Academic literature on the topic 'Green movement – Europe'
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Journal articles on the topic "Green movement – Europe"
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Rovinskaya, T. "The European Green Movement in Times of Crisis: New Approaches." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2021): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-4-24-33.
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The article traces the ideological evolution of the European Green Movement from radical opposition to political conformism and pragmatism. Two fundamentally important moments characterize the development of “green” ideology in Europe: first, reliance on civil society and, second, an emergency/crisis as a necessary condition and impetus for development. Due to the belonging of the European ecological parties to the left wing of the traditional political spectrum, there is a convergence of political positions of the “Greens” and “Leftists” in Europe: nowadays, the party programs of the “Greens” are predominantly socio-ecological in nature. They are based on the Sustainable Development concept adopted in 1992 by the states of the world, which “reconciles” the environment with the economy. On the example of the German environmental party “Union 90/Greens”– the largest and most influential ecological party in the world – one can clearly see the development vector: from an alternative (opposition) political force to the third largest party in power (following the elections to the Bundestag in 2021), which became “the progressive force of the left-center”, the stronghold of the “green bourgeoisie”. The large-scale crisis of 2019–2021 associated with the COVID-19 pandemic played into the hands of the German Greens in the sense that it significantly contributed to a shift in priorities towards “green” politics and Green Economy in Western Europe and around the world, particularly as Germany is the main mastermind and beneficiary of the Green Deal in Europe. According to this trend, all ecological parties of Western Europe benefit from the crisis and are actually becoming parties of the political mainstream.
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Rovinskaya, T. "Greens in Europe: Incremental Growth." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-58-71.
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The article deals with the environmental ideology evolution and the Green Movement political development – from groups of activists and ecological non-governmental organizations to influential political parties, at both national and international level (mainly in the Western Europe). The overlook covers the period from early 1970s to present. The mass political Green Movement arose in early 1970s in the Western Europe, USA and Australia in response to vivid ecological threats and the inability of national and international authorities to offer effective solutions. From the very beginning, the Greens declared their commitment to the principles of environmental responsibility, global sustainable development, inclusive democracy, consideration for diversity, personal freedom, gender equality and non-violence. In the political field, the Greens meet two main challenges: formation of political agenda with regard to environmental issues; promotion of effective political decisions and economic mechanisms to protect the environment from an anthropogenic impact. Ecological NGOs, especially large international organizations (like Greenpeace) perform public protest actions against the transnational and state corporations’ economic activities violating the environment (f.e. Arctic oil extraction, radioactive waste storage, gene engineering in agriculture etc.). But beyond the active political lobbying and drawing of wide public support to acute environmental issues, NGOs are not able to involve into political process directly. Within 1970s–1980s (and also later on) ecological political parties were formed in most Western European countries, with a target to participate in official parliamentary elections at local, regional, national and supra-national level. Many of them succeeded and became influencing in their countries. Political methods used by the Greens are thoroughly analyzed in the paper. Special attention is paid to political strategy and tactics of the German ecological party Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, as well as to participation of the European Union Green parties in work of the European Parliament. German Greens count for the most successful ecological party not only in Europe, but also worldwide. Using flexible tactics of parliamentary coalitions, they managed to facilitate a general turn of the German policy toward ecologization (renunciation of the atomic energy development in Germany, conservation of energy and renewable energy sources programs, ecological taxes implementation, prohibition on gene engineering in agriculture etc.). Being a part of the governing coalition, the “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen” were also involved in many other sociopolitical and international issues. Since 1984, many European ecological parties are present in the European Parliament. In 2004, the European Green Party was created to consolidate electoral efforts of the Greens at the European level. Almost all EU ecological parties are also members of the international Global Greens organization. Owing to activities of the Green Movement as a whole, state authorities of many countries (primarily in the Western Europe) adopted environment friendly legislation and state programs. Despite short periods of reverse, the general development of Greens is progressive and prospective.
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Hay, P. R., and M. G. Haward. "Comparative Green Politics: Beyond the European Context?" Political Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1988): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00240.x.
