Journal articles on the topic 'Greek Scholars'
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1
Showerman, Earl. "A Century of Scholarly Neglect: Shakespeare and Greek Drama." Journal of Scientific Exploration 37, no. 2 (August 11, 2023): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31275/20233109.
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In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a number of Shakespeare scholars, including Israel Gollancz (1894), H.R.D. Anders (1904), J. Churton Collins (1904), and Gilbert Murray (1914) wrote convincingly of Shakespeare’s debt to classical Greek drama. However, in the century since, most scholars and editors have repeatedly held that Shakespeare was not familiar with Greek drama. In Classical Mythology in Shakespeare (1903), Robert Kilburn Root expressed the opinion on Shakespeare’s ‘lesse Greek’ that presaged this enduring dismissal: “It is at any rate certain that he nowhere alludes to any characters or episodes of Greek drama, that they extended no influence whatsoever on his conception of mythology.” (p. 6) This century-long consensus against Attic dramatic influence was reinforced by A.D. Nutall, who wrote, “that Shakespeare was cut off from Greek poetry and drama is probably a bleak truth that we should accept.” (Nutall, 2004, p.210) Scholars have preferred to maintain that Plutarch or Ovid were Shakespeare’s surrogate literary mediators for the playwright’s adaptations from Greek myth and theatre. Other scholars, however, have questioned these assumptions, including Laurie Maguire, who observed that “invoking Shakespeare’s imagined conversations in the Mermaid tavern is not a methodology likely to convince skeptics that Shakespeare knew Greek drama.” (p. 98) This near-universal rejection of Greek drama as Shakespeare sources have profound philological implications. Indeed, this essay argues that the proscription against recognizing the Attic canon as an influence in Shakespeare has been driven by the belief that Will Shakspere of Stratford had, at most, an education that was Latin-based. The examples show that the real author had to have been exposed to both the Greek language and the Greek dramatists. Evidence for alternative candidates, including Edward de Vere, shows that many were schooled in Greek and that some even collected and supported translations of Greek works. It is my contention that Shakespeare’s dramatic imagination was actually fired by the Greeks, and Shakespeare research has clearly suffered from a century of denial.
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Donnellan, Lieve. "Ruth M. Léger. Artemis and her cult." Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (January 1, 2017): 457–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v2i.624.
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Artemis and Aphrodite occupied an important place in ancient Greek society and despite a very long tradition of scholarship into Greek beliefs, the divine world of the Greeks has lost nothing of its attraction for contemporary scholars, as testify two recently published books, both the result of the respective author’s PhD research.
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Breger, Claudia. "Gods, German Scholars, and the Gift of Greece." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 7-8 (December 2006): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276406069886.
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This article argues that the abundance of Greek figures and scenarios in Kittler’s recent work points to a shift in his oeuvre, which, however, does not represent a radical break with his ‘hardware studies’. At the turn of the 21st century, Kittler champions an emphatic notion of culture as a necessary supplement to science and technology. This conceptual marriage mediates grand historical narratives of cultural identity. Specifically, Kittler’s texts provide us with narratives of Greek origin which serve to re-capture collective identities in the age of globalization. On the explicit level, this identity is predominantly European, but the search has national components as well. With his turn to culture, the organizing trope of 19th-century German nationalism, Kittler has also embraced the legacy of German philhellenism, which articulated national identities through the theme of ‘elective affinity’. Kittler’s Greece occupies the very structural place it had in 19th-century German philhellenism: It stands in for both the foundation of European civilization and its virtual better self, a realm of sensual culture untainted by modern capitalism and Empire. Most of the figures inhabiting this realm are familiar from 19th-century discourse as well, but these discursive loops are fueled by contemporary feedback. Kittler’s Greek narratives have developed out of postwar academic discourses and connect to other post-unification Greek fantasies.
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Pedersen, Olaf. "Greek Astronomers and Their Neighbours." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 91 (1987): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100105871.
