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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek version; Old Testament'
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1
Childers, J. W. "The old Georgian Acts of the Apostles: A Progress Report." New Testament Studies 42, no. 1 (January 1996): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500017070.
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Over the years textual critics have given great attention to the New Testament text of the Acts of the Apostles. Like all New Testament texts, it merits particular attention, but especially because its textual tradition is enriched by the principal representative of the so-called ‘Western’ text, the Greek Acts of Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis. The presence of this defining element of the ‘Western’ text has made the Acts of the Apostles an exceptionally fertile environment for the production, evaluation, and refinement of theories about the history of the Greek New Testament text. The favoured status of the Greek Acts extends to the ancient versions as well. Even the Old Georgian version of Acts has been grouped with ‘Western’ witnesses – F. C. Conybeare studied a few chapters of one manuscript of the Georgian Acts and concluded that it had many ‘Western’ readings.
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Müller, Mogens. "Septuagintas betydning som en hellenistisk udgave af Det Gamle Testamente." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 74, no. 3 (October 16, 2011): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v74i3.106389.
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The understanding of the role of the old Greek translation of the Old Testament, the Septuagint, has undergone great changes in the last decennia. From looking upon the Hebrew text as the original and the Greek text as only a translation, it has now been common to view the Greek version as a chapter in a reception history of biblical traditions. By being used by New Testament authors and in the Early Church the Septuagint gained canonical status – alongside the Hebrew Bible. Thus the Old Testament of the Church in reality consists of both versions. The article argues for this also pointing to some of the theological consequences of viewing the connection between the two parts of the Christian Bible from the perspective of reception history.
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Förster, Hans. "Translating from Greek as Source Language? The Lasting Influence of Latin on New Testament Translation." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 43, no. 1 (September 2020): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x20949384.
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Translational choices in New Testament translation appear to be influenced far more strongly by the Latin tradition and Martin Luther’s towering translation than hitherto acknowledged. This contribution uses examples from the synoptic gospels to trace the influence of Martin Luther, the Vulgate, Erasmus and the Old Latin version of the New Testament in current dictionaries like the Bauer/Aland and BDAG.
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Bodor, Attila. "The Use of the Peshitta of Isaiah in Rendering Isaiah Quotations in the Old Syriac and Peshitta Gospels." Aramaic Studies 16, no. 1 (May 24, 2018): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01601005.
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Abstract Previous research has argued that the Old Syriac and Peshitta Gospels tend to follow the Old Testament Peshitta to render Old Testament quotations, a practice that supposedly goes back to Tatian’s Diatessaron. This article argues that this conclusion should be reconsidered. At least in the rendering of the Isaiah quotations, the Old Syriac, and especially the Peshitta version of the Gospels, tends not to depart from the Greek text, but rather to render its sense as faithfully as possible. Even in the few cases where the dependence on the Peshitta of Isaiah appears to be verifiable, the phenomenon does not need to be explained as a result of influence from Tatian’s harmony.
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Salvesen, Alison. "The Authorial Spirit? Biblical Citations in Jacob of Edessa's Hexaemeron." Aramaic Studies 6, no. 2 (2008): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783508x393057.
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Abstract The Syrian Orthodox bishop and polymath Jacob of Edessa (c. 630–708 CE) produced his own Syriac version of the Old Testament which combined the Peshitta and Greek traditions. Similarly composite citations of Scripture appear in his other works, raising the question of their relationship to his own biblical version. This article analyses some examples of citations of the book of Job that appear in Jacob's first treatise in his Hexaemeron, on the nature of angels.
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Шаблевский, Николай. "Ezra: Former or Writer of the Old Testament Books?" Библия и христианская древность, no. 2(6) (June 17, 2020): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2020-2-6-155-166.
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Наша заметка посвящена изучению роли Ездры при формировании корпуса книг Ветхого Завета. Отчасти информация об этом встречается в канонической Книге Ездры. Как выяснилось, среди грекоязычных экзегетов бытовало мнение, что Ездра был скорее кодификатором Священного Писания, в то время как в восточносирийском толковании (в частности, у Ишо‘дада Мервского) считалось, что Ездра написал заново сгоревшее Писание «из своего сердца». Интерпретация Ишо‘дада основана, очевидно, на сирийской версии 4й Книги Ездры. Our note is devoted to the study of the role of Ezra in the formation of the corpus of books of the Old Testament. Partly information about this hinted in the canonical Book of Ezra. As it found out, among Greek exegetes were opinion that Ezra was more likely a codifier of the Holy Scriptures, while in the East Syrian interpretation (especially, in the work of Išo‘dad of Merv) were think that Ezra wrote the burnt Scripture ‘from his heart’. The interpretation of Išo‘dad is based, as it evidence, on the Syriac version of the 4th Book of Ezra.
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Шаблевский, Николай. "Ezra: Former or Writer of the Old Testament Books?" Библия и христианская древность, no. 2(6) (June 17, 2020): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2020-2-6-155-166.
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Наша заметка посвящена изучению роли Ездры при формировании корпуса книг Ветхого Завета. Отчасти информация об этом встречается в канонической Книге Ездры. Как выяснилось, среди грекоязычных экзегетов бытовало мнение, что Ездра был скорее кодификатором Священного Писания, в то время как в восточносирийском толковании (в частности, у Ишо‘дада Мервского) считалось, что Ездра написал заново сгоревшее Писание «из своего сердца». Интерпретация Ишо‘дада основана, очевидно, на сирийской версии 4й Книги Ездры. Our note is devoted to the study of the role of Ezra in the formation of the corpus of books of the Old Testament. Partly information about this hinted in the canonical Book of Ezra. As it found out, among Greek exegetes were opinion that Ezra was more likely a codifier of the Holy Scriptures, while in the East Syrian interpretation (especially, in the work of Išo‘dad of Merv) were think that Ezra wrote the burnt Scripture ‘from his heart’. The interpretation of Išo‘dad is based, as it evidence, on the Syriac version of the 4th Book of Ezra.
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Królikowski, Janusz. "Orygenes i hebrajski tekst Pisma Świętego." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 393–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3266.