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It is argued that there are significant differences between green electoral politics in Europe and green developments in the affluent non-European west, and that these are such that, despite the greater political formalization of the green movement in Western Europe, there is a sense in which North American and Antipodean developments are ultimately more fundamental than those that have occurred in Europe. Loosely adopting explanatory categories employed by Rudig and Lowe in a Political Studies article, we examine evidence under four sub-heads: electoral thresholds; the historical legacy of the environment movement; the different contextual roles played by the anti-nuclear movement and wilderness experience, and ecology, Marxism and the new left.
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Wedl, Alexandra. "Green Volunteers in Czechoslovakia: The Youth Magazine Mladý svět and its Environmental Campaign, 1970s-1980s." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 397–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.17.
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Concern with environmental degradation was one factor contributing to the discontent preceding the revolutions of 1989 in East-Central Europe. This article identifies the trajectories of environmental activism in Czechoslovakia, one of the most industrialized countries of the post-1945 socialist bloc. Analysing the media representation of environmental volunteers during late socialism, the examination focuses on the youth magazine Mladý svět, which prominently discussed environmental issues and became home to the Brontosaurus youth movement. During the so-called ‘normalization’ era of the 1970s and 1980s, which is often characterized as a time of stagnation, this movement for environmental volunteering provided young people with opportunities for self-realization and alternative lifestyles. While the movement shared several features of the New Social Movements of the 1970s, Czechoslovak green volunteerism took an ambivalent position within formal socialist youth structures, shedding light on the complex relationship between what is considered ‘alternative’ or ‘oppositional’ in late socialism.
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Korhola, Eija-Ritta. "The joys and frustrations of an environmental law-maker." European View 18, no. 2 (October 2019): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819888139.
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For many years, environmental politics was seen as a relatively light policy area. In many European countries environmental issues were usually delegated to the Greens. As a result, until recently, climate and environmental policy has been dominated by the political approach and emphasis of the green movement. Today, however, political leaders across Europe are finally seeing how political environmental politics actually is. There is also a growing understanding that the green approach may not be the only possible way forward. Due to its top-down, bureaucratic and inflexible approach to the policy area, the green agenda may in fact sometimes even be dangerous. Thus, this article argues that the time has come to shift the paradigms of environmental politics and climate politics from the politics of limitation to the politics of possibilities. The European People’s Party family could offer a real alternative to the green agenda and show the merits of environmental subsidiarity.
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Rüdig, Wolfgang, and Javier Sajuria. "Green party members and grass-roots democracy: A comparative analysis." Party Politics 26, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754600.
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When Green parties emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, their political project included a strong commitment to a new type of internal party organization, giving power to the ‘grass roots’. With Green parties having become well established in most West European party systems, has the vision of ‘grass-roots democracy’ survived the party foundation stage? What drives the ongoing or waning commitment to grass-roots democracy? Analysing party membership survey data from 15 parties collected in the early 2000s when many Green parties had for the first time become involved in national government, we find that it is the social movement oriented, pacifist, left-wing membership that is most committed to grass-roots democracy. It is the current involvement in social movements rather than past activity that is most important. Support for grass-roots democracy is also stronger in ‘Latin Europe’ and Greece but weaker in parties which have become established in parliament and government.
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Beneš, Jakub. "The Colour of Hope: The Legacy of the ‘Green Cadres’ and the Problem of Rural Unrest in the First Czechoslovak Republic." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (December 27, 2018): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000589.
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This article addresses the divided memory and contested meaning of the Great War in interwar Czechoslovakia. Focusing on the legacy of a loose and short-lived movement of army deserters called ‘Green Cadres’ that appeared in 1918, it suggests that the Czechoslovak nation building project faced challenges not only from sizable ethnic minorities within the fledgling state, but also from the restive Czech peasantry. As elsewhere in East Central Europe, many peasants regarded the Green Cadres as liberators and representatives of a more radical, rural oriented national revolution. These unfulfilled hopes resonated through the interwar period. This article thus sheds light on an important social and cultural fault line that has been neglected in histories of the world wars in Europe.
