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1

Rovinskaya, T. "The European Green Movement in Times of Crisis: New Approaches." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2021): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-4-24-33.

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The article traces the ideological evolution of the European Green Movement from radical opposition to political conformism and pragmatism. Two fundamentally important moments characterize the development of “green” ideology in Europe: first, reliance on civil society and, second, an emergency/crisis as a necessary condition and impetus for development. Due to the belonging of the European ecological parties to the left wing of the traditional political spectrum, there is a convergence of political positions of the “Greens” and “Leftists” in Europe: nowadays, the party programs of the “Greens” are predominantly socio-ecological in nature. They are based on the Sustainable Development concept adopted in 1992 by the states of the world, which “reconciles” the environment with the economy. On the example of the German environmental party “Union 90/Greens”– the largest and most influential ecological party in the world – one can clearly see the development vector: from an alternative (opposition) political force to the third largest party in power (following the elections to the Bundestag in 2021), which became “the progressive force of the left-center”, the stronghold of the “green bourgeoisie”. The large-scale crisis of 2019–2021 associated with the COVID-19 pandemic played into the hands of the German Greens in the sense that it significantly contributed to a shift in priorities towards “green” politics and Green Economy in Western Europe and around the world, particularly as Germany is the main mastermind and beneficiary of the Green Deal in Europe. According to this trend, all ecological parties of Western Europe benefit from the crisis and are actually becoming parties of the political mainstream.
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Rovinskaya, T. "Greens in Europe: Incremental Growth." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-58-71.

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The article deals with the environmental ideology evolution and the Green Movement political development – from groups of activists and ecological non-governmental organizations to influential political parties, at both national and international level (mainly in the Western Europe). The overlook covers the period from early 1970s to present. The mass political Green Movement arose in early 1970s in the Western Europe, USA and Australia in response to vivid ecological threats and the inability of national and international authorities to offer effective solutions. From the very beginning, the Greens declared their commitment to the principles of environmental responsibility, global sustainable development, inclusive democracy, consideration for diversity, personal freedom, gender equality and non-violence. In the political field, the Greens meet two main challenges: formation of political agenda with regard to environmental issues; promotion of effective political decisions and economic mechanisms to protect the environment from an anthropogenic impact. Ecological NGOs, especially large international organizations (like Greenpeace) perform public protest actions against the transnational and state corporations’ economic activities violating the environment (f.e. Arctic oil extraction, radioactive waste storage, gene engineering in agriculture etc.). But beyond the active political lobbying and drawing of wide public support to acute environmental issues, NGOs are not able to involve into political process directly. Within 1970s–1980s (and also later on) ecological political parties were formed in most Western European countries, with a target to participate in official parliamentary elections at local, regional, national and supra-national level. Many of them succeeded and became influencing in their countries. Political methods used by the Greens are thoroughly analyzed in the paper. Special attention is paid to political strategy and tactics of the German ecological party Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, as well as to participation of the European Union Green parties in work of the European Parliament. German Greens count for the most successful ecological party not only in Europe, but also worldwide. Using flexible tactics of parliamentary coalitions, they managed to facilitate a general turn of the German policy toward ecologization (renunciation of the atomic energy development in Germany, conservation of energy and renewable energy sources programs, ecological taxes implementation, prohibition on gene engineering in agriculture etc.). Being a part of the governing coalition, the “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen” were also involved in many other sociopolitical and international issues. Since 1984, many European ecological parties are present in the European Parliament. In 2004, the European Green Party was created to consolidate electoral efforts of the Greens at the European level. Almost all EU ecological parties are also members of the international Global Greens organization. Owing to activities of the Green Movement as a whole, state authorities of many countries (primarily in the Western Europe) adopted environment friendly legislation and state programs. Despite short periods of reverse, the general development of Greens is progressive and prospective.
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Hay, P. R., and M. G. Haward. "Comparative Green Politics: Beyond the European Context?" Political Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1988): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00240.x.

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It is argued that there are significant differences between green electoral politics in Europe and green developments in the affluent non-European west, and that these are such that, despite the greater political formalization of the green movement in Western Europe, there is a sense in which North American and Antipodean developments are ultimately more fundamental than those that have occurred in Europe. Loosely adopting explanatory categories employed by Rudig and Lowe in a Political Studies article, we examine evidence under four sub-heads: electoral thresholds; the historical legacy of the environment movement; the different contextual roles played by the anti-nuclear movement and wilderness experience, and ecology, Marxism and the new left.
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Wedl, Alexandra. "Green Volunteers in Czechoslovakia: The Youth Magazine Mladý svět and its Environmental Campaign, 1970s-1980s." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 397–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.17.

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Concern with environmental degradation was one factor contributing to the discontent preceding the revolutions of 1989 in East-Central Europe. This article identifies the trajectories of environmental activism in Czechoslovakia, one of the most industrialized countries of the post-1945 socialist bloc. Analysing the media representation of environmental volunteers during late socialism, the examination focuses on the youth magazine Mladý svět, which prominently discussed environmental issues and became home to the Brontosaurus youth movement. During the so-called ‘normalization’ era of the 1970s and 1980s, which is often characterized as a time of stagnation, this movement for environmental volunteering provided young people with opportunities for self-realization and alternative lifestyles. While the movement shared several features of the New Social Movements of the 1970s, Czechoslovak green volunteerism took an ambivalent position within formal socialist youth structures, shedding light on the complex relationship between what is considered ‘alternative’ or ‘oppositional’ in late socialism.
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Korhola, Eija-Ritta. "The joys and frustrations of an environmental law-maker." European View 18, no. 2 (October 2019): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819888139.

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For many years, environmental politics was seen as a relatively light policy area. In many European countries environmental issues were usually delegated to the Greens. As a result, until recently, climate and environmental policy has been dominated by the political approach and emphasis of the green movement. Today, however, political leaders across Europe are finally seeing how political environmental politics actually is. There is also a growing understanding that the green approach may not be the only possible way forward. Due to its top-down, bureaucratic and inflexible approach to the policy area, the green agenda may in fact sometimes even be dangerous. Thus, this article argues that the time has come to shift the paradigms of environmental politics and climate politics from the politics of limitation to the politics of possibilities. The European People’s Party family could offer a real alternative to the green agenda and show the merits of environmental subsidiarity.
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Rüdig, Wolfgang, and Javier Sajuria. "Green party members and grass-roots democracy: A comparative analysis." Party Politics 26, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754600.

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When Green parties emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, their political project included a strong commitment to a new type of internal party organization, giving power to the ‘grass roots’. With Green parties having become well established in most West European party systems, has the vision of ‘grass-roots democracy’ survived the party foundation stage? What drives the ongoing or waning commitment to grass-roots democracy? Analysing party membership survey data from 15 parties collected in the early 2000s when many Green parties had for the first time become involved in national government, we find that it is the social movement oriented, pacifist, left-wing membership that is most committed to grass-roots democracy. It is the current involvement in social movements rather than past activity that is most important. Support for grass-roots democracy is also stronger in ‘Latin Europe’ and Greece but weaker in parties which have become established in parliament and government.
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Beneš, Jakub. "The Colour of Hope: The Legacy of the ‘Green Cadres’ and the Problem of Rural Unrest in the First Czechoslovak Republic." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (December 27, 2018): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000589.

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This article addresses the divided memory and contested meaning of the Great War in interwar Czechoslovakia. Focusing on the legacy of a loose and short-lived movement of army deserters called ‘Green Cadres’ that appeared in 1918, it suggests that the Czechoslovak nation building project faced challenges not only from sizable ethnic minorities within the fledgling state, but also from the restive Czech peasantry. As elsewhere in East Central Europe, many peasants regarded the Green Cadres as liberators and representatives of a more radical, rural oriented national revolution. These unfulfilled hopes resonated through the interwar period. This article thus sheds light on an important social and cultural fault line that has been neglected in histories of the world wars in Europe.
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Pluciennik, Mark. "The invention of hunter-gatherers in seventeenth-century Europe." Archaeological Dialogues 9, no. 2 (December 2002): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800002142.