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Origen is the exegete and Old Christian writer whose influence on the understanding of the Bible has always been determinative. Undoubtedly, for ecclesiastical reasons he deemed the Septuagint superior and regarded it as the Christian Old Testament. He thought highly of Hebrew text as well, which he often used for his research. An expression of this belief was among others the Hexapla worked out by Origen, which can be regarded as an exceptional manifestation of esteem towards the Old Testament and its Hebrew version. Origen’s attitude towards the Bible can be characterized by two approaches: on the one hand it is the ecclesiastical approach which gives the first place to the text commonly accepted in the Church namely the Septuagint, but on the other hand he is open to every other text Hebrew or Greek, trying to understand it and take it into account in his commentary.
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Wehr, Kathryn. "‘Nobody must be allowed to “talk Bible”’: Dorothy L. Sayers' Use of the Authorized Version and the Coverdale Psalms in The Man Born to be King." Journal of Inklings Studies 8, no. 2 (October 2018): 144–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ink.2018.0012.
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Dorothy L. Sayers' 1941–1942 radio play cycle on the life of Christ, The Man Born to be King, is often lauded for its use of the vernacular, though the scholarly discussion of this aspect of her work often creates the false impression that Sayers was working with a Greek New Testament in one hand and a blank piece of paper in the others. This study focuses on the subtle but clear evidence of Sayers' use of the Authorized Version of the Bible, particularly in the areas of narration and Old Testament quotation as well as additional evidence of the Coverdale Psalms from the Book of Common Prayer. Tables at the end of the article also offer the chance for readers to see the evidence upon which conclusions are made and perhaps build for their own research. These three areas—narration, Old Testament quotation and Psalm quotation—, while clearly exceptions to the general rule of original dramatization of biblical material, show Sayers working with all available tools in a dynamic, rather than iconoclastic process.
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Mrňávek, Tomáš. "Two Prayers for the Sick from the Euchology of Sinai." E-Theologos. Theological revue of Greek Catholic Theological Faculty 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2010): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10154-010-0016-4.
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Two Prayers for the Sick from the Euchology of SinaiThe present publication offers 2 prayers out of the 50 related to sick persons and contained in the Euchologium Sinaiticum Slavicum (a manuscript from the 10th/11th century). These texts, concerning mainly psychological pathologies, have not yet been properly studied, albeit they embody a peculiar importance both for the understanding of illnesses in ancient Christian communities and for the way how they were treated in those days. This work, thus, presents first the prayers in their Old Slavonic version accompanied by the Greek version. We thought it opportune to add a Czech translation with basic references to the New Testament; a short commentary touching upon cultural and social milieux envisaged by the texts will then follow.
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Kyrychenko, Alexander. "The Old Slavonic Acts in Apparatus Critici of the Greek NT: Observations and Suggestions." Novum Testamentum 47, no. 1 (2005): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568536053602668.
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AbstractThe Old Slavonic testimony is treated differently in the Acts of the Apostles in UBSGNT4 and N-A27, the two major contemporary hand-editions of the Greek New Testament. The former cites it at nearly every point of variance, yet not always correctly, whereas the latter omits it entirely. Although the Old Slavonic testimony is relatively late and has not been adequately researched, it can provide valuable textual insight, especially in instances where manuscript support is negligible and/or in which the Old Slavonic reading also occurs in other versions.
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Nellen, Henk, and Jan Bloemendal. "Erasmus’s Biblical Project." Church History and Religious Culture 96, no. 4 (2016): 595–635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09604006.
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The history of the immediate response on and later reception of Erasmus’s ‘New Testament Project’ is an eventful one. The Project consisted of three innovations in biblical scholarship: the first printed edition of the Greek text of the New Testament, a revised version of the Latin Vulgate, and a philological commentary that accounted for the many textual changes the translator had made. The article discusses the polemics Erasmus’s edition provoked immediately after publication in 1516, and sheds light on the influence his Project exerted in later centuries. Special attention is given to biblical passages that played an important role in the discussions on the doctrine of the Trinity, such as Rom. 9,5; 1 Joh. 5,7–8 (the famous Comma Johanneum), and 1 Tim. 3,16. In questioning these passages as convincing, irrefutable proof-texts of Christ’s divinity, Erasmus made himself vulnerable to accusations of reviving Arianism, an old anti-Trinitarian heresy.
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Mihăilă, Alexandru. "The Septuagint and the Masoretic Text in the Orthodox Church(es)." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 30–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2018-0003.
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Abstract In this article, I intend to survey the reception of versions of the Old Testament in the Orthodox churches, focusing on the Greek, Russian and Romanian Church, respectively. While Western biblical scholars gave precedence to the Hebrew text over the Septuagint, in the Orthodox world one can see a tension in the relationship between the two textual witnesses and sometimes, even recently, there are voices which tend to give the Septuagint total authority in the Church. Orthodox scholars in the field of Old Testament studies usually resort to the Hebrew text, but especially scholars from outside this field tend to promote the Septuagint as the Old Testament of the Orthodox Church. I shall use the argument of authority, which is improper for scientific argumentation, but it suits my research, as I try to understand the confessional positions held within Eastern Orthodoxy. Consequently, if a certain saint, acknowledged as such by a national Orthodox Church or by the entire Eastern Orthodox communion, embraces a particular view on this subject, this bears significantly on the issue.
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Bumbacher, Stephan Peter. "Ge Hong’s Zhuang zi." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 72, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 1021–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2018-0007.
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Abstract Sinology, as far as textual criticism is concerned, is still in its infancy compared with, e. g., New Testament, classical Greek or European medieval studies. Whereas virtually every ancient Greek, old English, or early German text – to name but a few – has been the subject of text critical scrutiny, in many cases even since Renaissance times, the same does not hold true for Chinese works. In the absence of early manuscripts they could themselves base upon, modern editions of classical Chinese texts usually take as their starting point the earliest extant printed versions which quite often date from Song times and are thus separated by many centuries from the no longer available originals. However, quite often testimonies of ancient texts exist as quotations in works that considerably predate the first printed versions of the texts in question. In view of this fact, virtually every classical Chinese text needs to be systematically re-examined and critically edited by taking into account every available explicit as well as implicit quotation. As the received version of the Zhuang zi 莊子 (Master Zhuang), a text whose origins may lie in the third century BCE, ultimately goes back to Guo Xiang’s 郭象 (ob. 312) editorial activities and as Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343) was an author active at about the same time, there is a chance that a pre-Guo Xiang version may have been available to him. Therefore, as a case study, this paper examines the explicit as well as implicit Zhuang zi quotations to be found within Ge Hong’s works, in order to examine this possibility.