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Pluciennik, Mark. "The invention of hunter-gatherers in seventeenth-century Europe." Archaeological Dialogues 9, no. 2 (December 2002): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800002142.
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AbstractWhy do we still speak of foragers and farmers? The division of societies into categories including ‘savage’ hunter-gatherers and ‘civilised’ farmers has its roots in seventeenth-century northwestern Europe, but has implications for archaeologists and anthropologists today. Such concepts still provide the frameworks for much intellectual labour including university courses, academic conferences and publications, as well as providing the basis for moral and political evaluations of contemporary societies and practices for a wide range of people, from governments to development agencies, ‘alternative’ archaeologies and parts of the Green movement. This paper examines some of the currents which contributed towards their establishment, and argues that writing ‘across’ such deep-seated categories may be the only way to challenge their hegemony and develop new questions. As an example recent trends in data and interpretation of the ‘mesolithic-neolithic transition’ in western Europe are discussed.
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Abramovych, S. D., and M. Yu Chikarkova. "“The Green Gospel” by B.I. Antonych in the Context of the Neopagan Movement." Rusin, no. 65 (2021): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/65/9.
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The article analyzes B.I. Antonych’s poem “The Green Gospel”, usually perceived in the vein of Lemko mythology as a direct emotional experience of the spring Carpathian landscape, interpreted within the aesthetics of symbolism or avant-garde. Critics point out the parallelism of Christian and pagan motives, but do not focus on the poet’s spiritual position. The purpose of our study is to consider this poem in the context of the growing global neo-paganism. In particular, it concerns the growing authority of Indo-Iranian mythology, which was thought as a more significant counterweight to the Bible than the folklore heritage of pagan Europe (except for Antiquity). The authors emphasize the consistent neo-pagan position of Antonych, whose work is implicitly built on the system of Indo-Iranian mythological motifs and polemically directed against the Christian sacrament of the Eucharist. The poet consistently replaces the symbol of the Holy Communion Cup with the Slavic Dzban; Heavenly Father is opposed to Mother Nature, etc. The comparative-historical methodology allows to see Antonych’s poem as a kind of manifesto of European neo-paganism, the denial of the spiritualist aesthetics of the Christian tradition and the assertion of the absolute value of changing physical existence. Recognizing the poet’s right to this position, the authors argue that even in the paradigm of pagan wisdom, inseparability from the physical body of the Mother- Gaia can be deadly (Anthea’s plot); for, according to Jung, Initiation (maturation) consists in going beyond the world of the Mother and comprehending the world of the Father.
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Setiawan, Deni, and Raldi Hendro Koestoer. "Comparative Perspectives on Modern Logistics Transportation Based on Green Logistics in Europe and Indonesia: Concept of Sustainable Economy." Journal of Mechanical, Civil and Industrial Engineering 2, no. 2 (July 7, 2021): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jmcie.2021.2.2.7.
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The concept of logistics is a supply chain system to facilitate the movement of goods and resources (raw materials), delivery scheduling, storage, and marketing to consumer endpoints that support economic growth. The increase in logistics transportation also has a negative impact, especially environmental problems, the effectiveness of logistics transportation, and the quality of materials and goods which will eventually involve economic problems. This article aims to compare the implementation of modern logistics transportation systems in the European Union and Indonesia with the application of green logistics. This study uses a comparative study method with a qualitative descriptive approach to modern logistics transportation that applies the concept of green logistics. The problem of European Union logistics transportation is only in the human resources sector and congestion in a certain period. The solution is to add regulations related to alternative or manipulated road systems to reduce congestion. On the other hand, the problems that exist in Indonesia are related to the low facilities, regulations, and investment for logistics transportation. As a solution, several regulations and programs have been implemented as a green logistics concept such as anti-ODOL regulations, and the sea toll program.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Green movement – Europe"
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Schulze, Sheila, and Yvonne Mrukwa. "#GreenRecovery for Europe: A Content Analysis of tweets about the Green Recovery from COVID-19 on Twitter." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-36968.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate how digital activism is conducted on Twitter, particularly in relation to the dialogues and demands for Europe’s green economic recovery plan from COVID-19. It seeks to analyse the communication made using #GreenRecovery on Twitter by various actors over the period of May to June 2020, guided by the theory of public sphere and social movement and literature on digital activism, hashtag activism, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Political Activity (CPA) using a qualitative and quantitative content analysis.By analysing the frequency patterns of tweets and by uncovering the different types of communication, this paper sheds light on the users involved as well as the issue frames and mobilisation strategies that were visible in the #GreenRecovery discourse . Results of this study demonstrate that #GreenRecovery is used by varying actors on Twitter such as individuals, social movements, businesses and others. Furthermore, the hashtag has been used to raise awareness, communicate particular information, mobilize action and also employ assertion as dominant digital spectator activity. Tweets with #GreenRecovery was primarily framed towards the need for a redesign of the economy, indicating demands for changes in policies by targeting accounts of political actors from the EU Commission. It is further implied that during the discourse, #GreenRecovery acted as a structural signifier as a response to the leaked proposal of the Recovery Plan demonstrating that it has the potential to create hashtag communities.
