsof voters by quickly promising financial aid to reconstructthose eastern regions devastated by the flood.
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Oberndörfer, Ralf. "Studentische Politik oder politische Studentinnen." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 26, no. 104 (September 1, 1996): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v26i104.913.
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Students in Germany are a frequent topic of discussion these days. As it seems, Liberals, Green-Alternatives and Conservatives see them as the new generation that takes over the responsibility for the unified, but clueless Germany. The Radical Left does not care much about students. In their opinion, students, as always, are just too silly to become a political factor of great importance. The politically active students, on the other band, seem to have realized that in order to change the situation of higher education, a student mass movement is neither possible nor necessary. They look for new ways of political organization, forming alliances with union opposition groups, refugees and people living on welfare. This could be a first step in order to change from harmless »Student politics« into political students once again.
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Marquardt, Christian. "The Vicious Circle Involved in the Development of the Yips." International Journal of Sports Science & Coaching 4, no. 1_suppl (September 2009): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/174795409789577506.
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Data was collected using the SAM PuttLab from 264 amateur golfers who were measured during an amateur tournament series in Germany. Each golfer had to hit seven straight putts on a regular putting green at a distance of four meters using their own putter. Findings include that Heavy-Yips golfers showed an impaired control of face rotation and face angle at impact. It is proposed that the Yips is a Contextual Movement Disorder and a number of specific factors seem to be involved in its development: Anxiety, overcontrol, interference, and awareness of the problem. These factors operate in a vicious circle and any of the factors could trigger the start of the Yips. A behavioural treatment approach can be used to interrupt this vicious circle, based on the premise that the putting movements can normally be executed without breakdown in a different context.
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Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. "Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.
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The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
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Töpfer, Eric, Volker Eick, and Jens Sambale. "Business Improvement Districts - neues Instrument für Containment und Ausgrenzung?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 37, no. 149 (December 1, 2007): 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v37i149.496.
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Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) are territorial subdivisions of a city in which property owners or businesses decide to self-impose an additional tax meant for the promotion and development of the area through services such as garbage collection, street maintenance, and security patrols. They were created in North America since the late 1960s and, though they embody many of the powers and privileges of the state, bear none of the responsibilities and limitations of democratic government. Since the early 1990s BIDs found their way due to a fast policy transfer across the Atlantic: First to the UK and now finally to Germany. Here they are regarded either as an offer the local business community cannot afford to refuse (i.e. some Chambers of Commerce) or as "civil society in action" (parts of the Green Party). Others regard them as questionable under constitutional law and as an instrument to privatize cities (the civil rights movement) or as "the next step towards further exclusion" of disadvantaged groups (i.e. churches and homeless service providers). We analyze these claims and offer empirical evidence from North America and Britain and eventually assess the prospects for Germany.
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Mez, Lutz, and Annette Piening. "Phasing-Out Nuclear Power Generation in Germany: Policies, Actors, Issues and Non-Issues." Energy & Environment 13, no. 2 (May 2002): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/0958305021501155.
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The phase-out of nuclear power in Germany is one of the priorities of the Red-Green Government which took office in October 1998. Despite continuous and broad-based public criticism, up until 1998 federal nuclear policies had sided with the pro-nuclear alliance and supported the industry through a number of tax and regulatory privileges. Thus, the phase-out decision marks a fundamental revision of past nuclear policy guidelines. After one-and-a-half years of negotiations between industry and government, in the course of which a number of controversies had to be solved, agreement was reached on the gradual phasing-out of nuclear energy use in Germany on June 14, 2000. The paper presents the actors' policies, analyses issues and non-issues in the negotiations. It shows that different positions within the Federal Government and the lack of support from the anti-nuclear movement for the Government's phase-out strategy strengthened the industry's ability to assert their position. The industry's motivation for taking such an assertive position is illustrated by an insight into the economic conditions of operating nuclear plant in Germany. The paper concludes that the phase-out strategy sketched in the coalition treaty could not fully be translated into actual policy measures. Instead industry succeeded in a number of important issues, the most important of them being the fact that the agreement guarantees the politically undisturbed operation of nuclear power plants for the years to come.
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Summers, Sarah E. "“Thinking Green!” (and Feminist): Female Activism and the Greens from Wyhl to Bonn." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330404.