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Müller, Mogens. "Justin som bibelteolog." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 81, no. 3 (May 6, 2019): 160–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v81i3.113901.
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Justin Martyr (dead ca. 165) is the earliest known Christian author to develop a Biblical theology. At the same time, he is the last one to acknowledge the Old Testament as Scripture. Especially in his Dialogue with the Jew Trypho, but already in the two Apologies Justin quotes Jewish Holy Scripture extensively. He is the first Christian author to refer to the Septuagint legend about the translation of the Pentateuch, which he extends also to include the translation of the other parts of the Old Testament. Justin is not only convinced about the infallibility of Scripture: he also maintains that the Christians are alone competent to know its real meaning because only they possess the Holy Spirit. The article looks upon Justin as a Bible theologian, focusing on what the Old Greek translation, the Septuagint, contributed to the development of his theology. The rendering ‘virgin’ in Isaiah 7,14 became a point of departure for his distinguishing in a series of Old Testament stories between the eternal, invisible God and another god, an ἕτερος θεός, who acted in a figure visible to humans and who was the pre-existent Christ. In his selection of Old Testament texts, Justin seems to have aimed at giving content to the saying in Luke 24,44. Thus, he delivers proof from Scripture for the belief that the promised Messiah must be identified with Jesus. As to the question of how Justin became acquainted with Old Testament Scripture, the article defends the view that it was mainly through independent reading. Thus, he did not use any already existing collections of testimonia. Rather, he created one. To the old question of how Justin could quote the same text in different versions, the preferred answer in this article is that the Dialogue mainly consists of older manuscripts, which Justin had, in an old age, mechanically worked together, not so much in order to convince Jews as to offer a manual for Christians who might be tempted by a Jewish understanding of Scripture.
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Sitopu, Elisamark. "MEMAHAMI KENABIAN YEREMIA DAN KITABNYA." Jurnal Teologi Cultivation 3, no. 1 (July 14, 2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.46965/jtc.v3i1.247.
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Abstract[Title: Understanding Jeremiah’s Prophecy and His Book] Jeremiah is a prophet in the Old Testament, whose book is thick with a maximum biography. To understand the message of the prophet of Jeremiah, the readers must recognize two important things. First, the prophet Jeremiah himself, and the second,the book of Jeremiah. On one hand, there are frictions between Old Testament scholars about the historicity of Jeremiah's own figure. Is the figure of Jeremiah real or not real? On the other hand, there are many problems regarding the book of Jeremiah, related to the author of the book of Jeremiah. Who was the author of this book?Was it Jeremiah himself, or his secretary Barukh,orsomeone else, or later editors?Other problems related to the text about large differences in Jeremiah's text in the Hebrew and Greek versions of the Bible are very striking. In this study the author intends to provide an alternative solution to the complexity of Jeremiah's figure and his book.Keywords: Prophet Jeremiah, Book of Jeremiah
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Piwowar, Andrzej. "Respect for the Doctor (Sir 38:1-3)." Biblical Annals 10, no. 1 (March 21, 2019): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.291.
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The first part of the article synthetically presents the Old Testament Israelites’ attitude to doctors and their activities. It is an essential prerequisite for the depiction of the innovative approach to the issue proposed by Sirach in Sir 38:1-15. Subsequently, the translation of the text’s Greek version into Polish is presented and the pericope’s structure is divided into four parts: I. 38:1-3 – respect for the doctor, II. 38:4-8 – the value of medicine, III. 38:9-11 – the relation of the sick to God, and IV. 38:12-15 – the doctor’s role in treating the sick. The present article is devoted to the exegetico-theological analysis of the first part of the Greek version of Sir 38:1-15, that is of 38:1-3. Even though the article is based primarily on the Greek text of the verses, it takes into account its original Hebrew version as well. Sirach calls the believing Israelites to completely change their perception of doctors and their activities. He encourages his readers not to reject doctors but to treat them with respect and reverence, and, indirectly, not to ignore the doctor’s efforts meant to restore health to the sick one. The sage justifies his novel approach with two arguments. First, doctors were created by God and given the task of aiding the sick in their suffering. They are a mere tool in God’s hands, for God is the only Doctor that can truly heal a person (this aspect is emphasized more by the Hebrew than by the Greek text). Secondly, doctors deserve respect for even kings and dignitaries benefit from their service and treat them with respect and reverence. In 38:1-3 Sirach offers a perfect synthesis of Israel’s traditional belief in God, who is the only doctor able to heal a person, with the Hellenistic influence related to medicine and the people who dabble in it.
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Moore, Colton. "Theodotion Zechariah in the Fourth Gospel." Novum Testamentum 63, no. 2 (March 17, 2021): 221–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341690.
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Abstract This article attempts demonstrate that the only two citations of Zechariah in the Fourth Gospel likely derive from “proto-Theodotion” Zechariah (Zech-θ). We first see that the Greek revision Theodotion was extant and available to the authors of the New Testament. Next, we see that the Fourth Gospel’s citation of Zech 9:9 in John 12:15 derives from Zech-θ and does not necessarily rely on Matthew’s Gospel, which itself uses Zech-θ. The most critical piece of evidence for this conclusion is found in the genitive ὄνου, which neither the Old Greek (OG) nor Matthew’s Gospel preserves, but is found explicitly in Zech-θ. We then examine Zech 12:10 in John 19:37 and conclude that it, too, ultimately derives from Zech-θ. This conclusion is plausible because (1) the Fourth Gospel typically uses the Greek versions when citing the OT, (2) Zech-θ was likely at the author’s disposal when writing the Gospel, and (3) the prepositional phrase εἰς ὃν ἐξεκέντησαν reads verbatim with Zech-θ.
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Petit, Thierry. "THE SPHINX ON THE ROOF: THE MEANING OF THE GREEK TEMPLE ACROTERIA." Annual of the British School at Athens 108 (July 30, 2013): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245413000026.