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In Europe it has been customary to regard the ancient Greeks as our intellectual ancestors. Greek science was seen as the fountainhead from which modern European science ultimately derived both its existence and its characteristic features. This was not a completely empty idea. Each time a modern astronomer mentions a planet, the perigee and apogee of its orbit, its periods and their various anomalies, he is using so many Greek words. Moreover, until about a hundred years ago the extant works of the Greeks were the earliest scientific texts known to European scholars so that Greek science acquired a unique position in the European mind,and that ancient Greek culture in general became ‘classical’ and thus an ideal model or pattern for civilization as such. In consequence, the traditional European History of Science became an account of how science arose among the Greeks, how it penetrated into other cultural areas, and how it was sometimes eclipsed and again reborn in one of the so-called ‘renaissances’ of which European historians are so fond to speak.
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Damodaram Pillai, Karan. "The Hybrid Origin of Brāhmī Script from Aramaic, Phoenician and Greek Letters." Indialogs 10 (April 12, 2023): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/indialogs.213.
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The origins of Brāhmī script have been mired in controversy for over a century since the Semitic model was first proposed by Albrecht Weber in 1856. Although Aramaic has remained the leading candidate for the source of Brāhmī, no scholar has adequately explained a letter by letter derivation, nor accounted for the marked differences between Aramaic, Kharoṣṭhīand Brāhmī scripts. As a result, the debate is far from settled. In this article I attempt to finally answer the vexed questions that have plagued scholars for over a century, regarding the exact origins of Brāhmī, through a comparative letter by letter analysis with other Semitic origin scripts. I argue that Brāhmī was not derived from a single script, but instead was a hybrid invention by Indian scholars from Aramaic, Phoenician and Greek letters provided by a western Semitic trader.
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Easterling, P. E. "Anachronism in Greek tragedy." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631518.
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Anachronism-hunting has been out of fashion with scholars in recent times, for the good reason that it can easily seem like a rather trivial sort of parlour game. But given that Greek tragedy draws so heavily on the past, a close look at some examples may perhaps throw light on a far from trivial subject, the dramatists' perception of the heroic world.So long as anachronism was treated as an artistic failing the debate was bound to be unproductive; one can symphathise with Jebb's view (on Soph. El. 48 ff.) that Attic tragedy was ‘wholly indifferent’ to it. And one can see why later scholars have objected to the very idea of anachronism as irrelevant and misleading. Ehrenberg, for example, wrote in 1954: ‘It is entirely mistaken to distinguish between mythical and thus quasi-historical features on the one hand and contemporary and thus anachronistic on the other. There is always the unity of the one poem or play, displaying the ancient myth, although shaped in the spirit of the poet's mind and time.’
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Graf, Fritz. "GREEK CURSING, AND OURS." Greece and Rome 69, no. 1 (March 7, 2022): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000255.
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This paper looks at our term ‘curse tablet’ in the light of the Greek distinction between ἀραί (‘curses’) and κατάδεσμοι (‘binding spells’). It analyses the role of cursing in Greek culture and sketches a short history of research that led German and Anglophone scholars to coin a modern terminology that disregards the ancient distinction.
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Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 66, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000347.