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This article explores the connections between West German autonomous women's movement and the green movement from inception of the green movement in the 1970s until its institutionalization with the Green Party in the 1980s. I argue that understanding the role of feminism in the movement and vice versa requires scholars to rethink the autonomous strategies of the New Women's Movement. In doing so, I contend that autonomous feminists understood the wider implications of the green movement beyond ecological preservation, thus aiding in the transition to political party. Entangling the two movements also highlights the limits of gender equality in the Green Party as it implemented the quota system in the 1980s, and offers lessons for the potential future success of gender parity in German politics.
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Heinze, Anna-Sophie, and Manès Weisskircher. "No Strong Leaders Needed? AfD Party Organisation Between Collective Leadership, Internal Democracy, and “Movement-Party” Strategy." Politics and Governance 9, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 263–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4530.
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This article analyses the formal and lived organisation of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany). We show that the party is exceptional among what is usually understood as the populist radical right (PRR) party family, at least from an organisational perspective: The AfD sharply contradicts the “standard model” of PRR party organisation, which emphasises “charismatic” leadership and the centralisation of power as key features. Instead, studying the AfD’s efforts to adopt some elements of a mass-party organisation and its relatively decentralised decision-making underlines the importance of “movement-party” strategy, collective leadership, and internal democracy—concepts that are usually associated with Green and left-wing parties. Our analysis shows how the party’s organisation is essential for understanding its development more broadly as it reflects and reinforces sharp intra-party conflict. From this perspective, the case of the AfD sheds new light on the relationship between PRR party organisation and electoral success, indicating the importance of strong ties to parts of society over effective internal management as long as demand for anti-immigration parties is high. We conclude that even though AfD quickly built up a relatively inclusive organisational structure, the role of both its leadership and its rank-and-file is still a matter of controversy.
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Wolff, Manuel, Dagmar Haase, Jörg Priess, and Tobias Leander Hoffmann. "The Role of Brownfields and Their Revitalisation for the Functional Connectivity of the Urban Tree System in a Regrowing City." Land 12, no. 2 (January 26, 2023): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land12020333.
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The connectivity of green infrastructure facilitating the movement of organisms is the key to strengthening biodiversity in cities. Brownfields are a valuable land resource, with their revitalisation as a Nature Based Solution high on the policy agenda. In supporting cities which simultaneously aim for densification and the maintenance or further development of greenery, this paper develops a model for identifying and prioritising the role of revitalised and prevailing brownfields for the connectivity of green infrastructure using the example of Leipzig, Germany. Comparing metrics between land use categories, brownfields have a central role as stepping stones, with a value of 13%, while revitalised brownfields substantially contribute to global connectivity, with a value of 87% being equally important, for example, with Leipzig’s central parks. This paper’s spatial-explicit network approach provides a complementary planning tool for prioritising brownfields and the added value of their renaturing by identifying (a) strategic functional corridors formed by brownfields, (b) the connectivity relevance and exposure of individual brownfields, and (c) how renatured brownfields would strengthen existing corridors and form alternative paths. This paper presents an approach using freely available software tools and high-resolution canopy data as a proxy for functional connectivity which serves as a standardised and comparable ex-ante evaluation of NBS strategies being implemented in other cities.
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Hager, Carol. "Green Politics, Expertise, and Democratic Discourse in the Two Germanies, 1989–2019." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370402.
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Environmental movements became a major vehicle for promoting citizen participation in both East and West Germany during the 1980s. Their critiques of industrial society, however, reflected the different constellations of power in their respective countries. Movements in both East and West formed green parties, but their disparate understandings of power, expertise, and democracy complicated the parties’ efforts to coalesce during the unification process and to play a major role in German politics after unification. I propose that the persistence of this East-West divide helps explain the continuing discrepancy in the appeal of Alliance 90/The Greens in the old and new German federal states. Nevertheless, I also suggest that the Greens have accomplished their goal of opening technical issue areas—particularly energy—to political debate. This is currently working to enhance their image throughout Germany as champions of technological innovation and democratic openness in the face of climate inaction and right-wing populism.
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Kellershohn, Jan. "Nature, Knowledge, and Protest." Moving the Social 65 (August 9, 2021): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.65.2021.149-163.