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In the Archaic period, from the end of the seventh and above all in the sixth century bc, sphinxes are ubiquitous in the figured decoration of Greek temples. They appear not only as acroteria, but also on antefixes and simas. As acroteria, they always occur as lateral versions, flanking the central acroterion at a distance. Although these figures have recently been the subject of several exhaustive studies, their significance remains a matter of debate. In the absence of explicit texts, the only means of comprehending their meaning is by examining the combinations of figures in which the sphinx makes an appearance. It is their association in three-part or heraldic compositions with a central vegetal or floral motif which provides the key to the explanation. This group is similar to that known in the Levant in which two sphinxes flank a ‘Tree of Life’, a group which the Old Testament texts allow us to identify as the cherubim guarding the Tree of Life of Genesis 3.24. This group was transmitted to Cyprus and to the Aegean world without losing its meaning. A series of documents allows us to verify that the ‘extended’ group of acroteria that we are concerned with has not lost its symbolic value by comparison with the ‘compact’ group known particularly from Archaic Greek vase-painting. An explanation in terms of eschatological ends and aspirations also permits us to interpret the other associations of the sphinx – with gorgons, with horsemen and with ‘Nike' figures.
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Cahill, Michael. "A Latin-Greek Index of the Vulgate New Testament based on Alfred Schmoller's Handkonkordanz zum griechischen Neuen Testament with an Index of Latin Equivalences Characteristic of "African" and "European" Old Latin Versions of the New Testament (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 3, no. 2 (1995): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0070.
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St-Pierre, Paul. "Translating Communities." TranscUlturAl: A Journal of Translation and Cultural Studies 1, no. 1 (August 5, 2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21992/t9pp8d.
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This article will focus on communities which translate and communities which are translated, with an emphasis on the often unintended, unexpected, and unwanted effects of translation.
Beginning with the scepticism – ‘hostility’ would perhaps be a better word – shown by Augustine towards Jerome’s undertaking to produce a new Latin translation of the Old Testament based on the Hebrew text rather than the Greek version of the Septuagint, and from there moving on to Mark Fettes’s discussion (in In Translation) of the reception of the translation into English of Haida myths by the Canadian poet Robert Bringhurst, as well as to the translation, also into English, of literary texts in Oriya, one of the national languages of India, I will draw attention to what, in these cases at least, has been perceived by some – usually those left out of the process of translation – as the danger or violence of translation.
Given such a negative perception of translation, generalized in the Italian adage traduttore traditore, the question arises as to how this translation effect can at the very least be reduced, if not eliminated entirely, and how the “community with foreign cultures” that Lawrence Venuti writes of in “Translation, Community, Utopia” can come into being. A collaborative approach to translation involving participants from both source and target, foreign and domestic cultures – a new community of translators – will be put forward as a possible solution
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Темчин, Сергей Юрьевич. "Кириллический рукописный учебник древнееврейского языка (список XVI в.) и его учебно-методические приемы." Slavistica Vilnensis 58, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/slavviln.2013.2.1436.
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В статье обосновывается характеристика недавно обнаруженного рукописного кириллического учебника древнееврейского языка, созданного совместными усилиями православных и иудейских книжников, как учебного пособия, с методической точки зрения значительно превосходящего иные восточнославянские двуязычные справочные материалы того же времени. С этой целью подробно описаны применяемые в нем приемы, направленные на такую подачу языкового и сопутствующего текстового (религиозно-культурного) материала, которая облегчила бы его усвоение потенциальным читателем. Методическую сторону рассматриваемого памятника письменности следует признать одним из результатов еврейского вклада в его создание.Ключевые слова: Великое княжество Литовское, кириллическая письменность, иудейско-христианские отношения, древнееврейский язык, руськамова, библейские переводы, жидовствующие....Sergei TemchinCyrillic 16th-century manuscript “Manual of Hebrew” and its teaching methods A concise Manual of Hebrew, recently discovered in a Cyrillic manuscript miscellany of the 3rd quarter of the 16th century (Moscow, the Russian State Archive of Early Acts, F. Mazurin collection (f. 196), inventory 1, No 616, f. 124–130) is very important for the history of the Ruthenian written culture in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The Manual of Hebrew comprises material of three different kinds: a) some excerpts from the original Hebrew Old Testament text (Ge 2.8, 32.27–28; Ps 150; So 3.4 (or 8.2), 8.5; Is 11.12) written in Cyrillic characters; b) a bilingual Hebrew–Ruthenian vocabulary with explanatory notes; c) small quotations from the Ruthenian text of three Old Testament books (Genesis, Isaiah, Song of Songs).The meta-language used in the Manual of Hebrew is Ruthenian. The translations present in the Manual had been made directly from Hebrew. A comparison of the quotations from the Song of Songs found in the Manual and all the known Cyrillic and Glagolitic versions of this book (referring to both the manuscript and the printed sources of different periods) reveals their principal coincidence with the Ruthenian translation found in the Vilnius Old Testament Florilegium (Vilnius, Wróblewskie Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, F 19–262). The originals of the two manuscripts probably originated in the 2nd half of the 15th century in the circle of the learned Kievan Jew Zachariah ben Aaron ha-Kohen who is also known as Skhariya, the initiator of the Novgorod movementof the Judaizers (1471–1504).The Cyrillic Manual of Hebrew is a clear evidence of this language being taught/learned in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania during the late 15th–early 16th century. The learning material and its presentation methods reveal a quite elaborate (although inconsistently implemented) pedagogical approach which puts the Manual aside from the rest of early East Slavic glossaries of the same or earlier date. Thus, the Manual presents, among other features: a) a number of original Hebrew texts written in Cyrillic, divided into small portions (each with a Ruthenian translation) which are then put together to form a continuoustext; b) certain trilingual glossary entries where Hebrew, “Greek” (in reality Slavic borrowings from Greek) and Slavic words are juxtaposed, while in other cases double translations in two different Slavic languages (Ruthenian and Old Church Slavonic) are given; c) some long elaborated definitions, sometimes containing synonymous variants or alternative translations; d) information about the sources of variant Hebrew forms or their meanings; e) information on certain grammatical (gender, plural, possessive) forms and word formation (compounds), etc.It is beyond doubt that the Cyrillic manuscript “Manual of Hebrew” is a result of joint efforts of Jewish and East Slavic bookmen, but the relatively high level of pedagogical and linguistic sophistication of the joint result is to be ascribed to the Jewish compilers of the Manual rather than to their East Slavic co-authors.