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It felt slightly spooky when I opened The Winnowing Oar and found a lecture by Martin West on editing the Odyssey that concludes with a pre-emptive defence of his endorsement of Aristophanes’ reading at Od. 13.158: six months earlier, in my brief review of West's edition (G&R 65 [2018], 272), I had – somewhat recklessly – described that reading as ‘reckless’. It's an excellent lecture, and well worth reading. But the Aristophanic variant still fails to convince me. This difference of opinion pales into insignificance, however, next to the textual bombshell in Franco Montanari's chapter in the same volume, on the failed embassy in Iliad 9. Applying the familiar analytic argument-schema ‘X would have mentioned Y, if Y had been in the text that X read’, I am inexorably led to the conclusion that Montanari is working from a text of Iliad 9 in which the embassy concludes with Achilles’ response to Phoenix (47). The long-standing riddle of the use of duals to describe a three-man delegation is therefore solved: Ajax was a later addition to the text. The alternative explanation, that X has chosen not to mention the one member of the delegation who (even after Achilles has pointedly declared the discussion at an end) succeeds in getting Achilles to make a positive (though deferred) commitment to coming to the rescue of his comrades (649–55), is surely too far-fetched to be credible. Montanari is a very fine scholar: but the embassy that he describes is not the one that I find in my text. Eleven other fine scholars have contributed to this Festschrift for Antonios Rengakos: I will briefly mention three chapters that particularly caught my attention. Margalit Finkelberg argues persuasively for a seventh-century fixation of the Homeric texts in the light of iconographical evidence. Jonas Grethlein, in a study of Odysseus and Achilles in the Odyssey, hopes to show (and succeeds in doing so) ‘that the relation between Odysseus and Achilles in Homeric epic is far more complex than the metapoetically charged juxtaposition of βίη versus μῆτις, which Greg Nagy's The Best of the Achaeans has made a central creed of Homeric scholarship’ (140). I agree whole-heartedly: this painfully reductive antithesis never deserved the prominence it has gained. And, as Grethlein observes, ‘the Iliadic echoes make the Odyssey into more than an adventure story: it becomes a multi-facetted narrative engaged with ethical issues’ (138). Gregory Hutchinson, who can be relied upon for stimulating thoughts expressed with precision, elegance, and wit, begins by suggesting that scholars have laid ‘too much emphasis on the production’ of the Homeric poems, ‘and not enough on the effect of the works on the audience or audiences of the time’ (145). He goes on to examine the phenomenon of repetition in the light of cognitive studies (specifically, the concept of ‘attention’) and comparative literature. Oral improvisation is acknowledged as ‘a conceivable possibility’, but ‘it may be time to turn…our primary attention…to an understanding of [the poem's] impact which best fits the text and best captures its multiplicity and power’ (167).
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Andres, Amy J. "Greek Civilization Through the Eyes of Travellers and Scholars (review)." Libraries & the Cultural Record 41, no. 4 (2006): 523–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lac.2006.0000.
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Monzó, Carlos. "Ancient Greek οι-stem." Journal of Greek Linguistics 19, no. 2 (December 6, 2019): 168–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01902004.
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Abstract The semantics of ancient Indo-European noun stems has not yet received enough attention from scholars. However, the noun stems exhibit an inner semantic coherence arranged in accordance with the basic linguistic principles of categorisation. My aim in this paper is to demonstrate the internal semantic coherence of the Ancient Greek οι-stem noun category and to compare it with other well-studied morphosemantic categories in order to suggest a particular meaning structure.
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Todd, D. D. "The Fine Awareness of Martha Nussbaum." Dialogue 33, no. 2 (1994): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300010556.
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For some years now Martha Nussbaum's reputation as a brilliant literary critic, literary scholar and philosopher has grown with each new publication until today the fact is readily acknowledged even by her most vigorous opponents. Her splendid book, The Fragility of Goodness: Luck and Ethics in Greek Tragedy and Philosophy put her in the first rank of both Greek scholarship and contemporary ethical thought. It has already achieved the rare stature of one of those monumental works by which moral philosophers and literary scholars must now orient their work. Love's Knowledge, however, is not likely to enhance her considerable reputation by much since it contains very little that is new.
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Bryan, Jenny. "Philosophy." Greece and Rome 69, no. 2 (September 6, 2022): 352–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383522000134.
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The eleventh volume of the Studia Praesocratica series presents a welcome challenge to scholars of early Greek philosophy to get to grips with the exciting and valuable material found in the Herculanean testimonia. These texts provide a resource that has often been overlooked even by those seeking relatively recently to present comprehensive collections of texts and evidence on the Presocratics, and Christian Vassallo has done a great service in producing this extensive collection of textual evidence, along with English translations and commentary. As Vassallo makes clear in his introduction and individual commentary sections, a close study of the reception of early Greek philosophy in the Epicurean tradition throws up exciting new perspectives that may well provide a basis to challenge standard narratives, particularly with respect to early epistemology and theology. The work is explicitly designed to be of value not just to papyrologists but to scholars of early Greek philosophy too. With this in mind, Vassallo presents the evidence separately for each individual Presocratic, with separate commentary sections aiming to put the evidence into its Epicurean context. He extends the coverage of his already monumental work by including a useful appendix on ‘Diogenes of Oinoanda's Criticism of Presocratic Philosophy’ (595–645). Any scholar of early Greek philosophy seeking to undertake a comprehensive survey of the textual evidence will be grateful to Vassallo for the work he has done and for how accessible he has rendered these texts.