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Karampampas, Panas. "Dancing into darkness : cosmopolitanism and 'peripherality' in the Greek goth scene." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10829.
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This thesis discusses concepts of cosmopolitism and peripherality in the Greek and wider European goth scene. The research took place primarily in Greece but extended to Germany, the United Kingdom and online as I followed the movement of Athenian goths who were searching for connectivity, hybridity and their cosmopolitan selves. In living a hybrid cosmopolitan identity, goths regularly challenge national stereotypes and transgress international boundaries. But sometimes the complexities of goth cosmopolitan identity may also contain unpalatable aspects, such as hard-core Greek or German nationalism and views that verge on xenophobia or anarchism that are seemingly at odds with the ‘open' and ‘egalitarian' persona put forward by Athenian goths. It is through performance (particularly dance) that Athenian goths choose to express their beliefs and desires, blending aspects of the contemporary goth scene with twists of ‘traditional' Greek ideas. Often performance, with all its paradoxes and hybrid contradictions, says more than words. Movement is at the centre of goth identity; the movement of ideas on social media, the physical movement of goths to overseas festivals and the exchange of opinions among goths at nightclubs in Athens all contribute to a hybrid cosmopolitan identity of a group of people who reside both on the geographical periphery of Europe and on the periphery of their own society. Goth identity is hybrid and complex with layers of peripherality being channelled toward becoming an ever-developing cosmopolitan subject. This thesis focuses on the core aspects of the goth life-project which aim for individuality, connectivity, movement and inclusivity. Being able to creatively display one's hybrid cosmopolitanism is the very essence of what it is to be goth.
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Van, De Walle Cédric. "Le rôle de la Fédération européenne des partis verts: étude de la coopération multilatérale entre partis verts à l'échelle européenne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211213.
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Psellas, Jimmie. "Greece and the European Economic Community: Relations During the Panhellenic Socialist Movement's First Term of Office, October 1981--June 1985." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500743/.
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A nation's foreign policy is often subject to change. This change may occur in its relations with other nationstates or with international organizations such as the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). Greece became a full E.E.C. member in January, 1980, when the conservative Nea Democratia was in power. The Nea Democratia, both in government from 1974 to 1981 and in opposition since 1981, has been consistent in its support for the E.E.C.; in contrast, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) has not. PASOK, in opposition from 1974 to 1 981 , was against Greek membership in the European communities. PASOK, in its first term in office from 1981 to 1985, reversed itself on the issue. During this period, PASOK made no effort to withdraw Greece from the E.E.C. This study examines PASOK's reversal of policy. Two domestic factors are examined in detail: the general economic difficulties of Greece during PASOK's first term, and the role of the powerful agrarian interests.
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LITTLE, Conor. "Politics on the margins of government : a comparative study of Green parties in governing coalitions." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32128.
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Defence date: 24 March 2014Examining Board: Professor Adrienne Héritier. Supervisor, European University Institute Professor Stefano Bartolini. Co-supervisor, European University Institute Professor Kris Deschouwer, Vrije Universiteit Brussel Professor Dr. Thomas Poguntke, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf.