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Melanie Arndt: Tschernobylkinder. Die transnationale Geschichte einer nuklearen Ka- tastrophe, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2020, 499 pp., ISBN: 978-3-525- 35208-3.
Nils Güttler: Alles über das Fliegen. Eine politische Wissensgeschichte des Frankfurter Flughafens, Vienna: Turia & Kant, 2020, 123 pp., ISBN: 978-3-85132-981-0.
Katrin Jordan: Ausgestrahlt. Die mediale Debatte um „Tschernobyl“ in der Bundesrepu- blik und in Frankreich 1986/87, Göttingen: Wallstein, 2018, 424 pp., ISBN: 978-3- 8353-3304-8.
Stephen Milder: Greening Democracy. The Anti-Nuclear Movement and Political Envi- ronmentalism in West Germany and Beyond, 1968–1983, Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 2017, 280 pp., ISBN: 978-1-107-13510-9.
Christian Möller: Umwelt und Herrschaft in der DDR. Politik, Protest und die Gren- zen der Partizipation in der Diktatur, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2020, 396 pp., ISBN: 978-3-525-31096-0.
Martin Spenger: Green Beat. Gary Snyder und die moderne amerikanische Umweltbe- wegung, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2020, 239 pp., ISBN: 978-3-525- 31098-4.
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Vititnev, Sergei F., and Nataliya S. Kozyakova. "ECO-SOCIAL RISKS AND DESTRUCTION OF MODERNITY AND COMPREHENSION OF THE PROSPECTS OF HUMAN AND NATURE RELATIONS HARMONIZATION IN THE IDEOLOGY OF THE GREEN MOVEMENT IN GERMANY." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 4 (2018): 272–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2018-4-272-284.
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Zindović, J., M. Dall'Ara, C. Rubies Autonell, and C. Ratti. "First Report of Apple chlorotic leaf spot virus, Cherry green ring mottle virus, and Cherry necrotic rusty mottle virus on Peach in Montenegro." Plant Disease 98, no. 7 (July 2014): 1014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-10-13-1085-pdn.
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The sanitary status of peach fruit trees was assessed in central and coastal regions of Montenegro during a survey in September and October of 2011 and 2012. Leaf samples were collected from 58 (2011) and 47 (2012) trees showing chlorotic rings and spots, mosaic, necrosis, leaf distortion, and stunting. Total RNAs was extracted from each sample by RNeasy Plant Mini kit (Qiagen, Germany) and used as a template in PDO (polyvalent degenerate oligonucleotides) nested reverse transcription (RT)-PCR for the detection of fruit tree viruses belonging to the genera Trichovirus, Capillovirus, and Foveavirus (family Betaflexiviridae). PDO primer sets PDO-F1i/PDO-R3i/PDO-R4i and PDO-F2i/PDO-R1i (2) were used in the first RT-PCR and nested PCR, respectively. Total RNAs obtained from Italian Apple chlorotic leaf spot virus (ACLSV)-infected isolate and healthy peach leaves were used as positive and negative controls, respectively. A nested set of primers amplified a 362-bp product from 6 samples collected in 2011 (10.3%) and 13 samples collected in 2012 (27.7%). Sequence analysis included three isolates (367/11, 133/12, and 168/12) chosen from different peach cultivars (Ritastar, Spring Belle, and Redhaven, respectively). Amplified products of expected size of the partial RNA-dependent RNA polymerase from three positive samples were cloned into p-GEM-T Easy Vector (Promega, Madison, WI) and sequenced (MWG-Biotech AG, Germany). Sequences were deposited in GenBank under accession nos. KF534757, KF534769, and KF534766, respectively. BLAST analysis showed that the sequence of isolate 367/11 (KF534757) shared high nucleotide similarity (78.9 to 87.2%) with ACLSV isolates from GenBank, showing highest identity with isolate PBM1 (AJ243438) from Germany. Sequence analysis of isolate 133/12 (KF534769) proved that it is 90.5 to 93.3% identical to Cherry green ring mottle virus (CGRMV) isolates reported from other parts of the world. In particular, the highest nucleotide similarity was showed with isolate P1C124 (AJ291761) from France. Finally, analysis of sequence from the isolate 168/12 (KF534766) revealed high degree of identity (86.1 to 96.1%) with the corresponding nucleotide sequences of the Cherry necrotic rusty mottle virus (CNRMV) isolates, showing highest similarity with isolate 120/86 (AF237816) from Switzerland. To confirm virus infectivity, according to the FAO/IPGRI Technical Guidelines (1), budwood from 367/11, 133/12, and 168/12 samples were grafted into seedlings of peach (GF305), Prunus serrulata (cv. Shirofugen) and P. avium (cv. Sam) then maintained in a greenhouse with controlled conditions. Six months post inoculation, GF305 indexed with 367/11 