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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 64, no. 1 (March 14, 2017): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000267.
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Mediterranean islands and their adjacent coastlands have long been the subject of a wide range of disciplines and discourses; from prehistory to late antiquity and beyond, the processes of imperial expansion, economic interconnectedness and cultural change have had a deep impact on their history. In recent decades the conceptual apparatus through which we study those processes has started to shift significantly. Earlier approaches influenced by nationalism and colonialism tended to adopt totalizing, top-down, and centre–periphery perspectives. The three volumes examined in this review are evidence that things are changing radically; but they also demonstrate the need for particular disciplines and subdisciplines to pay attention to each other. Though all three volumes focus on, or give major attention to, archaeological evidence, it is quite evident that prehistoric, classical, and late antique scholars follow distinctive scholarly traditions that could all benefit from more cross-fertilization.
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Davies, M. "Monody, Choral Lyric, and the Tyranny of the Hand-Book." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 1 (January 1988): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031268.
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Open any history or hand-book of Greek literature in general, or Greek lyric in particular, and you will very soon come across several references to monody and choral lyric as important divisions within the broader field of melic poetry. And the terms loom larger than the mere question of handy labels: they permeate and pervade the whole approach to archaic Greek poetry. Chapters or sub-headings in literary histories bear titles like ‘Archaic choral lyric’ or ‘Monody’. Indeed it is possible to write a whole book and call it Early Greek Monody. Diehl's Anthologia Lyrica Graeca was structured around this distinction, which it adopted in preference to the chronological arrangement that is the obvious alternative. Indeed, it went so far as ‘to invent Greek titles “μονωιδίαι” and “χορωιδίαι” (sic)’. Most scholars would now agree that this is to go too far. But most would also continue to accept the validity and importance of the division, which a scholar has recently termed ‘the most fundamental generic distinction within ancient lyric poetry’
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CICANCI, OLGA. "ΤΟ ΣΤΑΔΙΟ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΕΥΝΑΣ ΣΧΕΤΙΚΑ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ ΔΙΑΣΠΟΡΑ ΣΤΟΝ ΡΟΥΜΑΝΙΚΟ ΧΩΡΟ (ΤΟΝ 17ο - 18ο ΑΙΩΝΑ)." Eoa kai Esperia 7 (January 1, 2007): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eoaesperia.99.
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<p>This paper offers an overview of the state of research on the Greek tradediaspora in Romania. The preoccupation of the Romanian historiographywith the Greek trade diaspora in Romania dates back to early 40's. The commercialactivity and the institutional organization of the Greek tradecompanies of Sibiu and Braçov was the topic which initially attracted theattention of Romanian historians. Since the 80's multiplied the number ofpublications and research projects concerning the history of Greek merchanthouses in the Transylvanian towns, while the economic role of Greeks hasbeen accentuated by scholars of the Romanian economic history of the 18thcentury. Recently, the research interest has been expanded to the study of theGreek commercial activity in the Romanian port-cities during the 19thcentury.</p><p>The paper includes information about archival data, unpublisheddocuments and doctoral theses, as well as a list of the more recentpublications concerning the history of the Greek trade diaspora in Romania.</p>
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Hall, Jonathan M. "The role of language in Greek ethnicities." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 41 (1996): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001942.
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The subject of ethnic identity in antiquity has a long-established – if somewhat dubious – pedigree. From as early as the end of the eighteenth century, scholars such as Friedrich von Schlegel were applying themselves to the art, customs and political forms which were thought to characterise GreekStämmesuch as the Dorians, Ionians, Aeolians and Athenians. It was the nineteenth century, however, which witnessed a more systematic treatment of ancient ethnicity, as scholarly intuitions were subjected to the rigorous interrogation that was demanded by the newly-established discipline ofAltertumswissenschaft. Typical of the new breed of professional scholars was Karl Otfried Müller, who devoted himself to analysing theVolksgeistof groups such as the Etruscans, the Minyans and – most famously – the Dorians.