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Jocelyn, H. D. "The annotations of M. Valerivs Probvs (II)." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 1 (May 1985): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014646.
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When Mommsen saw foll. 28rline i–29rline 6 of cod. Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 7530, an eighth-century grammatical miscellany from Monte Cassino, he realised immediately the importance of their contents. He wrote to Bergk about his discovery on 2 November 1844 and Bergk published the material early the next year as being an epitome of a treatise on signs applied to literary texts by Probus and earlier Latin grammarians. There had long been known Diogenes Laertius' account of theχῖand other signs placed in the margins of texts of Plato's dialogues, Hephaestion's account of the colometricalπαράγραɸος, κορωνίς, διπλ⋯and⋯στερίσκοςplaced in texts of lyric and dramatic poetry, the chapterde notis sententiarumin Isidore'sOrigines, the names of various treatisesπερ⋯ σημείωνmentioned in theSuda, the references to σημεῖα in Eustathius' commentary on Homer' and in the marginal scholia to Homer, Hesiod, Pindar, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes in Byzantine manuscripts, Cicero's allusions to the⋯βελόςand theδιπλ⋯scattered reports of the signs with which Origen equipped Greek versions of the Old Testament and Jerome's adaptation of Origen's system, and Cassiodorus' account of his own method of noting orthodox and heterodox opinions in ecclesiastical writings.
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Khukhuni, Georgy T., Irina I. Valuitseva, and Anna A. Osipova. "Cultural Words in Sacral Text and their Translation: Linguistic and Extra-Linguistic Factors." Russian Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 487–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9182-2019-23-2-487-508.
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The purpose of this article is to study the issue of key features of the so-called cultural words (realia) in sacred texts (the Bible is taken as an example) as well as a distinctive nature of their cross-language transfer. This problem is essential not only for the Bible translation as such but it also enables to clarify some aspects related to the representation of the vocabulary with cultural identity in the target language that is explained by the very nature of the Old and New Testaments containing a wide variety of the realia that refer directly to a religious cult and to the everyday life of Palestinian people and their neighborhood in the Bible times. The material for the present research includes versions of the Holy Writ created in different periods in a number of languages (Latin, Church Slavonic, Russian and English). While analyzing, the classical translations labelled often as “national” ones have been used (the King James Bible, Synodal Translation), as well and the versions created in the 20th and 21st centuries. The main approach applied herein is the identifying of the corresponding units in the said Bible texts, the ascertainment of the possibility of their ambivalent interpretation, the correlation within the considered versions of translation, the determination of translation strategies used for representing the realia and their comparative analysis. When considering the options presented, special attention has been paid to extra-linguistic factors, since they often play a decisive role in solving the said task. The key results of the made survey can be formulated as follows: 1) since translations could have been made from different versions of the source text, there are cases when certain realia are available in some translations but are missing in others; 2) the use of transcription / transliteration of the realia in Russian versions of the Old Testament in some cases is determined by their representation in the Greek and Church Slavonic texts of the Bible and therefore in both the Synodal and the new translations they can be presented in a form different from that available in European languages; 3) the representation of the Greek word diopetês ( fallen from heaven ) as the proper name Diopet in the Synodal Translation is usually qualified as an elementary mistake, but it could have been also provoked by an intention to follow Greek and Church Slavonic traditions; 4) the existence of the so-called ‘undefined realia’ in the source text, an exact meaning of which is not known, causes their various interpretations in the target language; 5) during the analysis of the units of the target language used in the translation of the Holy Writ, the diachronic aspect must be taken into account considering, on the one hand, the possibility of losing or changing the meaning in the course of linguistic evolution, and on the other hand, avoiding vesting the reality with the meaning that it could not have; 6) a number of translations made in recent decades are characterized by a pronounced pragmatic orientation, in some cases causing a significant neutralization of the national-cultural specificity or its adaptation to the corresponding cultural environment, the degree of admissibility of which in some cases is controversial. The above items enable to clarify a number of aspects related to the methods of translating the realia and the importance of such aspects for attaining the translation adequacy.
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Piwowar, Andrzej. "The Origin and Significance of Medicaments According to Ben Sira (Sir 38:4-8)." Biblical Annals 11, no. 1 (January 28, 2021): 25–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.3743.
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In his reflection on doctors’ work and the process of treatment (Sir 38:1-15), Ben Sira draws attention to the usage of medications (Sir 38:4-8). Many contemporary Jews were probably recalcitrant to use them as ancient medicine resorted to magic. Magic was also employed in the production of medications. The first part of the article synthetically presents the usage of medicines in ancient Israel on the basis of the Old Testament. Then a literary analysis and exegesis of Sir 38:4-8 is attempted. The present article takes into consideration the Greek version of this pericope, for it constitutes the canonical text of the Book of Sirach (the article nevertheless compares the Greek text to its Hebrew original). The pericope evinces a concentric structure (A – 38:4-5; B – 38:6; A’ – 38:7-8). The verses that frame the pericope refer to medicines (vv. 4–5 are devoted to the justification of their use while vv. 7–8 mention the reasons they are used for). The central part (38:6), in turn, focuses on the origin of medical knowledge. Ben Sira strives to persuade his fellow Jews to use medications as they are not related to magic and pose no threat to believers. It is God who created them, and they come from him. The sage refers in his argumentation to what happened in Marah (cf. Exod 15:25) to justify the use of medicines and their natural origin. Medicaments help cure diseases and afflictions and they restore harmony of creation, disrupted by disease and suffering (38:8). Their divine provenance is also corroborated by the fact that knowledge of medicine and medications was given to people by God (38:6). Hence, people should worship God for this great gift.In Sir 38:4-8 Ben Sira performs a perfect synthesis of contemporary medicine developed by neighboring (pagan) peoples with Israel’s faith (only God can cure a person but he does so through medications; medicine is thus a tool in his hands). The sage noticed the positive value and usefulness of medications but through referring to God and showing the divine provenance of medicine he dispelled any doubts the believers might have had concerning the use of medications to cure a disease.
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Anisimova, Tatiana V. "The Pseudepigraphical “Life of Moses” in the “Tichonravov’s Chronograph” and in the Biblical Compendium from the Collection of thе Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius." Slovene 7, no. 1 (2018): 390–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2018.7.1.17.