sample reacts with a green depressed mottle on leaves typical of ACLSV infection. Cherry tree of cv. Shirofugen indexed with sample 133/12 showed symptoms attributable to CGRMV such as epinasty, twisting and curling of leaves while a tree of cv. Sam indexed with 168/12 sample exhibited classical necrotic shot holes in leaves induced by CNRMV infection (1). Sequence analysis of PCR products obtained from indicator plants by RT-PCR as described above showed full nucleotide identity with KF534757, KF534769, and KF534766 sequences and confirmed the presence of previous described viral agents. To our knowledge, this is the first report of ACLSV, CGRMV, and CNRMV occurrence on peach in Montenegro. Due to the economic importance of this crop, sanitation measures should be adopted to improve the control of imported plants and the use of virus-tested propagation material in order to prevent spreading of these viruses. References: (1) M. Diekmann and C. A. J. Putter. FAO/IPGRI Technical Guidelines for the Safe Movement of Germplasm. No. 16. Stone Fruits, 1996. (2) X. Foissac et al. Phytopathology 95:617, 2005.
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Antoniades, Euripides. "The German-Austrian Philhellenism through the Revolution Press-The Case of Newspapers Ellinika Chronika (Hellenic Chronicles) and O Filos tou Nomou (The Friend of the Law) during the Period 1824-1826." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i2.5763.
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The Greek Revolution of 1821 was certainly an important milestone in the history of the Greek nation in order to reclaim freedom and create an independent state. This study will attempt to highlight the significance of philhellenism and philhellenes of the diaspora, with a special emphasis on the German Austrian philhellenism, as recorded in the Greek press during the revolution. This article examines a) how two Greek newspapers portray the German-Austrian philhellenism during 1824 – 1826 and b) how this world movement of philhellenism helped during the Greek revolution. The Philhellenic movement was related to the interest of European people in Greece and pre-existed the Greek revolution of 1821. In countries of Western Europe, such as Germany and Britain, interest in classical Greece was nurtured by philosophical, philological and explorative texts and news reporting. More particularly, articles from the Ellinika Chronika (Hellenic Chronicles) and O Filos tou Nomou (The Friend of the Law) newspapers refer to cases of Philhellenes living abroad, and especially the German Austrian axis, will be examined. These items create an important field of study that showcases how the press records history and events happening at the time of the Greek Revolution, 200 years ago.
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Verbeek, Hilde, Bram de Boer, and Marie Boltz. "INNOVATIVE CARE ENVIRONMENTS FOR PEOPLE WITH DEMENTIA." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.1289.
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Abstract As part of the ongoing culture movement within long-term care several innovative care concepts for people with dementia are developing. These concepts radically change their physical, social and/or organizational environment in order to align care services with needs and demands of people with dementia, and providing meaningful activities. The current symposium will discuss the effects and possible working mechanisms of innovative caring environments for people with dementia across three European countries and the US. The symposium will start with a presentation describing the Homestead care model in the Netherlands, which is a care model that was developed following a co-creation study focused on translating scientific knowledge on nursing home care environments into practice. This is followed by three presentations about the effects of three types of innovative care environments for people with dementia: (1) farm based day care in Norway, (2) shared housing arrangements in Germany, (3) green care farms providing 24-hour nursing care in the Netherlands. The three studies on the effects of innovative care environments present a variety of designs (case study, cluster randomized controlled multi-center intervention study, and a qualitative study with semi-structured interviews) to study the effects on various outcomes (activities, physical effort, social interaction, mood, the number of hospital admissions for people with dementia, quality of life, challenging behavior, risk of falls, stabilization of cognitive abilities, daily life). The symposium will conclude with a reflection on these innovative care concepts from a US perspective.