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AbstractWhy do we still speak of foragers and farmers? The division of societies into categories including ‘savage’ hunter-gatherers and ‘civilised’ farmers has its roots in seventeenth-century northwestern Europe, but has implications for archaeologists and anthropologists today. Such concepts still provide the frameworks for much intellectual labour including university courses, academic conferences and publications, as well as providing the basis for moral and political evaluations of contemporary societies and practices for a wide range of people, from governments to development agencies, ‘alternative’ archaeologies and parts of the Green movement. This paper examines some of the currents which contributed towards their establishment, and argues that writing ‘across’ such deep-seated categories may be the only way to challenge their hegemony and develop new questions. As an example recent trends in data and interpretation of the ‘mesolithic-neolithic transition’ in western Europe are discussed.
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Abramovych, S. D., and M. Yu Chikarkova. "“The Green Gospel” by B.I. Antonych in the Context of the Neopagan Movement." Rusin, no. 65 (2021): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/65/9.

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The article analyzes B.I. Antonych’s poem “The Green Gospel”, usually perceived in the vein of Lemko mythology as a direct emotional experience of the spring Carpathian landscape, interpreted within the aesthetics of symbolism or avant-garde. Critics point out the parallelism of Christian and pagan motives, but do not focus on the poet’s spiritual position. The purpose of our study is to consider this poem in the context of the growing global neo-paganism. In particular, it concerns the growing authority of Indo-Iranian mythology, which was thought as a more significant counterweight to the Bible than the folklore heritage of pagan Europe (except for Antiquity). The authors emphasize the consistent neo-pagan position of Antonych, whose work is implicitly built on the system of Indo-Iranian mythological motifs and polemically directed against the Christian sacrament of the Eucharist. The poet consistently replaces the symbol of the Holy Communion Cup with the Slavic Dzban; Heavenly Father is opposed to Mother Nature, etc. The comparative-historical methodology allows to see Antonych’s poem as a kind of manifesto of European neo-paganism, the denial of the spiritualist aesthetics of the Christian tradition and the assertion of the absolute value of changing physical existence. Recognizing the poet’s right to this position, the authors argue that even in the paradigm of pagan wisdom, inseparability from the physical body of the Mother- Gaia can be deadly (Anthea’s plot); for, according to Jung, Initiation (maturation) consists in going beyond the world of the Mother and comprehending the world of the Father.
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Setiawan, Deni, and Raldi Hendro Koestoer. "Comparative Perspectives on Modern Logistics Transportation Based on Green Logistics in Europe and Indonesia: Concept of Sustainable Economy." Journal of Mechanical, Civil and Industrial Engineering 2, no. 2 (July 7, 2021): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jmcie.2021.2.2.7.

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The concept of logistics is a supply chain system to facilitate the movement of goods and resources (raw materials), delivery scheduling, storage, and marketing to consumer endpoints that support economic growth. The increase in logistics transportation also has a negative impact, especially environmental problems, the effectiveness of logistics transportation, and the quality of materials and goods which will eventually involve economic problems. This article aims to compare the implementation of modern logistics transportation systems in the European Union and Indonesia with the application of green logistics. This study uses a comparative study method with a qualitative descriptive approach to modern logistics transportation that applies the concept of green logistics. The problem of European Union logistics transportation is only in the human resources sector and congestion in a certain period. The solution is to add regulations related to alternative or manipulated road systems to reduce congestion. On the other hand, the problems that exist in Indonesia are related to the low facilities, regulations, and investment for logistics transportation. As a solution, several regulations and programs have been implemented as a green logistics concept such as anti-ODOL regulations, and the sea toll program.
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Skoglund, Annika, and Steffen Böhm. "Prefigurative Partaking: Employees’ Environmental Activism in an Energy Utility." Organization Studies 41, no. 9 (June 15, 2019): 1257–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840619847716.

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The separation between an ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ of organizational politics has become untenable in a rapidly changing political landscape, where people engage in environmental activism in many different domains. To understand contemporary environmental activism, we situate ourselves empirically within an energy utility, Ordalia [pseudonym], a large corporation active across Europe and heavily criticized by external activists for its carbon emitting operations. By merging Rancière’s method of equality and notion of ‘partaking’ with literature on prefiguration in social movements, we analyse everyday green actions pursued by Ordalia’s employees, which we conceptualize as ‘prefigurative partaking’. By focusing on six characterizing themes of prefigurative partaking – aspirational, individual, professional, critical, loyal and communal – we have found that employee activism is incremental, horizontal and boundaryless. We discuss these findings in relation to recent calls for more fruitful exchanges between social movement theory and organization studies, arguing that Rancière’s conceptualization of politics can help us study actions that span civil society and business. This complements and expands our understanding of environmental activism as a dispersed set of actions that can take place anywhere, and hence also at work.
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Hojnik, Janja. "Free movement of goods in a labyrinth: Can Buy Irish survive the crises?" Common Market Law Review 49, Issue 1 (February 1, 2012): 291–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2012009.

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The article explores the legal status of consumer ethnocentrism in the EU and how the three simultaneous crises of the present time (economic, food and climate change) challenge the EU Court's judgment in Buy Irish, which presents the foundation for uprooting negative consumer stereotypes towards products from other Member States and protectionism. Various national campaigns of EU Member States that try to raise consumer ethnocentrism are discussed in light of the established case law of the EU Court, thereby highlighting new circumstances, in which the principle of free movement of goods, particularly of food, is currently situated. In this respect, in a recent Green Paper on promotion of the tastes of Europe (COM (2011) 436) the Commission adopted an apparently new approach towards local and regional food markets, by expressly recognizing the importance of short distribution channels for national traditions, food security (and self-sufficiency) and combating climate change. This "new approach" could have considerable consequences for the legitimacy of national initiatives to promote domestic purchase, thereby compromising a thirty year old judgment - Buy Irish and free movement of goods in general.
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Brack, Nathalie. "Towards a unified anti-Europe narrative on the right and left? The challenge of Euroscepticism in the 2019 European elections." Research & Politics 7, no. 2 (April 2020): 205316802095223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020952236.

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In the aftermath of a decade of crisis, the 2019 European Parliament elections confirmed the results of the 2014 elections as voters turned away from the traditional political families to vote for parties with a strong message on Europe, including Eurosceptic parties. It further evidenced the normalization of Euroscepticism, which has become a stable component of European politics. But should one talk of Euroscepticism or rather of Euroscepticisms? This contribution focuses on 19 radical right and radical left parties, more specifically the parties from Western Europe belonging to the European United Left/Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) and the Identity and Democracy (I/D) groups. Through an analysis of the electoral manifestos, it analyses how the European Union has been framed by the parties and whether we can speak of a ‘unified Eurosceptic narrative’. More specifically, this article concentrates on three issues that have been at the heart of the recent crises: the European Union’s reform and how the regime itself is framed in a post-crisis context, the Economic and Monetary Union well as migration and free movement.
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Igartua, Amaya, Gemma Mendoza, Xana Fernandez, Borja Zabala, Alberto Alberdi, Raquel Bayon, and Ana Aranzabe. "Surface Treatments Solutions to Green Tribology." Coatings 10, no. 7 (June 30, 2020): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/coatings10070634.

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The objective of this paper is to highlight the need to combine lifecycle environmental assessment with durability evaluation (tribology and engine tests) to evaluate the potential of surface technologies to contribute to the green deal, in order to make Europe the first climate-neutral continent. Tribology is a scientific discipline that allows one to understand the system reaction to friction and wear. Tribological testing machines are prepared to measure friction at the laboratory level to minimize the wear and heat dissipation of two bodies in relative movement, thus improving the energy efficiency and minimizing CO2 emissions. In this paper, different surface technologies, such as high-velocity oxyfuel (HVOF), physical vapor deposition (PVD), and clean Cr electrolytic processes, are analyzed as promising surface technology solutions from both performance and environmental impact perspectives to replace harmful Cr(VI) coatings. The tribology simulates the working conditions of the real system at the laboratory level, reproducing the failure mechanism and facilitating the laboratory screening of the energy efficiency and durability of materials solutions for certain tribological systems—in this case, engine components. The tribological test results give information about the behavior of materials, while the engine tests gives information about the behavior of components. In this paper, the environmental impact of the production process of the coatings is also analyzed. Two hard chrome processes are compared, demonstrating that by controlling the production process it is possible to significantly reduce the environmental impact of the chrome-plated process, minimizing the environmental impact to that of PVD coatings. The environmental impact of the tested HVOF process is lower than traditional Cr(VI)-plated coatings but higher than PVD coatings. Combining the information from the lifecycle assessment (LCA) and tribological studies, it is possible to assess both the performance and the environmental impact of the surface treatments. This methodology is a tool to that can be used minimize CO2 emissions at the design phase to improve the energy efficiency of products and processes.
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Last, Murray. "Contradictions in Creating a Jihadi Capital: Sokoto in the Nineteenth Century and Its Legacy." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.38.