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The article's goal is to study and publish the text of a specific Slavic-Russian version of the apocryphal Life of Moses, previously unknown, which was identified in two manuscripts in the Russian State Library (both from the late 15th century), namely in the Tikhonravov’s Chronograph from the collection of handwritten books of N. S. Tikhonravov and in the Biblical Compendium from the collection of thе Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius. The remaining versions of the apocryphon have been known to date as parts of Great Menaion Reader, Barsov’s Palaea Interpretata and Complete chronographic Palaea. Both new copies of the apocryphon were included in an extensive fragment of a previously unknown Old Russian chronograph based, firstly, on the Biblical books of Genesis, Exodus, Numbers and the Book of Job, as well as on an unknown Slavic translation of Judean Antiquities by Josephus, and on the following Apocrypha (in addition to the Life of Moses): Lesser Genesis (The Book of Jubilees), Death of Abraham and Genesis of Esau. The original feature of the chronograph is a compilation story of Joseph and his brothers, composed of fragments from the full version of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, the Tale of Joseph the Beautiful by St. Ephraim the Syrian and the famous Letter to Presbyter Khoma from Metropolitan Kliment Smoliatich. Main distinctive features of the Life of Moses published in this article are identified and analyzed: 1) a different sequence of the narration; 2) several individual readings–including primary ones, ascending to the Jewish original; 3) literary and stylistic differences; 4) four insertions, which have correlations with the Greek Chronicon of George Kedrenos and were partially reflected in the Short chronographic Palaea and in the Speech of the Scholar from the Old Russian Tale of Past Years. In addition, some revisions and inserts were discovered in the biblical Compendium of Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius, which are based on the Slavic-Russian translation of the Historical Palaea. The final result of the study is presented as a stemma of relations between the editions of the apocryphon.
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Salvesen, Alison. "Book Review: The Old Testament in Greek." Expository Times 116, no. 5 (February 2005): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524605051868.
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Adams, Sean A. "The Greek Old Testament as Christian Scripture." Expository Times 125, no. 9 (May 28, 2014): 440–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524614524146.
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GOEMAN, PETER J. "The Impact and Influence of Erasmus’s Greek New Testament." Unio Cum Christo 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc2.1.2016.art5.
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Abstract: Although often eclipsed by the giants of the Reformation, Desiderius Erasmus had a notable influence on the Reformation and the world that followed. Responsible for five editions of the Greek New Testament, his contributions include a renewed emphasis on the Greek over against the Latin of the day, as well as influence on subsequent Greek New Testaments and many translations, including Luther’s German Bible and the English King James Version. In God’s providence, Erasmus provided kindling for the fire of the Reformation.
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Wojciechowski, Michał. "Daughters in the Deuterocanonical Books of the Old Testament." Verbum Vitae 37, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.5743.
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The instances where daughters are mentioned in the Greek books of the Old Testament are not numerous. They are interesting, however, and deserving of exegesis and interpretation. In Tobit and Ben Sira their relationship to fathers are stressed and this aspect is of importance, whether those relationships are good or strained. If the texts are compared with the Hebrew Bible, more light is thrown on the personalities of the daughters, and they are valued more highly. Some influence of the Greek civilization can be presupposed here. A link with the Mediterranean culture of honor and shame can also be traced, especially in Ben Sira.
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Hayman, A. Peter. "The Syriac Version of the Old Testament: An Introduction." Journal of Jewish Studies 51, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2261/jjs-2000.
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Ratkus, Artūras. "THE GREEK SOURCESOF THE GOTHIC BIBLE TRANSLATION." Vertimo studijos 2, no. 2 (April 6, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/vertstud.2009.2.10602.
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Almost all of what we know about the structure and properties of Gothic comes from the Gothic translation of the New Testament from Greek. No analysis of Gothic syntax is therefore feasible without reference to the Greek original. This is problematic, however, as the autograph that was used in translating the Bible into Gothic does not exist, and the choice of the Greek edition of the New Testament for comparative study is a matter of debate. The article argues that, in spite of the general structural affinity of the Gothic text to the Greek, the numerous observed deviations from the Greek represent authentic properties of Gothic—it has been argued in the literature, based on such deviations, that Gothic is an SOV language. A comparison of the Gothic Bible and different versions of the Greek New Testament gives a taxonomy of structural and linguistic differences. Based on this, I argue that the correct version of the Greek Bible to use when analysing the structural properties of Gothic is the Byzantine text form, represented by the Majority Text of the New Testament.
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Fisher, Jeff. "The Old Testament Editor of the First Published Greek New Testament: Johannes Oecolampadius (1482–1531)." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 5, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2018-0002.
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Abstract Following its publication in March 1516, Erasmus’s Novum Instrumentum became one of the most significant texts for the Reformation. A less explored element of the development of this first published Greek New Testament is the role of the Old Testament editor, Johannes Oecolampadius (1482–1531). This study focuses on the contributions of Oecolampadius with particular attention given to the Annotations on Romans. By looking through the lens of the remarks in the Novum Instrumentum regarding the Hebrew language and the Old Testament, and comparing them with the lectures by Martin Luther on Romans that he finished with the use of this newly available resource, the influence Oecolampadius had on Luther before his famous action in October 1517 becomes more apparent. Notably, then we can see the resulting influence of Luther on Oecolampadius to embrace the newly forming evangelical teaching and eventually become the leading reformer in Basel.
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Black, Matthew. "The Theological Appropriation of the Old Testament by the New Testament." Scottish Journal of Theology 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693060004463x.
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To speak, in general terms, of trends in modern biblical study is often to over-simplify; and certainly to claim that there has been, in recent years, a trend away from the traditional classicist or ‘hellenist’ approach to New Testament problems towards a more Hebraic or semitic-centred approach would be to be guilty of the same exaggeration as E. C. Hoskyns in 1930: ‘(There are) grounds for supposing no further progress in the understanding of … Christianity to be possible unless the ark of New Testament exegesis be recovered from its wanderings in the land of the Philistines (sic) and be led back not merely to Jerusalem, for that might mean contemporary Judaism, but to its home in the midst of the classical Old Testament Scriptures — to the Law and the Prophets.’ There is, nevertheless, some truth in A. M. Hunter's later statement: ‘After ransacking all sorts of sources, Jewish and Greek (and, we may add, starting all sorts of “hares”, some of which have not run very well), (scholars) are discovering the truth of Augustine's dictum, “The New Testament lies hidden in the Old, and the Old is made plain in the New”’ (Novum Testamentum in vetere latet, vetus in novo patet).