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Kazal, Rezaul Karim, Saima Akhtar Chowdhury, Tabassum Parveen, Hasna Hena Pervin, Farah Noor, and Nasreen Akhter. "Chorionic Villus Sampling (CVS) for Prenatal Diagnosis of Genetic Disorders in Bangladesh." Bangladesh Journal of Obstetrics & Gynaecology 31, no. 2 (October 12, 2017): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bjog.v31i2.34212.
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Objective(s): The aim of the study was to identify safety and outcome of trans abdominal Chorionic Villus Sampling (CVS) for prenatal diagnosis of genetic disorders.Materials and methods: This is a retrospective analytical study on women who had undergone trans abdominal CVS. All CVS were done at Fetal medicine centre, Family Foundation, Green Road, Dhaka, from June 2013 to December 2016. A total of 286 couples, who were referred for prenatal diagnosis of various genetic disorders were studied. Trans abdominal CVS was done under local anesthesia and real-time ultrasound guidance. A 18G/88mm Spinal Needle (B Braun, Germany) was used. All CVS were performed with the 2 operators technique. The needle was introduced trans abdominally into the placenta in its longitudinal direction. Once the needle was adequately placed, the chorionic villi were aspirated with a to and fro jiggling movement of the aspiration needle and a suction force was applied through a syringe. Results were recorded and analyzed for descriptive statistics.Results: A total of 286 CVSs were performed as outdoor basis. The most common indication was detecting Beta-thalassaemia (82.5%). Other indications were for diagnosis of aneuploidy (9.7%), Hemophilia (3.1%), Spinal muscular atrophy (SMA) (2.4%), Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy (DMD) (2%). Most procedures were done between 11 and 13 weeks (range 11- 14 weeks). Most aspirations (95.1%) were easy; however, in 4.8% cases the aspiration was difficult due to a variety of factors. The overall success rate was 100%. Minor complications like placental hematoma and pervaginal (P/V) bleeding occurred in 2% and 1.3% respectively, which were subsided by conservative management. The procedure related miscarriage within three weeks not occurred in any cases.Conclusion: Trans abdominal CVS under real-time sonography is a useful outdoor procedure for prenatal diagnosis in early pregnancy without significant risk to the mother and the fetus.Bangladesh J Obstet Gynaecol, 2016; Vol. 31(2) : 63-69
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von Beyme, Klaus. "Letter from Germany." Government and Opposition 23, no. 4 (October 1, 1988): 465–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00099.x.
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VIEWED FROM THE OUTSIDE WEST GERMANY SEEMS TO BE AN oasis of stability. The dullness of such a political system has been alleviated, however, by the rise of the Green and alternative movements. Why should Germany become a Mecca for the alternative movements, when so many scholars have testified over the years that its political culture tends to be legalistic, not conflict-oriented or tolerant of unconventional behaviour? Most observers from abroad have attempted to answer this question in terms of value change, motivational or economic crisis theories.
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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "Option Grün: Alliance 90/The Greens at the Dawn of New Opportunities?" German Politics and Society 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270204.
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Following the end of their government coalition with the Social Democratic Party, German Green Party leaders spoke of "a dawn of new opportunities" for Alliance 90/The Greens. They wanted to capitalize on the strategic opportunities afforded by Germany's new five-party system and on the unexpected rise of climate change in public debate. Shortly before the 2009 federal election, however, the party's "new opportunities" seem rather limited. Selectively focusing on one particular explanatory factor, this article contrasts the Green's neo-radical eco-political position as it has emerged since 2005 with the ways in which environmental issues are addressed by the currently popular LOHAS (Life of Health and Sustainability) consumer movement. It suggests that the German Greens may have paid too little attention to the ongoing reframing of the environmental issue in public discourse and that this has impaired their prospects for a swift return to government office.
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McKenzie, Mary M., Margit Mayer, John Ely, and Michael Schatzschneider. "The German Greens: Paradox between Movement and Party." German Studies Review 22, no. 3 (October 1999): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432312.
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Bonhomme, Brian, Margit Mayer, and John Ely. "The German Greens: Paradox between Movement and Party." Environmental History 4, no. 4 (October 1999): 592. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3985413.
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McKenzie, Mary M., Margit Mayer, John Ely, and Michael Schatzschneider. "The German Greens: Paradox between Movement and Party." German Studies Review 23, no. 1 (February 2000): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431486.