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Abstract:The Sokoto caliphate in nineteenth-century northern Nigeria was an astonishing episode in the history of Africa: a huge, prosperous polity that created unity where none had existed before. Yet today its history is underexplored, sometimes ignored or even disparaged, both within Nigeria and in Europe and the U.S. Yet that history is extraordinary. Sokoto town was, and still is, an anomaly within Hausaland; built speedily on a “green-field” site as both a trading and a political center for the caliphate, it is a site of pilgrimage that to this day remains a rural town with no monumental buildings or fine edifices. As a by-product of a religious movement (jihad), Sokoto thus represents many of the dilemmas that faced and still face radically reforming Islamic groups if they expand rapidly and go to war. Thus Sokoto history remains deeply significant for modern Nigeria.
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Polshchak, Aneliya. "Preraphaelites and Christian Literature Renewal in Great Britain." NaUKMA Research Papers. Literary Studies 3 (September 2, 2022): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2618-0537.2022.3.115-119.

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The article considers about the general tendencies of Christian and Catholic art renewal in Great Britain. This movement is the part of the wider one i.e. Christian art renewal, which is the important phenomenon in all western literatures and cultures (Francois Mauriac, Georges Bernanos, Julien Green, Paul Claudel, Charles Péguy, Gertrud von Le Fort, Heinrich Boll, Sigrid Undset, Graciya Deledda, Ramiro de Maeztu, Hose Bergamin, Miguel Unamuno, Maurice Denis, Paul Gauguin, Georges Rouault, Francis Jean Marcel Poulenc, Arthur Honegger, Olivier Messiaen, etc.) English Christian and Catholic Renewal were caused by the deep crisis, which found its place after the period of positivism. In British literature the phenomenon of Christian renewal manifested itself in the creative work of Evelyn Arthur St. John Waugh, Muriel Spark, Gilbert Keith Chesterton, Graham Green, Clive Staples Lewis and others. Tendencies of Christian renewal also appeared in the other kinds of art. In the painting of Great Britain of the period these tendencies display themselves in the intention of the painters to find the sense of the life, which in the same time also include the interest in Christianity. It made itself apparent in new approaches to sacred matters, which include Bible themes as well as Church tradition. In the fine art of Great Britain Christian renewal echoed in the works of Pre-Raphaelites (William Holman Hunt, John Everett Millais, Dante Gabriel Rosetti, Madox Brown, Edward Berne-Jones, William Morris, Arthur Hughes, Walter Crane, and John William Waterhouse. Strong will to return to the cultural and religious roots of Europe is the core of this art movement of Christian and Catholic renewal in Britain. Revision of “Good News Bible” message actuality for their contemporaries, which is manifested in the sense of the works, images and structural elements, is the important task and inspiration for painters and writers of this style.
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Sofinska, Iryna. "COVID-19 and sanitary certification: quo vadis Europa Unionis?" Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2021.13.

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In this article, the author examines the objectivity of the passport since the 1920s. After the First World War finished, pandemiaof Spanish Flu on the international arena appeared there a necessity to rethink and revitalize the passport. By the mid-1920s, manycountries’ governments began to demand compulsory medical examinations for all those who would like to visit their countries. Theidea was that every traveler needs to undergo a thorough medical exam before embarking on a cross-border trip. However, the idea ofinstalling a medical certificate page in the passport was quickly destroyed (at least hampered) by the technological limitations of thetime.Times changed after Second World War changed, and the UNO was founded. In 1959, the WHO created the International Certificateof Vaccination (so-called Carte Jaune) as a vaccination certificate, not a real immunity passport.The idea to introduce ‘vaccine passports’ in Europe and globally is gaining more attraction among governments and industrieslooking for the best way out of shutdowns, quarantine restrictions, curfews, and travel bans. It seems to be a potential ticket to freedomof movement; however, some people fear such documentation could exclude or discriminate against those made most vulnerable by thepandemic misfortune.It was highlighted that passport is a standardized written visualized anthropometric personalized proof of bearer citizenship.However, currently, it is not enough to possess a passport to have safe travel and/or exercise freedom of movement (in and out of theEuropean Union). On the EU level as well as globally, everybody is discussing the familiar theses from the last century on the introductionof an immunity passport or certificate of vaccination to ensure freedom of movement, protect travelers from quarantine mea -sures and increase national security, on the one hand, and the revival of communications, tourism, and international trade, on the other.In 2020 EU member states and other countries globally launched research and production on the vaccine on COVID-19. Simu -ltaneously, some of those countries began to elaborate a real and vital document to travel and move freely (immunity passport or certificateof vaccination) and a mechanism of their introduction and implementation in legislation. This document aims not only to showthe identity of its bearer but also to secure citizens from the infection. “This virus (COVID-19) does not have a passport”, declaredFrench President Emmanuel Macron on 12 March 2020 in a primary television address to the French people.The EU declares to introduce ‘A Digital Green Certificate’ (a mixed version of both immunity passport or certificate of vaccination)in June 2021. It would be digital proof that a person has either been vaccinated against COVID-19 (by the vaccine authorized inthe EU) or received a negative test result or recovered from COVID-19. It would be free of charge, in digital and/or paper format withQR code. It would be issued by national authorities both in the national language and English, valid in all EU member states. So, everyEU citizen or third-country national legally staying or residing in the EU, who holds a Digital Green Certificate, should be exemptedfrom free movement restrictions in the same way as citizens from the visited EU member state.
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Cárcel-Carrasco, Javier, Manuel Pascual-Guillamón, and Fidel Salas-Vicente. "Analysis on the Effect of the Mobility of Combustion Vehicles in the Environment of Cities and the Improvement in Air Pollution in Europe: A Vision for the Awareness of Citizens and Policy Makers." Land 10, no. 2 (February 10, 2021): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10020184.

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Today, the design and remodeling of urban environments is being sought in order to achieve green, healthy, and sustainable cities. The effect of air pollution in cities due to vehicle combustion gases is an important part of the problem. Due to the indirect effect caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, political powers in Europe have imposed confinement measures for citizens by imposing movement restrictions in large cities. This indirect measure has given us a laboratory to show how the reduction in vehicle circulation affects in a short time the levels of air pollution in cities. Therefore, this article analyzes the effect in different European cities such as Milan, Prague, Madrid, Paris, and London. These cities have been chosen due to their large amount of daily road traffic that generates high levels of pollution; therefore, it can clearly show the fall in these pollutants in the air in the analyzed period. The results shown through this study indicate that the reduction in combustion vehicles greatly affects the levels of pollution in different cities. In these periods of confinement, there was an improvement in air quality where pollutant values dropped to 80% compared to the previous year. This should serve to raise awareness among citizens and political powers to adopt measures that induce sustainable transport systems.
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Bręczewska-Kulesza, Daria. "The role of gardens in the 19th century asylums for the mentally and neurotically ill. The theory and practice by the example of the Prussian asylums in the former Province of Posen." E3S Web of Conferences 49 (2018): 00007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20184900007.

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Although mental illnesses have existed ever since the dawn of time, the development of psychiatry is dated to have begun from the end 18th century. At the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, mentally ill people began to be placed at mental facilities not only to be exercised care of, but also to have their health states improved. The movement of reformation expanded across entire Europe. The Kingdom of Prussia was no exception when it came to establishing asylums. Wanting to create the best environmental conditions for the mentally ill possible, all of the complexes of the asylums were designed so that they served therapeutic purposes. One of the vital elements in this regard was the hospital gardens. The said gardens comprised of partially open, decorative green squares, outlined by the fences of the gardens assigned to the individual wards meant for the mentally ill and the utility gardens, where therapy through labor could be exercised. In conformity with the prototypes described above, in the former Province of Posen four asylums were built. The article analyzes the development of gardens within the urban configurations of select hospitals, comparing them to the leading gardens and theoretical configurations described in the specialist literature.
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Rochon, Thomas R. "The Green Rainbow: Environmental Groups in Western Europe. By Russell J. Dalton. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994. 305p. $34.00. - Green Networks: A Structural Analysis of the Italian Environmental Movement. By Mario Diani. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1995. 221p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 91, no. 2 (June 1997): 477–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952415.