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Doxiadis, Evdoxios. "Resurrecting the Law: State Formation and Legal Debates in Nineteenth-Century Greece." European History Quarterly 48, no. 4 (October 2018): 629–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418798319.
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This paper discusses the legal debates of nineteenth-century Greece and the attempts to produce a legal framework following the establishment of the modern Greek state. These debates had both a practical significance since such a framework was essential for the creation of a modern state, and an ideological one since the chosen framework would be a statement about how the new state perceived itself, its history, and its place in Europe. These questions were particularly relevant in the case of civil law as Greek legal scholars contemplated whether to accept the use of customary law, or to reject it, and if so what laws should replace it. In this paper, I examine this debate within the context of European legal developments and the process of codification undertaken throughout Europe from the late eighteenth to the nineteenth centuries, as well as the ideological and practical implications of the debate. I argue that, despite the belief that the efforts of Greek legal scholars led to the elimination of the use of customary law from the Greek judicial system, my research in the archival material of the Appeals Court of Athens indicates that customary law was still dominant a generation after the establishment of the modern Greek state. I conclude that a re-examination of the role and practices of the Greek courts in the nineteenth century is much needed as their flexibility thirty years after the creation of the Greek state is closer to the legal pluralism of the courts of the Ottoman period than to the model advocated by the contemporary legal scholars who demanded a ‘modern’ judicial system to assist the renaissance of the Greek nation.
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Konaris, Michael D. "Myth or history? Ancient Greek mythology in Paparrigopoulos’ History of the Hellenic nation: controversies, influences and implications." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 16 (April 1, 2020): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.22826.
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This article examines the treatment of Greek mythology in Paparrigopoulos’ History of the Hellenic nation (1860–1874) in the light of contemporary Western European historiography. The interpretation of Greek myths was highly contested among nineteenth-century scholars: could myths be used as historical sources or were they to be dismissed as figments of imagination devoid of historical value? did they express in allegorical form sublime religious doctrines that anticipated Christianity, or did they attest to the Greeks’ puerile notions about the gods? The article investigates how Paparrigopoulos positioned himself with respect to these questions, which had major consequences for one’s view of early Greek history and the relation between ancient Greek culture and christianity, and his stance towards traditional and novel methods of myth interpretation such as euhemerism, symbolism, indo-european comparative mythology and others. it explores how Paparrigopoulos’ approach differs from those encountered in earlier modern Greek historiography, laying stress on his attempt to study Greek myths “scientifically” on the model of Grote and the implications this had. in addition, the article considers Paparrigopoulos’ wider account of ancient Greek religion’s relation to Christianity and how this affected the thesis of the continuity of Greek history.
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Law, T. M. "How Not to Use 3 Reigns: A Plea to Scholars of the Books of Kings." Vetus Testamentum 61, no. 2 (2011): 280–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853311x564804.
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AbstractThe authors of two recent monographs have attempted to discredit the view that the Greek translation of 1 Kings was based on a Hebrew text that differed from the MT. One argues that the translator was responsible, while the other suggests the divergences are the result of inner-Greek revisional activity. While these arguments are not entirely original, they are the latest attempts to challenge the more commonly held view that the Greek translator did in fact translate faithfully from a Hebrew text at odds with the MT. This article assesses these arguments, and concludes with a plea to scholars writing Hebrew Bible commentaries on the books of Kings.
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Conley, Thomas. "Greek Rhetorics After the Fall of Constantinople: An Introduction." Rhetorica 18, no. 3 (2000): 265–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2000.18.3.265.
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Abstract: This short paper will sketch the twilight years of Greek rhetorics, roughly from 1500 until just after the Greek War of Independence. This is an area that, like much else in neo-Greek intellectual history, has been sadly ignored in “Western” scholarship. Greek scholars played an important part in the reception of the works of Hermogenes, Longinus, and pseudo-Demetrius in the mid- and late-sixteenth century. But other Greek teachers and scholars at the College of St. Athanasius in Rome, at the University of Padua, at the Flanginian Academy in Venice, and at schools in Bucharest, Jannina, and Constantinople itself continued to add to those traditions with numerous school texts, homiletic handbooks, and some interesting philosophical treatments of rhetoric. Their names (Korydaleus, Skoufos, Mavrokordates, Damodos, and many others) are unknown to most students of the history of rhetoric—a situation this paper will try in its small way to change.