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Artemi, Eirini. "The Psalms, the Hymns, and the Texts of the Old Testament and Their Use in Holy Monday and Tuesday." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Orthodoxa 65, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbto.2020.2.08.
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"Abstract The worship of the Orthodox Eastern Church involves a multitude of references hints and images of the Old Testament, in all the sequences (liturgies) and hymns. Particularly in the Holy and Great Week, the texts of the Old Testament are used with particular emphasis. On Holy Monday and on Holy Tuesday there is use of the texts of the Old Testament. Holy and Great Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday remind us of the eschatological meaning of Pascha. In this paper we are going to analyze the real and deep influence of the Old Testament to these days of Holy Monday and Tuesday and why the Orthodox Church chose to use the Old Testament although the Jews refused Christ and led him to death. The goal is to show that Orthodox Greek Christians use these texts from the Old Testament because they have no hostile attitude against Jews. Keywords: Old Testament, Holy Week, Holy Monday, Holy Tuesday, liturgy, psalms"
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Casiday, Augustine, and Michael A. Knibb. "Translating the Bible: The Ethiopic Version of the Old Testament." Journal of Biblical Literature 120, no. 4 (2001): 758. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268278.
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Brock, S. "Translating the Bible: The Ethiopic Version of the Old Testament." Journal of Semitic Studies 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/49.1.168.
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Michaels, J. Ramsey. "Charles Thomson and the First American New Testament." Harvard Theological Review 104, no. 3 (July 15, 2011): 349–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816011000253.
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Charles Thomson (1729–1824) is best known as the first translator of the Septuagint, or Greek Old Testament, into English—or for that matter into any modern language. He is less well known as the first American translator of the New Testament, for his four volumes included the New Testament as well as the Old.1 His achievements are remarkable, for he was no professional scholar but a layman—early American patriot, Secretary to the Continental Congress, and friend of Thomas Jefferson—who taught himself Greek in order to carry out the task. Born in Ireland in 1729, he arrived in America as an orphan at the age of ten, learned Latin, went into business, and became an activist in resisting the repressive measures of the British government, particularly the Stamp Act.
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Usakiewicz, Krzysztof. "The Greek Phyllada and the Old Serbian Alexander Romance." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 2 (June 13, 2015): 257–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2013.012.
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The Greek Phyllada and the Old Serbian Alexander RomanceThe texts presents chosen fragments of the Greek "Phyllada", or the story about Alexander the Great, and its Polish translation, with an introduction commenting the relation between the Greek and Serbian version of Alexader's gesta.
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Bellmann, Simon. "The Theological Character of the Old Latin Version of Esther." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 27, no. 1 (September 2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820717735714.
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The Old Latin version of Esther is witness to a lost Greek Vorlage. It differs significantly from other ancient (Hebrew, Greek, and Aramaic) Esther stories as it includes, for instance, a prayer of the Jewish community as well as several additional cases of divine intervention; it also omits any mention of the ‘massacre episode’. Previous research on the Old Latin Esther has largely focused on text-historical questions. This article intends to broaden the discussion by examining the theological character of the text. A close comparison with the extant Hebrew and Greek Esther versions reveals that the Old Latin emphasizes the importance of the Jewish community and presents Mordecai as its prototypical leader in both religious and political matters. In addition, the Vetus Latina emphasizes the crucial role of divine action, induced by acts of religious observance and petitionary prayer.
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Pannkuk, Justin L. "The Preface to Old Greek Daniel 5: A Formal Approach." Vetus Testamentum 67, no. 2 (March 17, 2017): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341273.
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Prefixed to the Old Greek version of Daniel 5 is a brief Preface that recounts some of the plot lines of the narrative. This article clarifies the nature of the Preface and discusses its significance for understanding the legend’s development. It is argued that the Preface must have derived from a longer version of the narrative, because it lacks elements intrinsic to the og and mt versions. These elements are isolated with the help of the typology of story forms developed in folklore studies. The unique variants preserved in the Preface suggest that it derives from a third, parallel version of the legend. This third version lacked a reference to the temple vessels from Jerusalem, which allows us to appreciate the role of the vessels in the og and mt traditions, especially how they integrate this story into a larger discourse about the fate of the vessels in post-exilic literature.
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Burgess, R. W. "Another Look at Sosates, The “Jewish Homer”." Journal for the Study of Judaism 44, no. 2 (2013): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340371.
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Abstract A late eighth-century Latin translation of a Greek Alexandrian chronograph of the second quarter of the sixth century contains a reference to a Sosates, who is described as a “Jewish Homer” who lived in Alexandria. The first, and most complicated, difficulty with this short entry is determining Sosates’ date, which would seem to be the second quarter of the first century B.C.E. The next difficulty is working out what “Jewish Homer” means. Clues are provided by the Jewish poets Philo, Theodotus, and Ezekiel, who used Greek tragic and epic verse to describe Jewish content including the Old Testament, and by the later tradition of Christian Biblical epic in Greek and Latin, which we know of from the fourth century onwards. These examples suggest that Sosates turned some part of the early books of the Old Testament into Homeric verse.
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Porkhomovsky, Victor, and Irina Ryabova. "The Zulu version of the old testament from a typological perspective." Language in Africa 1, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 212–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2020-1-4-212-225.
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The present paper continues typological studies of the Bible translation strategies in different languages. These studies deal with passages and lexemes in the canonical text of the Biblia Hebraica, that refl ect ancient cultural and religious paradigms, but do not correspond to later monotheist principles of Judaism and Christianity. The canonical Hebrew text does not allow of any changes. Thus, two translation strategies are possible: (1) to preserve these passages in the text of the translation (a philological strategy), (2) to edit them according to the monotheist principles (ideological strategy). The focus in the present paper is made on the problem of rendering the name of the ancient Semitic goddess ’ashera, attested as the companion of the supreme gods in certain traditions and pantheons (’El /’Il/, Ba‘al, YHWH). Two strategies of rendering the name of ’ashera are attested in different Bible translations: (1) to preserve the name of the goddess (philological strategy), (2) to eliminate this name or to replace it with the names of her fetishes and sacred objects (ideological strategy). The Zulu case of rendering the name ’ashera is particularly looked at in this paper.