First made available online 17 February 2020
Since the mid-1990s, Green parties have participated in 24 governing coalitions in stable democracies, both from within cabinet and as external support parties in parliament. Despite their similarities, these parties' experiences of coalition have been diverse. This thesis seeks to explain variation among these cases in respect of three outcomes: Green parties' attainment of senior ministerial positions at the moment of government formation their retention of cabinet office over time and their electoral outcomes at the end of their spell in coalition. It finds that environmental factors were consistently important for producing these outcomes, but that under many conditions, variation in Green parties' attributes and strategies also played a role. To explain variation in office attainment outcomes, the thesis makes use of an explicitly conjunctural theory that has been developed in the study of support parties. The set of causal factors identified by this theory provides a basis for identifying pathways to high and low office attainment outcomes that are that are empirically consistent and theoretically coherent. In studying office retention outcomes, it develops a framework based on parties' incentives to maximise their electoral and governmental outcomes within a dynamic and institutionally variable setting. It provides a first explanatory account of variation in parties' tenure, identifying a number of pathways to the end of a party's time in office. Finally, the thesis builds on the literature on postincumbency electoral outcomes to identify several paths to post-coalition electoral success and failure. In particular, it suggests that the relatively 'soft' electoral base of Green parties in coalition is an important factor in their losses and that defection from coalition can be electorally beneficial only under restrictive conditions. It identifies a strong tension between office-seeking success and electoral success that presents these parties with especially 'hard choices'.
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Haynes, Dale C. "Ecology and the ballot : Green Party voting in European and national elections in Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain and Luxembourg, 1979-1999 /." 2002.
Find full textBooks on the topic "Green movement – Europe"
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Sara, Parkin, ed. Green light on Europe. London: Heretic Books Ltd., 1991.
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Jean-Luc, Touly, ed. Europe écologie: Miracle ou mirage? Paris: First, 2010.
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1948-, Rootes Chris, ed. Environmental protest in western Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.
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Franklin, Mark N. The greening of Europe: Ecological voting in the 1989 European elections. Glasgow: Department of Government, University of Strathclyde, 1991.
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Les partis verts en Europe Occidentale. Paris: Economica, 1996.
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Green revolutions: Environmental reconstruction in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Washington, D.C., USA: Worldwatch Institute, 1990.
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Liam Leonard. The Environmental Movement in Ireland. Dordrecht: Springer, 2008.
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Dick, Richardson, and Rootes Chris 1948-, eds. The Green challenge: The development of Green parties in Europe. London: Routledge, 1995.
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Pascal, Delwit, and Waele Jean-Michel de, eds. Les partis verts en Europe. Bruxelles: Complexe, 1999.
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Green parties and political change in contemporary Europe: New politics, old predicaments. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Green movement – Europe"
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Boy, Daniel. "The Green Movement." In Politics in France and Europe, 183–98. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101890_12.
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Hernandez, Ariel Macaspac. "The Philippines as a Case Study—Populism and Institutional Activism in Transformation Processes Towards Sustainability." In Taming the Big Green Elephant, 205–24. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31821-5_10.
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AbstractThe current resurgence and reinforcement of populists in many countries has profited not only from various real or imagined crises (e.g., 2015-present refugee crisis in Europe or the caravan of migrants in Latin America heading to the United States), but also from how established political parties and polities have addressed these crises, which have disenfranchised, in a de facto manner, a significant portion of the population. Former Greek finance minister and Professor of Economics at the University of Athens, Yanis Varoufakis, notes that President Trump’s election, Brexit, and the resurgence of right-wing political parties in Germany, Austria & other countries are not new in history, but merely “a post-modern variant of the 1930s, complete with deflation, xenophobia, and divide-and-rule politics” (Varoufakis 2016). Populist movements have found and instrumentalized compelling issues, such as emission reduction, to gain political importance.
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Tschebann, Saskya. "Cemetery Enchanted, Encore: Natural Burial in France and Beyond." In Bioarchaeology and Social Theory, 249–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-03956-0_11.