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Ahmadiev, Farit N., and Gennadiy R. Sharafutdinov. "V.P. BUZESKUL AS A RESEARCHER OF GERMAN ANTIC STUDIES OF THE XIX CENTURY." Historical Search 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2022-3-2-59-64.
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This paper offers an analysis of the problem of the relationship between Russian and German studies of antiquity during the XIX century. Vladislav Petrovich Buzeskul (1858-1931), an expert in the political history of ancient Athens, was one of the most outstanding researchers of the history of the formation of German antiquity at that time. The main research field for the scholar was the problems of the history of the ancient world. Much less is known about the historiographic component of his work, which manifested itself in his early works, published in the late 1880s. Vladislav Buzeskul reached the pinnacle of his career when he published his work “Introduction to Greek History”, which has been reprinted many times, including in the XXI century. The first edition was published in 1903. The main distinguishing feature of the work is a deep source analysis, which is combined with an excellent knowledge of historiographical material. But “Introduction to Greek History” sums up the previous historiographical practice of the scholar. The article strives to show the “movement” of Buzeskul from one study to another, which eventually brought brilliant results in 1903. Obviously, the paper volume allows us to highlight only the main points of that “movement”. Therefore, we are focusing only on what the historiographer himself considers to be the most characteristic in his works on the history of German antiquity. Buzeskul describes the close connection between the academic search of European historians and their social and political views and practices as a “determining” value in the development of German antiquity studies. In this regard, his most relevant article is the one, where he compares the works of the German antiquity researcher E. Curtius and his British colleague J. Groth. The comparison of “Greek History” by Curtius and “History of Greece” by Groth leads Buzescul to the conclusion that the Briton’s views on the history of antiquity were predetermined by their political activities in the parliament. Buzeskul also found the same dependence in the history of the German science of world history, stating in 1915 that the dependence of historiography on “politics” clearly manifested itself in the political history of Germany throughout the XIX century.
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Poguntke, Thomas. "Goodbye to movement politics? Organisational adaptation of the German green party." Environmental Politics 2, no. 3 (September 1993): 379–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019308414086.
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Smith, Aaron, Doerthe Tetzlaff, Lukas Kleine, Marco Maneta, and Chris Soulsby. "Quantifying the effects of land use and model scale on water partitioning and water ages using tracer-aided ecohydrological models." Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 25, no. 4 (April 26, 2021): 2239–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hess-25-2239-2021.
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Abstract. Quantifying how vegetation mediates water partitioning at different spatial and temporal scales in complex, managed catchments is fundamental for long-term sustainable land and water management. Estimations from ecohydrological models conceptualising how vegetation regulates the interrelationships between evapotranspiration losses, catchment water storage dynamics, and recharge and runoff fluxes are needed to assess water availability for a range of ecosystem services and evaluate how these might change under increasing extreme events, such as droughts. Currently, the feedback mechanisms between water and mosaics of different vegetation and land cover are not well understood across spatial scales, and the effects of different scales on the skill of ecohydrological models needs to be clarified. We used the tracer-aided ecohydrological model EcH2O-iso in an intensively monitored 66 km2 mixed land use catchment in northeastern Germany to quantify water flux–storage–age interactions at four model grid resolutions (250, 500, 750, and 1000 m). This used a fusion of field (including precipitation, soil water, groundwater, and stream isotopes) and remote sensing data in the calibration. Multicriteria calibration across the catchment at each resolution revealed some differences in the estimation of fluxes, storages, and water ages. In general, model sensitivity decreased and uncertainty increased with coarser model resolutions. Larger grids were unable to replicate observed streamflow and distributed isotope dynamics in the way smaller pixels could. However, using isotope data in the calibration still helped constrain the estimation of fluxes, storage, and water ages at coarser resolutions. Despite using the same data and parameterisation for calibration at different grid resolutions, the modelled proportion of fluxes differed slightly at each resolution, with coarse models simulating higher evapotranspiration, lower relative transpiration, increased overland flow, and slower groundwater movement. Although the coarser resolutions also revealed higher uncertainty and lower overall model performance, the overall results were broadly similar. The study shows that tracers provide effective calibration constraints on larger resolution ecohydrological modelling and help us understand the influence of grid resolution on the simulation of vegetation–soil interactions. This is essential in interpreting associated uncertainty in estimating land use influence on large-scale “blue” (ground and surface water) and “green” (vegetation and evaporated water) fluxes, particularly for future environmental change.