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Aulia, Titania, Yohanes Karyadi Kusliansjah, and Hartanto Budiyuwono. "The effect of public park boundary order on the environmental control of local government central offices." ARTEKS : Jurnal Teknik Arsitektur 6, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30822/arteks.v6i3.833.

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The existence of park facilities as public open spaces is a phenomenon of development activities that are much done, referring to the need for interaction space for the community. The function of the park in its development cannot be separated from the historical value since the colonial era, where its existence is a form of providing green open space oriented to parks in Europe. Seeing the reality of its development, the park facilities now are not only built in the city enclave, but also penetrate into formal environments such as government offices. Bandung, Surabaya and Semarang are the 3 (three) examples of capitals in Indonesia that carried out that development, which are the City Hall complex. The two facilities located in one area can encourage issues regarding the borders of public parks which accommodate informal activities over the control of the city government center office environment structure as an existing building that accommodates formal activities. The method used in this study is descriptive qualitative through an analytical approach based on theory. The analysis is carried out by observing the landscape layout and functions since its inception in order to find out what aspects are maintained or transformed. After that, regarding the ownership of the elements of its present spatial borders. Based on research, Bandung, Surabaya, and Semarang City Hall shows that the existence of public parks in an office environment results in an arrangement that can influence the overall arrangement and user movement pattern of the environment.
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Bursać, Dejan. "Być zielonym na Wschodzie: sukces i wpływ partii Zielonych w krajach postsocjalistycznych." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2022 (August 30, 2022): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.22.9.

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This article examines the presence and activities of Green parties in governments of Central and Eastern Europe. In recent years, many ecologist parties and movements gained considerable electoral and general political success, especially in developed democracies of Western Europe. However, their ideological counterparts in new democracies tend to remain out of power and often out of parliament, albeit with a few notable exceptions. In this study, success of the Greens in CEE is operationalised through their impact on public spending and direct investments allocated to environmental protection. The hypothesis regarding the Greens’ impact on spending is tested within the regression models, along with other potential predictors of government expenditure. The research results demonstrate a low significance of Greens in government participation and also their impact on budgetary allocation, contributing to the debate about the Green politics’ position in the context of social and political cleavages in post-socialist societies.
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Beškovnik, Bojan, and Livio Jakomin. "Challenges of Green Logistics in Southeast Europe." PROMET - Traffic&Transportation 22, no. 2 (January 27, 2012): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7307/ptt.v22i2.174.

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This paper describes the trends towards green logistics in global aspect and challenges of adopting green logistics in the region of Southeast Europe. Modern logistics with supply chain management is experiencing a period of important evolution. From reversible logistics, we came to green logistics, which is a wider concept of environmentally friendly thinking. Reverse logistics includes processes of movements and transportation of waste from users to recycling plants; meanwhile, green logistics deals also with environmental issues such as pollution and environmental degradation caused by improper logistics processes and utilisation of old and environmentally unfriendly transport technology. The case of Southeast Europe was analysed, and in this context, a development model for green logistics implementation was proposed. A vast number of different challenges in the logistics sector are still open in this region; therefore, systematic analyses and proposals should be subject of additional scientific work in the logistics sector. All parties, including manufacturing industry, logistics providers and governments should take an active part in such researches, as the pressure from green thinking will become even stronger in the coming period. KEY WORDS: reverse logistics, green logistics, logistics providers, Southeast Europe, green logistics model
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De Cleen, Benjamin, Benjamin Moffitt, Panos Panayotu, and Yannis Stavrakakis. "The Potentials and Difficulties of Transnational Populism: The Case of the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25)." Political Studies 68, no. 1 (May 10, 2019): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719847576.

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The Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25), launched by former Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis, seeks to construct a transnational left political project to ‘democratise Europe’. Its construction of a European ‘people’ against an international elite raises questions about the potentials of populism beyond the nation-state. Building on a discourse-theoretical distinction between populism and nationalism, the article asks whether DiEM25 is a truly transnational populist movement. Through an analysis of the movement’s manifestoes, speeches, press releases and published interviews with DiEM25 leaders, the article shows how DiEM25 constructs a ‘European people’ in opposition to an international ‘elite’, how DiEM25 oscillates between speaking for national ‘peoples’ and a transnational ‘people’, and how it negotiates its populism, nationalism and transnationalism. The article contributes to the theorisation of populism beyond the usually assumed nation-state level and shines a light on the potentials and limitations of transnational populism as an as-yet understudied political development.
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CHRISTIAENS, KIM. "‘Communists are no Beasts’: European Solidarity Campaigns on Behalf of Democracy and Human Rights in Greece and East–West Détente in the 1960s and Early 1970s." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 621–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000364.

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Ever since the collapse of the Greek military regime in 1974 European campaigns over human rights and democracy in Greece have been commonly understood within an anti-totalitarian narrative that has celebrated resistance against both communist dictatorship and right-wing authoritarianism as part of a common journey towards a democratic continent. This article analyses the little-studied history of European solidarity movements with Greece during the 1960s and early 1970s that stretched across both the West and East of the continent. In so doing, it suggests that these campaigns were a facet of the politics of détente and rapprochement that brought together Western and Eastern Europe. Communist peace movements played a central role in these human rights campaigns. This was far from a common anti-totalitarian movement; rather, campaigns for Greece were enmeshed within movements that worked on a wide range of issues – from support for Eastern European dissidents and anti-fascism to world peace and protest against the Vietnam War. Nor were they about ‘a return to Europe’: above all they thrived on common connections in East and West with the Third World.
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Safronov, A. V. "The migrations of the Sea Peoples circa 1200 BC according to written sources, narrative tradition and archaeology." Orientalistica 3, no. 5 (December 29, 2020): 1233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-5-1233-1248.

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The article deals with the Sea Peoples’ migrations at the beginning of 12th century BC. It is based on ancient Egyptian written sources, archaeological data and Greek narrative tradition. The author tries to reconstruct the general stages of Late Bronze Age ethnical movements in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean at the end of the 13th – beginning the 12th centuries BC. The author shows that the Sea peoples’ movement was not homogeneous. Moreover, not all the Sea Peoples can be considered as migrants. The tribes of Shekelesh and Weshesh were the typical sea raiders who plundered the rich centres of the Eastern Mediterranean. The possible reason for the Peleset, Theker and Turša migration seems to be the war which devastated their homeland in north-eastern Anatolia between 1208/1203 и 1195 BC. The appearance of the Denyen in Sea Peoples’ movement must be connected with the destructions of Mycenaean centres in Southern Greece circa 1200 BC. Their inhabitants left their homeland and migrated to the different regions of the Aegean, Anatolia, Eastern and Western Mediterranean. The Sea Peoples’ migrations were only the first stage of global ethnic movements in Eurasia at the end of the Bronze Age which totally changed the ethnopolitical map of Southern Europe, Anatolia and Eastern Mediterranean.
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García-Nieto, Antonia, F. J. Capote, M. V. Martín-Reina, A. Bailén, M. C. Fernández-Valle, and J. L. Gil. "Use of Complementary and Alternative Medicine (CAM) by Patients with Myeloma or Lymphoma." Blood 106, no. 11 (November 16, 2005): 5558. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v106.11.5558.5558.