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AbstractOver the past three decades, a silent revolution in funerary practices and cemetery design known as the ‘natural burial movement’ has swept over various national contexts and created a transnational narrative that is embedded in local funerary cultures. Seeking out environmentally-friendly burial alternatives, new cemetery and commemoration concepts take into account the urban lack of space and changing family structures and combine these with a desire for autonomy from economically and ecologically costly burial practices. A salient feature of these new burial sites are their naturalistic design and enchanting appeal. Presenting ethnographic research at France’s first natural cemetery« Cimetière naturel de Souché », which opened in 2014, this chapter examines and reflects on the changes in material as well as immaterial funeral settings within a contemporary European context. The research reveals insights into a heterogenous set of values concerning human body disposal, nature and culture, gift giving and reciprocity, and purity and respect. The main objectives of the cemetery officials originally were geared towards the creation of a place as close to nature’s makeup as possible, a reduction of the ecological footprint of burials, and cost decrease. The most significant aspects for the bereaved and other visitors are, however, an appeal beyond economic and ecologic objectives. Spiritualities, therapeutic death contemplation, and continuous kin care point to an enduring enchantment: meditations veiled in a green hue.
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Saraiva, Helena I. B., and Cristina Casalinho. "Environmental, Social, and Governance Assets." In Handbook of Research on New Challenges and Global Outlooks in Financial Risk Management, 231–49. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-8609-9.ch011.
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This chapter presents a historical overview of the emergence and evolution of ESG assets and, in particular, analyses the main market trends that have been observed in recent years in relation to these assets. The authors intend to present a summary of the main moments and phases that these assets have gone through, from the moment of their appearance in 2007, the year in which the European Investment Bank carried out its Climate Awareness Bond as a test issuance. The movement associated with the issue of these assets is initiated by supranational entities with little homogeneity and no fixed conventions. To overcome this impasse, the green bond principles emerged and a process of defining the characteristics of these assets began, with a particular focus on transparency and the governance process. From this stage onwards, the market showed interest in these financial products and hence the emergence of a harmonising movement regarding green bond standards in which Europe seems to have taken a leading role.
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Lorbiecki, Marybeth. "Paths of Violence: 1939– 1945." In A Fierce Green Fire. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199965038.003.0017.
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In September 1939, Germany invaded Poland. During the dark months of 1939, 1940, and 1941, Europe exploded with tanks, bombs, and guns. The violent side of Hitler’s new German policies proved worse than Leopold had imagined possible. A letter arrived from Leopold’s host in Germany, Alfred Schottlaender. Schottlaender’s wife had turned him in to the secret police for making antiHitler comments. He had been interned both at Dachau and Buchenwald but had managed to escape to Kenya. He was writing to ask Aldo to help his brother, who was still in Germany. Leopold contacted those he knew, and a place was found in South Africa for Alfred’s brother. “My dear friend Leopold,” responded Alfred, “[You] have given me back the faith of faithfulness, truth, and friendship still existing on earth, which I nearly had lost after having lived to see such terrible disappointments in my own country which I loved so much and served all my life.” Violence seemed to be the common link between the many ways humans acted toward the land and toward each other. Leopold began to refer to conservation as a movement toward “nonviolent land use,” where changes are made gradually and carefully, keeping the land community stable. Then the exploding violence hit the States: the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. The next day, Carl enlisted in the marines. On the edge of twenty-two, he had just begun graduate studies in wildlife ecology in Missouri. He hurried to marry Keena Rogers before leaving for combat. Luna enlisted in the army and was sent to California as an army engineer. Starker, who had married and was expecting a child, kept working, but dreaded the mail, which could carry a draft notice any day. Many of the Professor’s graduate and undergraduate students quit school to enlist. Vivian Horn resigned to do her part for the war effort. Sometime in 1942, a round robin of letters was begun between the department and those who had left. Each recipient added comments and sent the letter on to someone else.
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Seggerman, Alex Dika. "The Be auty of Uncertainty." In Modernism on the Nile, 141–78. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653044.003.0005.