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Nedavnya, Olga V. "The state of modern Ukrainian Greek Catholicism." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 46 (March 25, 2008): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.46.1929.
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The phenomenon of modern Greek Catholicism in Ukraine is a prominent phenomenon in the spiritual field of our country. Accordingly, it is the subject of scrutiny by religious scholars. After a considerable amount of research into the history of Ukrainian Greek Catholicism, scholars, especially representatives of Western Ukraine, study the particular manifestations of his present life. There are works that analyze the socially significant work of the UGCC from different angles. However, there is still a lack of comprehensive research, impartially confessional or "post-theistic," among the latter. At the same time, such work is needed now, when the UGCC, as well as other Churches in our country, face new tasks in the new circumstances of social and spiritual life.
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Chrissidis, Nikolaos. "The Russian Holy Synod and the Greeks." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 54, no. 1-3 (August 13, 2020): 72–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05401006.
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Abstract The article first surveys Greek interpretations of the creation of the Russian Holy Synod by Peter the Great. It provides a critical assessment of the historiographical paradigm offered by N.F. Kapterev for the analysis of Greek-Russian relations in the early modern period. Finally, it proposes that scholars should focus on a Greek history of Greek-Russian relations as a complement and possibly corrective to the Kapterev paradigm.
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Wiles, David. "Reading Greek Performance." Greece and Rome 34, no. 2 (October 1987): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028096.
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Simon Goldhill's Reading Greek Tragedy is a welcome publication – not for its originality but because it makes available an important and eclectic body of critical approaches to Greek texts. Goldhill gives no quarter to the idea that the Greekless reader cannot deal with complex theoretical arguments. The (post-)structuralist revolution in modern thought, associated with Derrida, Foucault, and above all Barthes, mediated for the most part through classical scholars such as J-P. Vernant, Froma Zeitlin, and Charles Segal, has here found its way into a book targeted at the undergraduate market. I welcome Goldhill's book as one which demonstrates, without mystification, both the complexity of Greek tragedy, and the contemporary relevance of the questions which Greek tragedy poses. At the same time, as one who teaches students of Drama, I cannot but feel frustration.
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Thambyrajah, Jonathan. "Hebrewכֶּתֶרand Greek κίταρις: Revisiting the Persian Hypothesis." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 132, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 306–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2020-2008.
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AbstractAlthough scholars had assumed that the lexemes כֶּתֶר in Hebrew and κίταρις in Greek derived from an Iranian source. More recently it has been argued by Salvesen that the word is genuinely Semitic. In this article, I revisit the older view.
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Van Kooten, George, Oda Wischmeyer, and N. T. Wright. "How Greek was Paul's Eschatology?" New Testament Studies 61, no. 2 (February 26, 2015): 239–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688514000368.
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At the 69th Annual Meeting of the Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas (SNTS), held in Szeged, Hungary, three scholars were invited to debate the theme of the Greek element in Paul's eschatology – a theme proposed by Prof Udo Schnelle, President of SNTS for 2014. The three contrasting presentations, intended primarily for oral delivery, are published here. It is intended that this ‘Quaestiones Disputatae’ format will be a regular feature of the Society's meetings, and that presentations will be published in this journal.
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CORNER, SEAN. "Did ‘Respectable’ Women Attend Symposia?" Greece and Rome 59, no. 1 (April 2012): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383511000271.
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In her article, ‘Women's Commensality in the Ancient Greek World', which appeared in this journal in 1998, Joan Burton set out to correct scholars’ neglect of ‘the topic of women's part in the history of ancient Greek dining and drinking parties’. She argued that the proposition that citizen women never participated in symposia is a broad generalization. Based on classical Athenian evidence, it misses variation over time and in different places. Even in the case of classical Athens it is overstated, overlooking the male bias of our sources. Moreover, scholars' concentration on the symposium has led to the neglect of other occasions of commensality and so of the important role played by women in Greek commensality more broadly:the participation of women in the history of Greek commensality does not depend solely on female presence at male-defined symposia. Just as men had a wide range of venues in which they might socialize with one another, including public banquets (many of them religious), so too women.