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Abstract The use of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) is wide-spread among cancer patients. Few studies have investigated the use of CAM by patients with haematological cancer patients in Europe. OBJECTIVE: To investigate the distribution and patterns of CAM use by patients with myeloma or lymphoma. PATIENTS AND METHODS: 103 patients with lymphoma and 23 with myeloma (72 male and 54 female) they have responded a questionnaire on diverse aspects of the use of CAM. RESULTS: Ninety-six patients (76.1%) recognize to have used or to use some type or product CAM: Matricaria chamomilla L. (75,3%), Tilia vulgaris (57.4%), green tea (19.8%), Valeriana officinalis L (17.4%), Royal Jelly (17.4%), soya (16.6%), Brewer’s Yeast (7.9%), wheat germ (6.3%), ginseng (6.3%) and aloe vera (6.3%); Cat’s Claw, Hypericum Perforatum (St. John’s Wort), echinacea, grape seed, milk thistle (Carduus marianum), graviola and marijuana (less of 5%). Forty-nine patients (38.8%) recognize to have practiced or to practice oration (23.8%), relaxation (11.9%), oils massages (9.5%), meditation (6.3%), imposition of hands (3.9%) and yoga (3.9%); music therapy, homeopathy, Shiatsu, acupuncture, therapies through of the movement and the dance, guided imagination, psychotherapy, chiropractic and consult with healer (less of 3%). Visualization, hypnosis, biofeedback, chromotherapy, reflexology, or therapies through humour have not talked about or through Internet. They recognize to look for a complement for the traditional medicine (29.6%), to fight the indirect effect (17.4%) or to have control on the own disease (16.6%) not being felt impassive (23.8%); to content the family (3.1%) or to think that its treatment will be faster (21.4%) is other reasons. In 3.9% they tried to replace the traditional medicine. Only the 30.1% “complementary and alternative medicines” knew the meaning the terms. The 62.6% did not know the qualification of the personnel who sells products or applies treatments to him MAC and 36.6% not informs its doctor that take CAM. Sixty-one percent consider that the public system would have to finance this type of practices. COMMENTARIES: This study contributes data on the use of therapies MAC by patients with myeloma or lymphoma in Spain. The professionals we must make the effort necessary to improve our knowledge of the MAC and the formation of the patients; the MAC that demonstrate to their effectiveness and security would have to be able to integrate themselves to the care of the patients.
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V. Stukalo, Nataliia, Nataliya O. Krasnikova, Olena V. Dzyad, and Olga G. Mihaylenko. "Sustainable International Trade in Agricultural Goods: Emerging Markets Perspectives." Journal of Social Sciences Research, no. 57 (July 10, 2019): 1096–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.57.1096.1105.

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Preservation of the environment, the sphere of the vital activity of the population, cultural heritage, promotion of the healthy lifestyle movement, the implementation of the “green” and resource saving technologies create more active demand for organic goods in the international trade. The ecological, social, economic and institutional merits of organic goods compared with traditional and genetically modified goods as well as the high pace of the growth of the international trade in organic agricultural goods enhance their role in the achievement of the goals of sustainable development. The article considers the international trade in organic goods as sustainable international trade. Based on the authors’ methods of the calculation of the integrated index of development of organic market of 15 developing countries, the positions, factors, prospects and conditions of the development of national markets of organic agricultural goods were identified. It was found that the market of organic goods of the Czech Republic is the most developed and balanced due to the high payment capacity of the population, the policy of the producer’s support, existence of the relevant certification of the produce during delivery to the EU market. The markets of the countries of Europe and Middle East (Poland, Romania, Turkey, and Ukraine) are growing mainly under the influence of supply factors; the markets of Asia and America (China, Brazil and Peru) – under the influence of demand factors, including the demand in the global market. The internal markets of China and India are developed insufficiently. The prospects of the development of markets of organic goods of Mexico, Brazil, India, China, Russia and Chili are related to the stimulation of the internal production of organic goods. In Ukraine, Peru, India, Chili, Mexico and Turkey, it is appropriate to popularize consumption of organic goods. Romania, Czech Republic, Brazil, Turkey, Ukraine and Russia have to facilitate the promotion of their own organic goods to the world market. It was found that a relatively high payment capable demand in the internal market is a necessary condition, and the growth of the share of organic goods in the export structure of the countries is an obligatory condition to enhance the positions of the countries in the global market of organic goods. The condition of an increase in the role of the countries developing in the world market of organic goods and the transition of the world economy to the principles of sustainable development were substantiated.
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Hunold, Christian. "Social Movements, Public Spheres and the European Politics of the Environment: Green Power Europe?" Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 42, no. 3 (April 12, 2013): 430–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306113484702ff.

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Baer, Brian James, and Helena Flam. "Pink, Purple, Green. Women's, Religious, Environmental, and Gay/Lesbian Movements in Central Europe Today." Slavic and East European Journal 47, no. 3 (2003): 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3220013.

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31

Istvan, Alesha. "Social Movements, Public Spheres, and the European Politics of the Environment: Green Power Europe?" Social Movement Studies 14, no. 1 (December 19, 2013): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2013.870468.

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32

Kitromilides, Paschalis. "Dositej Obradovic and the Greek enlightenment." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344201k.

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In this communication an attempt is made to broaden the basis of received knowledge concerning Dositej Obradovic?s affinities with the culture of the Greek Enlightenment by suggesting working hypotheses concerning a much expanded range of possible contacts and relationships with major personalities and sources of Greek Enlightenment literature, hitherto unnoticed by research on his life and thought. The denser texture of Dositej?s encounters with Greek Enlightenment culture could also be seen to illustrate the transcultural and transnational basis of the Enlightenment movement in Southeastern Europe.
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Sotiris, Panagiotis. "Political crisis and the Rise of the Far Right in Greece." Contemporary Discourses of Hate and Radicalism across Space and Genres 3, no. 1 (October 2, 2015): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.3.1.08sot.

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The electoral rise of Golden Dawn from obscurity to parliamentary representation has drawn attention to its particular neo-fascist discourse. In sharp contrast to the tendency of most far-right movements in Europe to present themselves as being part of the political mainstream, Golden Dawn has never disavowed its openly neo-Nazi references. Its political and ideological discourse combines extreme racism, nationalism and authoritarianism along with traditional conservative positions in favour of traditional family roles and values and the Greek Orthodox Church. The aim of this paper is twofold: on the one hand to situate the ideology and discourse of Golden Dawn in a conjuncture of economic and social crisis, a crisis of the project of European Integration, and examine it as part of a broader authoritarian post-democratic and post-hegemonic transformation of the State in contemporary capitalism; on the other hand to criticize the position suggested recently that Golden Dawn was also the result of the supposedly “national-populist” discourse of the anti-austerity movement. On the contrary, we will insist on the opposition between the discourses and practices of Golden Dawn and the anti-austerity movement in Greece.
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WEILER, INGOMAR. "The predecessors of the Olympic movement, and Pierre de Coubertin." European Review 12, no. 3 (July 2004): 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000365.

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Coubertin's contribution to the revival of the Olympic Games and the widespread opinion that the modern Games were ‘a French invention’ should be placed in their broad historical context. There are several arguments for and against the assumption that he was the founder, or ‘father’, of the modern Olympics and the Olympic movement. The historical development of the Olympic ideas since the time of Humanism will be discussed, along with the Renaissance and the various attempts to organize Olympic Games before 1896, with a further emphasis on the importance of Neo-Humanism and classical scholarship in Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries, in order better to understand ancient Greek athletics. Finally Pierre de Coubertin's concept of the Olympic Games and the contributions of the young Greek nation for the rebirth of the famous ancient games after the War of Independence will be analysed.
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Antoniades, Euripides. "The German-Austrian Philhellenism through the Revolution Press-The Case of Newspapers Ellinika Chronika (Hellenic Chronicles) and O Filos tou Nomou (The Friend of the Law) during the Period 1824-1826." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i2.5763.

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The Greek Revolution of 1821 was certainly an important milestone in the history of the Greek nation in order to reclaim freedom and create an independent state. This study will attempt to highlight the significance of philhellenism and philhellenes of the diaspora, with a special emphasis on the German Austrian philhellenism, as recorded in the Greek press during the revolution. This article examines a) how two Greek newspapers portray the German-Austrian philhellenism during 1824 – 1826 and b) how this world movement of philhellenism helped during the Greek revolution. The Philhellenic movement was related to the interest of European people in Greece and pre-existed the Greek revolution of 1821. In countries of Western Europe, such as Germany and Britain, interest in classical Greece was nurtured by philosophical, philological and explorative texts and news reporting. More particularly, articles from the Ellinika Chronika (Hellenic Chronicles) and O Filos tou Nomou (The Friend of the Law) newspapers refer to cases of Philhellenes living abroad, and especially the German Austrian axis, will be examined. These items create an important field of study that showcases how the press records history and events happening at the time of the Greek Revolution, 200 years ago.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.

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The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.
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Babynskyi, Anatolii. "The Idea of Patriarchate of the UGCC in the Ukrainian Diaspora on the Eve of the Second Vatican Council." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 90 (March 31, 2020): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2020.90.2087.