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This chapter explores the postsurrealist paintings and drawings of Abdel Hadi el-Gazzar (1925–66) that “return” Islamic references to art. Gazzar’s early work indexes the Arab socialist concern for the urban poor and dispossessed, indicating Egypt’s postcolonial shift to transnational Arab alliances after the 1952 revolution. In The Green Man, Gazzar combines Islamic references of mystical talismanic imagery with European abstract oil painting. Gazzar’s later works lie between the opposing logics of social realism and abstract expressionism, and they parallel Egypt’s political status as a leading member of the Nonaligned Movement. Beyond national art and politics, this chapter connects Gazzar’s paintings with artworks from other postsurrealist turns to primitivism outside Europe in the postwar era. Seggerman argues that Gazzar heralds a new era of Egyptian modernism, which maintains its constellational nature, but with a dramatic shift in its main actors.
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"Green Fab Lab." In European Perspectives on Learning Communities and Opportunities in the Maker Movement, 1–26. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8307-3.ch001.
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Green Fab Lab is nestled in the Catalonian area of Eastern Spain in the mountains surrounding the metropolis of Barcelona. Located on what once was a vacation and hunting ground for Spanish royalty, the Valldaura Estate, which houses the Green Fab Lab, sits on 130 hectares of forest. The site is part of a movement to be self-sufficient and sustainable, using locally sourced material. The current space is one of many Fab Labs in Barcelona and is part of the IAAC (Institute for Advanced Architecture of Catalonia), which is a world-renowned school of modern architecture. The space is about 2152 ft2 (200 m2), with a full complement of Fab Lab equipment and machines as well as a small bio space. Within the space, learning communities are often developed through the communication of students in the Fab Academy, Bio Academy, or Zero courses and local gurus in the space or in the community. This chapter explores the Green Fab Lab.
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"The movement for peasant-friendly plant breeding, 1880–1905." In Europe's Green Revolution and its Successors, 52–74. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203118047-9.
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Dryzek, John S. "10. New Society." In The Politics of the Earth, 209–32. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0010.
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The more political dimension of green radicalism analyzed in this chapter believes that ecological limits and boundaries can only be confronted, and the path to a better society charted, though political activism and thoroughgoing change in dominant institutions and practices. It finds its most conventional form of organization in green political parties that have been part of the electoral landscape since the 1980s, and that have in several countries (especially in Europe) joined governing coalitions and provided government ministers. However, social movements such as Occupy, Extinction Rebellion, Transition Initiatives, and those for environmental justice and sustainable materialism matter just as much. Movements for global environmental justice and the environmentalism of the global poor, and radical summits, have taken radical green politics to different parts of the world and to the global stage. An eco-anarchist disposition is associated with social ecology, and some radicals seek to link green politics and socialism. Green radicalism takes on economics in “doughnut economics” and proposals for a “Green New Deal”.
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"Think globally, act locally? Symbolic memory and global repertoires in the Tunisian uprising and the Greek anti- austerity mobilizations." In Understanding European Movements, 240–55. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203083710-25.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Green movement – Europe"
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"Joining the Green Movement: The Relationship Between Green Innovation and Business Performance." In 20th European Conference on Knowledge Management. ACPI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/km.19.009.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ, and Tomislav Kandyija. "Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
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Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
Reports on the topic "Green movement – Europe"
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Papastergiou, Vasilis. Detention as the Default: How Greece, with the support of the EU, is generalizing administrative detention of migrants. Oxfam, Greek Council for Refugees, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8250.
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Putting migrants and asylum seekers into detention for administrative reasons is a common practice in Greece, despite this policy contravening human rights. Greek authorities are using detention and the new EU-funded closed compounds as a way to discourage people from seeking asylum in Europe. Detention, as outlined in Greek law, should only be used as a final resort and only then in specific instances. Detention carries with it not only a financial cost, but also a considerable moral cost. Detention without just cause violates basic human rights, such as freedom of movement, the right to health and the right to family life. Alternatives to detention exist and must be prioritized.