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Malinov, A. V., L. Naldoniova, and V. A. Kupriyanov. "The Slavdom and the West in History and Culture (to the Publication of “Historical Letters about the Relations of the Russian Nation to its Tribesmen” by V.I. Lamansky)." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 116–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2022.1.116-137.
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The article serves as the introduction into the publication of the “Historical Letter” by V.I. Lamansky. The authors consider the context of V.I. Lamansky’s discourse concerning the reciprocal relations between the Slavs and the Germans. Considering these relations as inimical, V.I. Lamansky substantiated this idea by references to the opinion of German scholars about the Slavs. He showed the malignancy of the German cultural and political influence on the Slavs, something which leads to the loss of their nationality, based on the example of Czech and, to some extent, Croatian history. It is not a coincidence that the essential part of the second “Historical Letter” is based on the material of the Hussite movement and Thirty Years’ War which caused the germanisation of the Czech people. Lamansky attached great importance to the Hussite movement, as he considered it one of the highest manifestations of the Slavic self-consciousness (or at least of the Western Slavs). Based on the letters of the scholar showing his attitude to the Czech people, F. Palacky and other leaders of the Czech Revival, the authors demonstrate that Lamansky had probably borrowed the notion of “the Greek-Slavic world” as against the German-Roman world from German historiological literature. Being an adherent of Slavophilism, Lamansky considerably contributed to it. Particularly, he tried to more definitely formulate Slavophile’s attitude to the “Slavic question,” on which the attention of the founders of the movement had paid little attention. His interpretation of Slavic history was best realized in his master’s thesis “On the Slavs in Middle Asia, Africa and Spain” (1859). The second “Historical Question” was likely written soon after finishing work on the thesis and was a step on the way to his other serious work, namely his doctoral thesis “On Historical Studies of the Greek-Slavic World in Europe” (1871), as both “Historical Letters” and the dissertation were written from similar historiographical positions.
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Lucas, Hans-Dieter. "Sécurité et détente : Dimensions historiques et problèmes actuels de la politique de sécurité ouest-allemande." Études internationales 15, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701699ar.
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Against the background of the latest vehement discussions in West-Germany on the implementation of the NATO twin-track-decision this article analyses the current concepts of security and détente presented by the main political forces as well as their historical dimensions. The Christian Democrat/Liberal government pursues a pragmatic Atlanticist security policy, which is based largely upon Adenauer's principles such as exclusive definition of West German interests in the framework of the Alliance, rejection of one-sided disarmament and nuclear disengagement. Nevertheless, the government Kohl has adopted the main instruments of the new "Ostpolitik" in order to establish the calculability of West German policy in East and West. Détente is no considered as a political aim in itself. The Social Democrat concept of a security partnership with the East is strongly influenced by the principles and methods underlying the new "Ostpolitik". This concept aims at the creation of a denuclearized zone in Central Europe in order to facilitate a real détente between East and West. An optimistic view or détente appears to be an essential element of the political identity of the SPD. The ideas of the Greens and the "Peace Movement" - unilateral disarmament, creation of a denuclearized zone, renunciation on "first Use" - are variations of the pacifistic concepts already developped in the 1950's. The main reason for the formation of the "Peace Movement" is a change in West German political culture involving above all the younger population.
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Freytag, Carl. "„Alles war in wirrer Bewegung auf ein vollkommenes Chaos hin“ Otto Braun, Hermann Neubacher, die „Deutsch-Griechische Warenausgleichsgesellschaft mbH“ (DEGRIGES) und die Wirtschaft Griechenlands 1942–1944 / „Everything Was in Confusion and a Movement, Heading toward Complete Chaos“ Otto Braun, Hermann Neubacher, the „Deutsch-Griechische Warenausgleichsgesellschaft mbH“ (DEGRIGES, „German-Greek Organization for the Balancing of Trade), and the Economy of Greece 1942–1944." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 60–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0105.