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The article covers the development of the idea of ​​patriarchal status in 1945-1962 within the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the diaspora, focusing mainly on the third wave of Ukrainian emigration. After the Second World War, about 250,000 Ukrainian refugees found themselves in Western Europe (DP camps), from where in 1947-1955, they moved to the countries of North and South America, Western Europe and Australia. The growing role of the Church, which continued to play a significant role in their lives after their resettlement to the countries mentioned above, marked the experience of their stay in the DP camps. The DP camps became a place of a closer rapprochement between Ukrainian Greek Catholics and Orthodox Christians, one consequence of which was the appeals of a Ukrainian Greek Catholic bishops with a proposal to create a joint patriarchate with Ukrainian Orthodox, which would be in unity with Rome. On the other hand, the expansion of the geography of the presence of the UGCC and the founding of new metropolises in Canada and the United States brought to the fore the question of the unity of all structural units of this Church at the global level, which, as some believed, could have been secured by the patriarchal institution. Finally, the patriarchate was considered by the post-war Ukrainian emigration as a means of preserving the unity of the diaspora in the face of assimilation and disintegration. Furthermore, in the future, as an institution that could effectively help the Church revive at home after independence. The last aspect of the patriarchal idea had a significant impact on the emergence of the Ukrainian patriarchal movement, and its closeness to the goals set by the third wave of Ukrainian emigration provided that movement with a high level of massiveness and passionate vigorousness for the movement.
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Grimes, Katie. "Does God Speak Greek?: Pope Benedict XVI’s Euro-Supremacist Supersessionism and the Heterosexuality of Reason." Theology Today 75, no. 2 (July 2018): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573618783422.

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Contemporary critics of Christian supersessionism rightly despise its connection to Christianity’s historical persecution of the Jewish people. But theologians and other scholars have not paid enough attention to the political work Christian supersessionism continues to do today. To this end, I examine the work of Pope Benedict XVI, arguing that what I term “Euro-supremacist supersessionism” pervades and helps to shape his theology. Benedict’s supersessionism serves to describe Europe and Christianity as inextricably linked: just as Europe is an essentially Christian continent so is Christianity an essentially European religion. Because it perceives this cultural formation as uniquely universal, Benedict’s supersessionism also advocates a type of European supremacy. But despite its roots in and resonances with German philosophical anti-Judaism, Benedict’s Eurocentric supersessionism does not advance an anti-Jewish politics. His Eurocentric supersessionism instead leads him to take political aim at three initially surprising targets: one, the growing presence of Islam within Europe; two, Europe’s intensifying embrace of lesbian and gay rights; and three, certain strands of liberation theology that originate outside of Europe. Why? I argue that, for Benedict, each of these movements both endangers the marriage he has established between Europe and Christianity—a union he deems necessary to each entity’s survival—and undermines his claim that Christianized Europe possesses a unique universality, which I argue supplies the main source of his implicit belief in its supremacy over all other cultural systems.
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Kaninskaya, Galina. "Waiting for 2022: strategy and tactics of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens»." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 212–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.09.

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Political ecology entered the history of the Fifth Republic in France relatively recently, since 1974, when the candidate of «The Greens» party R. Dumont took part in the first round of presidential elections. From that moment until the emergence of the modern party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens», political ecology went through several organizational stages, each with one of the most important issues for «The Greens» was the electoral strategy and tactics, invariably associated with positioning on the political scene. In essence, «The Greens» parties always face an alternative choice: to act in joint electoral lists with the socialists or to present their own autonomous lists at all levels of elections. With that, there is no doubt that French ecologists make up the left of the political spectrum. And for a long time, French ecologists were much more successful separately from the socialists in the European elections to the European Parliament (EP). The French «Greens» were particularly successful in the 2019 EP elections, after the creation in 2010 of a kind of «political cooperative» in the form of the party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens». The article is devoted to the situation in and political role of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens» (EELV). The party's activity is analyzed since the European Parliament elections in 2019. The reasons for the success of the ecologist party in the municipal elections of 2020 and the results of the elections to the senate of the Fifth Republic on 27 th September, 2020 are also considered. An explanation is given for the phenomenon of the growing popularity of the ecological movement in contemporary France, it is shown what impact the problem of climate warming and problem of environment’s deterioration, and also what adjustments have the COVID-19 pandemic made on the electoral process. The article examines how the EELV is preparing to perform in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections in 2022, examines the political programs of the main candidates, and assesses the prospects of the ecologist party for uniting «progressive forces» behind itself and its relationships with other left-wing parties within the framework of the «two concentric circles» tactic. Some doubts were expressed about EELV’s willingness to lead the highest echelons of power.
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Faidi, Ahmad. "KEKUASAAN POLITIK ISLAM DI ANDALUSIA: PINTU GERBANG MENUJU RENAISANCE EROPA." Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science 6, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jai.v6i2.834.

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The triumph of Islamic politics in Andalusia (Spain) is one of the most glorious historical assets of Islam. In addition to the glory of Islam in Baghdad, Andalusia became an important civilization milestone as a bridge for Europe to pick up the enlightenment and golden phase. Although, the contribution of Islam to the glory of Modern Europe is not widely echoed by Western historians, the traces of its history cannot be erased. Through the works of Muslim intellectuals, such as Ibn Rushd, Ibn Bajah, Ibn Khaldun, and so on, Europeans were reminded of the classical traditions of their ancestors. The study of Islamic philosophy initiated by Muslim philosophers succeeded in reviving the classical tradition of Greek philosophy. This kind of scientific climate later became the trigger for the birth of the reform, renaissance, and modernization movements in mainland Europe. Undeniably, the political and intellectual triumph of Islam in Andalusia, which was geographically more accessible to Europeans than the Abbasids in Baghdad, became an important bridge for the rise of Europe to the pinnacle of modern civilization.
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Massé, Alexandre. "French consuls and Philhellenism in the 1820s: official positions and personal sentiments." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 41, no. 1 (March 16, 2017): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2016.31.

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In 1821, the Greek uprising against Ottoman rule gave rise to a sympathetic movement in Europe: Philhellenism. France decided to remain neutral. Yet when trying to apply this neutrality in practice, the French consuls in the Ottoman Empire encountered several problems, such as the arrival of Philhellenic volunteer fighters. Furthermore, they were torn between their professional obligations and their personal views. In this context, how did the consuls perceive Philhellenism and the Philhellenic volunteers? To what extent were they able to express their Philhellenism or Mishellenism? This study examines consular correspondence of the period in an attempt to answer these questions.
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Milder, Stephen. "Thinking Globally, Acting (Trans-)Locally: Petra Kelly and the Transnational Roots of West German Green Politics." Central European History 43, no. 2 (May 13, 2010): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891000004x.

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Thousands of demonstrators crowded Trafalgar Square on a chilly April afternoon in 1978 to protest the planned expansion of nuclear fuel reprocessing operations at the Windscale Reactor in rural Cumbria. Toward the end of the rally, a young woman faced the mass of protestors from behind the podium. “I am here to bring you greetings of solidarity from the various European, Australian, and Japanese anti-nuclear movements,” she announced. She explained that the movements whose greetings she brought to London represented “a great wave of transnational determination to put a stop to Windscale, to put a stop to a nuclearized, militarized Europe.” Within the next few moments, she described the contours of this “transnational wave.” She took her audience from Aboriginal territory in Australia, where Green Ban strikes interfered with uranium mining, to the nonviolent demonstrations against reactor construction in German villages, and back to Windscale, where protesters demanded a stop to nuclear fuel reprocessing. In the few minutes she stood at the podium, Petra Kelly narrated an around-the-world journey that had taken her most of the previous two decades to complete.
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Lochrie, Karma. "Provincializing Medieval Europe: Mandeville's Cosmopolitan Utopia." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 2 (March 2009): 592–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.2.592.