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McLay, R. Timothy. "The Old Greek translation of Daniel iv-vi and the formation of the Book of Daniel." Vetus Testamentum 55, no. 3 (2005): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568533054359823.
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AbstractThe content of the Old Greek translation of Daniel iv-vi is significantly different compared to the so-called Theodotion version and the Masoretic Text. In addition, the best witness to the Old Greek version (papyrus 967) has an alternative order for the chapters: chapters vii and viii intervene between iv and v. The proposals by J. Lust and O. Munnich that 967 preserves a more original version of the content and order of the chapters for the Vorlage of Daniel are critiqued. Additional linguistic evidence that supports the theory that the Old Greek translation of chapters iv-vi circulated together independently is also provided. Finally, a hypothesis for the growth and stages of the book of Daniel that includes an explanation for the origins of the Greek versions is outlined.
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Goswell, Gregory. "Should the Church Be Committed to a Particular Order of the Old Testament Canon?" Horizons in Biblical Theology 40, no. 1 (April 12, 2018): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341364.
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Abstract This article argues that Hebrew and Greek ot canonical orders are both ancient, and that there is no evidence that the Hebrew canon represents the oldest arrangement or that the Greek way of ordering the biblical books was due to Christian influence. This finding precludes the idea that either order is to have hermeneutical priority over the other, or that either organization can be made the exclusive basis for a theological appreciation of the ot. The Hebrew and Greek ot canons need not be read as competing traditions in early Jewish communities, and, in terms of interpretive method, the contemporary reader is not required to decide which sequence of books is to have precedence as a frame for interpretation. The various canonical arrangements are better viewed as interpretive options available to ancient readers and now offered to present-day readers for their pondering.
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Müller, Mogens. "Septuagintas betydning for udfoldelsen af nytestamentlig teologi." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 79, no. 2 (May 10, 2016): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v79i2.105784.
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The old Greek translation of the sacred books of Judaism, the so-called Septuagint, became the first Bible of the Christian Church. Among other things, this meant that much of the vocabulary and many of the theological concepts of the Jewish sacred texts were already available in a Greek form. On the other hand, this fact also had the consequence that the understanding of the underlying Hebrew text and its eventual interpretation by the translators were taken over by the New Testament authors, beginning with the apostle Paul. The first part of this article summarizes parts of the discussion of the role of the Septuagint as the ‘Bible’ text of the New Testament and its impact on the formation of New Testament theology
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Kraus, Matthew. "HEBRAISMS IN THE OLD LATIN VERSION OF THE BIBLE." Vetus Testamentum 53, no. 4 (2003): 487–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853303770558185.
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AbstractRecent work on the Old Latin version of the Bible attributes Hebraisms to a hebraized Greek Vorlage. The results of this work question previous claims that the Hebraisms of the Old Latin derive from Jewish attempts to revise the Old Latin towards the Hebrew directly through Hebrew texts and Jewish exegetical traditions. This study reconsiders the evidence in favor of Hebraizations of the Old Latin from a Hebrew source and concludes that: 1. There was no translation of the Bible directly from the Hebrew into Latin prior to Jerome. 2. There was no editorial reworking of the Old Latin directly from the Hebrew. 3. Hebraisms in the Old Latin must be attributed to the Greek tradition or Jerome and his influence. 4. Since Jerome's time, interest in the Hebrew text behind the Latin also accounts for the Hebraisms found in the Old Latin. 5. Jewish communities utilized a Latin Bible borrowed from Christians after Jerome.
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Storey, Ian C. "Old Comedy 1982-1991." Antichthon 26 (November 1992): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000666.
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A version of this commentary and bibliography was originally presented at the ‘Greek Drama II’ conference in Christchurch in February 1992. A subtitle could have been ‘What's been done since Sydney’ (site of ‘Greek Drama I’ in 1982), since my topic was to present a survey of the work of the past decade in Old Comedy. In a short period I cannot deal with all plays and topics, but will limit myself to six areas of discussion: (a) general studies, (b) Aristophanes’ early career, (c) Aristophanes and politics, (d) ritual as sub-text, (e) women in comedy, and (f) Eupolis and Kratinos.
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Eyo, Ubong Ekpenyong. "The Concept of Atonement in the Old Testament, Greco-Roman World and the New Testament." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2020): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.36079/lamintang.jhass-0202.124.
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The Concept of Atonement has been an old concept in the biblical world. The Old Testament speaks of it using mainly the Hebrew word כפר (kphr), with its attendant various implications. This concept wasn’t alien in the Greco-Roman world which formed part of the New Testament background. The New Testament writers pushed the concept of atonement beyond the level of animal sacrifice in the Old Testament, and the gods allowing themselves to be reconciled to sinful humanity in the Greco-Roman religious context, to the point of Jesus Christ being viewed as the Lamb of God, i.e. both the sacrificial lamb and the priest that offers the sacrifice. In this way, Christ is presented both as the offering and the offeror. The New Testament uses two main Greek words καταλλαγή/ (katallage) and ἱλασμός (hilasmos) in driving home this important concept which stems from God’s love towards the creation and results in forgiveness, restoration of estranged relationship, maintenance of divine justice and expression of divine mercy. The work used content analysis method of research and comparative theory in the study of religion in dealing with the subject of atonement in the Old Testament, Greco-Roman Context and the New Testament. Significantly, the work draws a thread of thought from Old Testament through Greco-Roman thought on atonement to that of the New Testament. It therefore also serves a point of comparative religious study of this thought among these three world views.
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McCuaig, William. "The Tridentine Ruling on the Vulgate and Ecclesiastical Censorship in the 1580s." Renaissance and Reformation 30, no. 3 (January 21, 2009): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v30i3.11506.
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Four works by the historian Carlo Sigonio (1523-1584) were made the target of censures by ecclesiastical authorities in the early 1580s. His works were never put on the index of prohibited books, but the censures reveal the mentality and concerns of the censors more clearly than any other surviving documentation from this period. This article examines the censures directed against Sigonio's historical investigation of Old Testament history. By using sources such as the Greek text of the Old Testament, Philo, and Josephus, Sigonio committed the error of Judaizing.