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Abstract In 1942, one year after the occupation of Greece by the German “Wehrmacht”, the “Reichswirtschaftsministerium” set up the DEGRIGES (Deutsch-Griechische Warenausgleichsgesellschaft / German-Greek organization for the exchange of goods) for the control of trade between Germany and Greece. The president was Otto Braun, owner of the Berlin-based „Transdanubia“, an Import- Export-Company. Braun organised in the 1920s in Bavaria illegal arms depots, and commanded „Feme“-murders. In Hungary he supported the fascists, and achieves the „aryanization“ of Jewish companies. The focus of the investigation is on the activities of the DEGRIGES in the network of competing organizations like the greek branch of NSDAP, the Sudosteuropa-Gesellschaft, the SACIG (the Italian counterpart of DEGRIGES), and the Mitteleuropaischer Wirtschaftstag (MWT) − and on the competition with Hermann Neubacher, „Sonderbeauftrager“ of the Foreign Office for Greece, and Max Merten, one of the organizers of the deportation of the greek Jews to Auschwitz. In summary, it can be stated that the DEGRIGES was from 1942 until 1944 (when it was liquidated during the withdrawal of the “Wehrmacht”) an „agency for the wellarranged exploitation of Greece“.
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Milder, Stephen. "Between Grassroots Protest and Green Politics: The Democratic Potential of the 1970s Antinuclear Activisim." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330403.
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This article narrates the development of the antinuclear movement from the bottom up, showing how local protests initiated changes in Germans' ideas about democracy and public participation, precipitating the Green Party's emergence. The narrative begins with the pre-history of the 1975 occupation of the Wyhl reactor site in Southern Baden. It shows that vintners' concerns about the future of their livelihoods underpinned protests at Wyhl, but argues that the anti-reactor coalition grew in breadth after government officials' perceived misconduct caused local people to connect their agricultural concerns with democracy matters. It then explains how local protests like the Wyhl occupation influenced the formation of the German Green Party in the late 1970s, showing how the sorts of convergences that occurred amidst “single issue” protests like the anti-Wyhl struggle enabled a wide variety of activists to come together in the new party. Thus, the article argues that particular, local concerns initiated a rethinking of participation in electoral politics. Far from fracturing society, these local concerns promoted diverse new coalitions and shaped an inclusive approach to electoral politics.
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MULLER-ROMMEL, FERDINAND. "Social Movements and the Greens: New Internal Politics in Germany*." European Journal of Political Research 13, no. 1 (March 1985): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1985.tb00109.x.
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Papadakis, Elim. "Social Movements, Self-Limiting Radicalism and the Green Party in West Germany." Sociology 22, no. 3 (August 1988): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038588022003007.
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Jackisch, Barry A. "The Nature of Berlin: Green Space and Visions of a New German Capital, 1900–45." Central European History 47, no. 2 (June 2014): 307–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001265.
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In the conclusion of his 1915 dissertation, the influential German urban planner Martin Wagner argued forcefully for a new approach to the role of green space in city planning. Referring to recent efforts to improve urban hygiene and general cleanliness in major German cities, especially the public bathhouse movement of the late nineteenth century, Wagner claimed that expansion and promotion of accessible green space constituted the next big challenge for those interested in improving urban living: The health conditions of the big cities demand an expansion of sanitary living space. To incorporate nature into this development will be the communal-political challenge of the coming years. Cities, which encompass more than half of Germany's total population, have a duty . . . to secure the health of the German body and increase German strength. We must solve this challenge before we reach a point where a solution through natural means is no longer possible.
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Vishivanyuk, Anna. "The Greek Catholic Church during the German Occupation of Western Ukraine (1941—1944): Relations with the Occupation Authorities and the Main Areas of Activity." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021881-8.
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The article considers the position and activities of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) under the German occupation. The authors analyzed the documents by Greek Catholics, German and Soviet authorities, and tried to understand the circumstances of the relationship between the UGCC hierarchy and the occupation regime. The transformation of the position of the Greek Catholics towards the German occupation authorities was studied. The work also highlights the social and socio-political activity of the Greek Catholic clergy in Galicia during this period, church activities to support those in need. In addition, we analyzed the connection of the UGCC with the Ukrainian nationalist movement - the church, on the one hand, supported the idea of independence, on the other, condemned terror. Finally, in the article we examined how, under the conditions of the German occupation, the UGCC tried to expand the union to the East, with the support of the Vatican.