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The excellence of things is in the middle.—Aristotle, quoted in MandevilleUtopia has always been about place, the Greek roots of this word squinting wryly at the dual possibilities of a “happy place” and “no place.” Even generically, the term utopia implies its own place, not as ambiguously poised between the ideal and “the not at all” but as a point of origin—a sign of incipient modernity—to which the medieval becomes “no place for utopia.” Utopia thus marks both the geographic space of possibility and difference and the genealogical space of transition from premodernity to modernity, so the historical narrative goes. Like most historical narratives with a fondness for originary designs, this one has the effect of provincializing the Middle Ages as that time before modernity when utopianism was not possible, or alternatively when it was possible only as a religious ideal that differed fundamentally from early modern secular utopianism and Thomas More's seminal text. The Middle Ages is relegated in histories of utopia to the realm of “the before”—before secularism, before modernity, before geography. Medieval antecedents of early modern utopianism are shunted off into that “inert, sealed off space before the movement of history.” The Middle Ages is out of step with modernity to the same extent that it is out of place in utopian studies. The irony of the “middleness” of the Middle Ages is that, contra Aristotle, it is marked not by excellence but by the inertia of premodernity—it is the “excluded middle,” if you will.
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Prádanos, Luis I. "Toward a Euro-Mediterranean Socioenvironmental Perspective: The Case for a Spanish Ecocriticism // Hacia una perspectiva socioecológica euro-mediterránea: El ejemplo de la ecocrítica española." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 4, no. 2 (September 30, 2013): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2013.4.2.527.

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This essay analyzes two ecological movements that emerged and developed in Southern European Mediterranean countries (France, Italy, and Spain) during the last couple of decades. Both the de-growth and the slow movement challenge the illogical logic of constant economic growth in the context of a limited biosphere and denounce the social and ecological degradation generated by global capitalism. Both articulate a redefinition of European environmentalism by opposing the environmental thinking of strong Euro-American tradition—very rooted in the official discourse of the European Union, such as the “gospel of eco-efficiency” (Martínez Alier 31)—that try to solve the ecological problems with the same logic that causes and perpetuates them (green capitalism, sustainable development). The de-growth and the slow movement propose instead sustainable, systemic alternatives which are socially and ecologically possible. These alternatives are based on conviviality, voluntary simplicity, slowness, and the reduction of the socioeconomic metabolism. They point out the necessity of an epistemological change and question the tyranny of industrial time (to augment constantly the production and consumption pace) to conclude that we can and need to live better with less, since it is more desirable, sustainable, and just. Since the 2008 financial crisis the de-growth and slow movement are acquiring certain popularity and visibility beyond their Euro-Mediterranean context, which makes them relevant actors on the global movement for environmental justice and the critique of global capitalism. Finally, this essay explores one of the many ways in which these Euro-Mediterranean socioenvironmental insights can be translated into ecocriticism in the specific case of recent Spanish novels. In the last decade, there have been a number of Spanish novels that use complex and sophisticated narrative strategies to focus on aspects related to neoliberal globalization. While some of them perpetuate the mainstream discourse of the European Union by privileging the uncritical celebration of digital culture, progress, and globalization, others challenge this by questioning our society’s blind faith in technological progress and economic growth—such texts advocate instead for a change of logic and lifestyle. The latter narratives seem to be more in-tune with the Euro-Mediterranean socioenvironmental movements mentioned previously and are therefore able to articulate a meaningful critique of the myths of progress, development, and economic growth by exposing the ecological and social degradation that is often generated by global capitalism. On the contrary, the kind of novel that reproduces mainstream European discourse—and, more importantly, the critics that celebrate it—tends to overtly and abundantly represent digital culture while failing to acknowledge its relation to the culture of new capitalism and its environmental and social impact. Resumen El presente ensayo analiza dos movimientos de raigambre ecologista que emergen y se desarrollan en las dos últimas décadas en los países mediterráneos del sur de Europa (Francia, Italia y España). Ambos, decrecimiento y movimiento lento, cuestionan la ilógica del crecimiento económico constante en el marco de una biosfera limitada y denuncian la degradación ecológica y social generada por el capitalismo global. Tanto uno como otro suponen una redefinición del ecologismo Europeo al oponerse a ciertos ecologismos de tradición Euroamericana—muy arraigados en el discurso oficial de la Unión Europea, como el “evangelio de la ecoeficiencia” (Martínez Alier 31)—sospechosos de querer solucionar el problema ecológico con la misma lógica que lo genera y perpetúa (desarrollo sostenible, capitalismo verde). El decrecimiento y el movimiento lento, en cambio, proponen alternativas sostenibles, sistémicas y viables económica y socialmente, basadas en la convivialidad, la simplicidad voluntaria, la desaceleración, la descomplejización y la reducción del metabolismo económico y social. Abogan, entonces, por un cambio de lógica, epistemológico, y cuestionan la tiranía del tiempo industrial (aumentar constantemente la velocidad de producción y consumo) para concluir que se puede y se debe vivir mejor con menos por ser más justo, deseable y sostenible. Desde la crisis financiera del 2008 el decrecimiento y el movimiento lento están adquiriendo cierta popularidad y visibilidad más allá del ámbito euro-mediterráneo, lo que les transforma en actores relevantes en el movimiento global por la justicia ecológica y la crítica altermundista al capitalismo global. En los últimos años se están publicando numerosas novelas españolas con estructuras narrativas complejas en las que el tema de la globalización está muy presente. Algunas de estas novelas celebran la cultura digital y la globalización de manera acrítica, coincidiendo con la corriente tecnófila hegemónica del discurso oficial europeo, mientras que otras cuestionan el modelo de crecimiento económico y la aceleración industrial, siendo más afines a las nuevas tendencias socioecológicas euro-mediterráneas. Son estas últimas narraciones las que mejor articulan una crítica coherente a la degradación ecológica y social generada por el capitalismo global al deconstruir los mitos sobre crecimiento económico y progreso tecnológico. En cambio, el otro tipo de novelas suele perpetuar en su discurso la ilógica del crecimiento económico por ser incapaces de relacionar las conexiones entre la cultura digital, la degradación ecológica y la lógica del nuevo capitalismo.
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45

TIESS, Guenter, Iryna SOKOLOVA, and Serhii KLOCHKOV. "EFFECTIVE MINERAL POLICY AS A KEY FACTOR FOR SUSTAINABLE ECONOMY." Ukrainian Geologist, no. 1-2(44-45) (June 30, 2021): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53087/ug.2021.1-2(44-45).238854.

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The paper analyzes the changes in commodity market distortions, competing land use types, raw material demand for development, and rapid diffusion of key enabling technologies meeting the requirements of constant, dynamic development of major European industries. The author gives the relationship between the dynamics for mineral resources consumption growth, and changes in the conditions of production of these resources. Contains a critical review of methods for predicting the mineral resources dependency, including an estimated forecasting method based on guidelines for the evaluation of needs for natural resources and their substitutes. One of the principles is comprehensive and integrated resource recovery. In a nutshell, this new approach argues that any operation should disturb a mine site only once and extract all useful materials using an optimised integrated flowsheet. This principle also requires that all by-products and residues are (re)used and that by-products and tailings at the end of life to be ‘future-proofed’, i.e. they should retain their ability to continue to be of value into the distant future where technology/economy may make feasible their use. It is noted that access to and affordability of mineral raw materials are crucial for the sound functioning of the EU’s economy. A new 2020 list of critical mineral raw materials is presented and ways to compensate for the CRM deficit are described in detail. Separately noted that the mineral policy is needed to be meticulously treated to facilitate company investment security, streamline permitting and access to minerals in a line with the European Green Deal, the Circular Economy Action Plan, the Bioeconomy Strategy and the European Industrial Strategy. Concerning, the latest steps towards Europe economically resilient by a framework for raw materials and the Circular Economy – creation of European Raw Materials Alliance recognized as particularly effective. Global Industry Standard on Tailings Management represented as a robust, fit-for-purpose international standard for the safer management of tailings storage facilities. The argument is given that since the land issue is one of the most delicate in a densely populated areas heavily dependent on agriculture, housing, infrastructure or other nonmineral development, a fair and equitable distribution of land is important for a mineral perspective. There is also the need for strategic and open network between political, industrial and local communities through the exchange of information to enhance knowledge, experience and skills between stakeholders. Social acceptance of that idea is a fundamental element that must be addressed to develop a confl ict-free area for mineral development activities. The conclusions indicate that we would like to emphasize that the main task of today is to create an effective system for monitoring the movement of raw materials along the entire added-value chain. The ability to quickly identify and respond to challenges in mineral policy will provide leadership in EU strategic technologies and industries. This process has already started with the creation of the European Raw Materials Alliance ERMA. State institutions, businesses, scientific institutions, and civil society in the close dialogue are able to ensure sustainable development and security of civilization as a whole.
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Raos, Višeslav. "After the Storm: Party Systems in Southern Europe in the Wake of the Eurocrisis." Contemporary Mediterranean 1, no. 1 (January 2022): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17818/sm/2021/1.2.

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For years, the countries of Southern Europe have struggled with the consequences of the sovereign debt crisis. Under external pressure they enacted harsh austerity measures which resulted in shaken trust in the European Union, new protest movements and the entrance of new political parties in legislatures and governments. A decade later, this paper poses the question whether the storm of the European sovereign debt crisis has left an impact on Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. The article focuses on changes on the macro-level and analyzes party system changes with the help of data from the CMP/MARPOR dataset. The paper deals with changes in the attitude towards the European Union, the position on the left-right scale (RILE), as well as economic and welfare policy. The analysis has shown a weak decrease in positive attitudes towards the EU in Italy, a moderate leftward shift of the Spanish party system, as well as a moderate decrease in positive attitudes towards the role of the state in the economy in the Greek case. In conclusion, one can say that ten years after the European sovereign debt crisis it is not possible to speak of drastic party system change in Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, and that external pressure has not succeeded in having an impact on the fact that Southern European party systems are, in general, titled towards the left.
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Ignat, Raluca, Bogdan-Cristian Chiripuci, Simona Roxana Pătărlăgeanu, Marius Constantin, and Valentin Lazăr. "Tackling market opportunities for the biomass production in Romania." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 327–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2022-0032.

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Abstract The European Green Deal sets out a detailed vision for Europe to become a climate-neutral continent by 2050 by providing clean, secure, and affordable energy. Thus, with the aim of providing a market-oriented perspective on the economic potential of biomass-related activities, several data were analyzed in this research paper. The positive impact of the green transition is necessary to be studied both at macroeconomic and microeconomic levels. In this context, the research question addressed was: What is the impact of the green transition on farms’ performance and national economy? A descriptive statistical analysis was carried out in order to prove the importance of specific crops, taking into consideration the movements in the energy market and the farmer’s constraints in the era of the European Green Deal. The main objective of this research was to determine if biomass is one of the optimal solutions able to gather all these European desiderates. This conference paper identifies the best scenario for an agricultural farm using diversification activities and the macroeconomic impact of the biomass crops. Currently, the European context is the most favorable for resorting to biomass crops, especially if considering the recent global energy market dynamics. Additionally, there is a need for activities diversification at the farm level in order for them to become greener and to boost their socio-economic and environmental performance. Results confirm that there is considerable economic potential for biomass production in Romania. The added value of the paper is provided by both microeconomic and macroeconomic approaches.
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48

Kalaitzidis, Pantelis. "New trends in Greek Orthodox theology: challenges in the movement towards a genuine renewal and Christian unity." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000039.

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AbstractTheology in Greece today is the outcome of a long and complex historical process in which many different, and even contradictory, trends and theological proclivities have converged and continue to converge, thereby defining its shape and agenda. The present article tries to provide, in four sections, both a descriptive and critical account of this complex and fascinating history.Among these trends, a decisive role is attributed in the first section of the paper to the so-called ‘generation of the 1960s’ (including among others pre-eminent Greek theologians such as Metropolitan of Pergamon John D. Zizioulas, Christos Yannaras, Nikos Nissiotis, Fr John Romanides, Panagiotis Nellas), a Greek theological movement for renewal inspired mainly by the theology of the Russian diaspora and the call to ‘return to the Fathers’, which was instrumental in shaping contemporary Orthodox theology both in Greece and outside the Greek-speaking world.In the second section are given the reactions to and criticism of the ‘theology of 1960s’. There were strong disputes and rejection on the one hand by conservative Greek academic and ecclesiastical circles, and on the other hand from the opposite progressive side (mainly the professors of the Theology School of Thessaloniki University during the 1990s), which accused this theological movement of conservatism and anti-Westernism.The emergence of the agenda initiated by the new theological generation (of 2000) is discussed in the main and longer (third) section. This new theological agenda and its principal characteristics come from points of disagreement with the theologians of the generation of the 1960s, and from a renewed and more inclusive understanding of Orthodox theology which goes beyond the problématique, the language and the agenda of the 1960s. Among the topics raised and discussed by the new trends of Greek theology are: the rediscovery of eschatology and its dynamic interpretation, ecclesiological issues, such as the centrality of the episcopal office, and the critique of the dominant place of monasticism in the life of the church, the movement of liturgical renewal, the revalorisation of mission, the rediscovery of ethics and the dilemma of ethics versus ontology, the renewed interest in political theology, the overcoming of anti-Westernism and of the West–East divide as a central interpretative key, a more constructive relationship between Orthodoxy and modernity, the critical approach of the ‘return to the Fathers’ movement, the reconsideration of the devaluation of biblical studies, the emergence of an Orthodox feminist theology and the debate on women's ordination, the radical critique of religious nationalism, and the devolution into Byzantinism and ecclesiastical culturalism.In the fourth section the article names the settings and institutions that are hosting the new theological trends in Greek Orthodoxy, mainly mentioning the leading Greek Orthodox theological quarterly Synaxi, the official scholarly journal of the Church of Greece, Theologia, the Biblical Foundation of Artos Zoes and its Bulletin of Biblical Studies and, finally, the Volos Academy for Theological Studies. An overall group vision and esprit de corps which could integrate the individual efforts and provide an identity, clearly missing from the above-mentioned picture, are demanded from the two theological schools of Athens and Thessaloniki.The article concludes by briefly reviewing the conservative and fundamentalist reactions towards this new theological agenda, and by highlighting the urgent need for contemporary Greek theology to face the new, dynamic and particularly challenging global context, and to continue to reflect and to act towards Christian unity, as well as move to reconciliation between Christian East and West, Eastern and Western Europe.
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Shevchenko, K. V. "UKRAINIAN MOVEMENT AND CZECHOSLOVAK POLICY IN THE RUSIN QUESTION DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD AS REFLECTED BY AMERIKANSKY RUSSKY VIESTNIK." Rusin, no. 61 (2020): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/8.

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The article analyzes the publications of a leading Rusin periodical in North America, Amerikansky russky viestnik, which during the interwar period was the official bulletin of the Greek Catholic Union of Rusin Brotherhoods based in Homestead, Pennsylvania. In its numerous publications, Amerikansky russky viestnik paid great attention to the genesis and further development of the Ukrainian movement and to different aspects of Czechoslovak policy towards Rusin population in Subcarpathian Rus and Eastern Slovakia. In particular, Amerikansky russky viestnik voiced criticism about different aspects of the Ukrainian movement emphasizing its totally artificial character, anti- Slavic and anti-Russian orientation as well as its total dependence on German and Austrian politics during the First World War. As Amerikansky russky viestnik pointed out, the Ukrainian movement played a role of a mere tool of the German anti-Slavic policy in Central Europe. As far as the Rusin politics of interwar Czechoslovakia is concerned, Amerikansky russky viestnik and other Rusin periodicals in the USA criticized the Czechoslovak authorities for their wide-scale and generous support of the Ukrainian movement in the Carpathian region pointing out that such attitude might endanger the stability of Czechoslovak state in future. Apart from that, Amerikansky russky viestnik was extremely critical of the language, educational, and cultural policy of Czechoslovak government, which supported the policy of the “soft ukrainization” of the indigenous Rusin population in the south of the Carpathian region. The American newspaper voiced concerns about the absence of the true autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus within Czechoslovakia, which violated international treaties and Czechoslovak Constitution.
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Zamojski, Adam. "Contemporary Homo Europeicus. Transformation of European Identity." Respectus Philologicus 28, no. 33 (October 25, 2015): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2015.28.33.7.

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This article explains the origins of European identity, contemporary Homo Europeicus and transformation of European identity. It describes, in a synthetic form, the symbolic sources of European identity like ancient Greek philosophy, Roman law, Christian religion, Barbarian aspects of civilisation and the Age of Enlightenment. It as well describes the circumstances and causes of the crisis of Latin civilization and traditional European Identity in relation to the population boom of Muslims in the Western Europe. Further on, it concludes with an outlook on the role of Postmodernism, Islam, Christian evolutionism, Neo-pagan religion, New Age Movement and Consumptionism in the transformation process of the traditional EuropeanIdentity. Conclusion is an attempt to exemplify the style of Andrzej Wierciński’s scientific approach. This part presents his concept of the peculiarity of the specific human nature which is polarized into the animal side versus the human potential.
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