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SZÉKELY, Maria Magdalena. "De la Anastasie Crimca la Matei Basarab. Manifestări ale sentimentelor antigrecești în Țările Române." Studii și Materiale de Istorie Medie 41, no. 1 (March 11, 2024): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.62616/smim.2023.02.
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The present study analyses several texts: a note by the Metropolitan of Moldavia Anastasius Crimca (1610), three documents issued by the Moldavian lord Miron Barnovski (1626) and three documents coming from the chancery of the Wallachian lord Matthew Basarab (1639-1640). All these documents deal with the patronage rights and all have a pronounced Grecophobia. The antipathy towards the Greeks in the Romanian Principalities is a subject both sensitive and controversial. Previous scholars assumed that the anti-Greek sentiments emerged in Wallachia earlier than in Moldavia, probably considering the geographical position of this principality, more exposed to the influx of people and to the influences coming from south of the Danube. However, the present study argues that, at least when the ecclesiastical matters were concerned, the anti-Greek feelings first appeared in Moldovia. Already from the 16th century, there are written sources attesting to the existence of such xenophobic feelings. The intolerance manifested against Catholics, Protestants and Armenians was typically attributed to a traditionalist Orthodox stance, adopted by the high clergy and by the monks closed to the circles of power. In this pre-existing context, an increasing number of Ottoman Christians attempted to infiltrate into the Moldavian elite. In the first decades of the 17th century, the anti-Greek stance became vehement in the Romanian principalities, taking various forms, from rhetoric to revolt. Based on its own beliefs and self-interests, the entire Moldavian society – boyars of all ranks, townspeople, peasants and soldiers – identified a generic „enemy” in the Greek-speaking immigrants. The Orthodox faith shared by Wallachians, Moldavians and Greeks did not ease this resentment. As time went by, these resentments manifested increasingly vigorously, as local scholars reinforced the idea of the Latin origins of the Romanians, in the footsteps of the 16th century humanists.
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Bosak-Schroeder, Clara. "The Religious Life of Greek Automata." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 17, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2015-0007.
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Abstract This paper examines the religious lives of Greek automata. An automaton is an object that has been constructed to move on its own.¹ I argue that ancient Greek automata at first had a solely magical life, later attained a mechanical life, and that this change from magical to mechanical allowed automata to proliferate in religious contexts. While automata were originally imagined as purely magical, the advent of advanced mechanics later in antiquity made it possible for automata to be realized and also caused Greeks in the Hellenistic and Roman ages to reinterpret magical automata as mechanical. Later Greeks’ projection of mechanical knowledge onto the magical automata of the past mirrors twentieth and twenty-first century scholars’ tendency to reinterpret ancient automata as “robots” in line with technological advances in their own time. Changes in mechanics in antiquity and the response of people to those changes leads me to advance the concept of “relative modernism.” I argue that modernism is a mind-set that recurs throughout history rather than one that emerges in a unique period of history.
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Buxton, Richard. "Imaginary Greek mountains." Journal of Hellenic Studies 112 (November 1992): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632149.
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It is hardly controversial to assert that recent work on Greek mythology is methodologically diverse. However, there is one body of writing which seems to have become a reference point against which scholars of many persuasions–not excluding orthodox positivist philologists and adherents of psychoanalysis–feel the need to define their own position. I mean structuralism. G.S. Kirk and, later, W. Burkert have conducted their dialogues with it; C. Segal and more unreconstructedly R. Caldwell have tried to accommodate Lévi-Strauss and Freud under the same blanket; a glance at bibliographical citations in studies of tragedy over the last twenty years will show how J.-P. Vernant and P. Vidal-Naquet have moved from the periphery to the centre (much as Finley did some time ago in ancient history). The polemical attitudes being struck by M. Detienne (from within the movement) and C. Calame are directly generated by over-confident structuralist attempts to map out the mental territory they claimed as their own.
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Odrin, Oleksandr. "Study of Olbia Agricultural History of 6th – 3rd Centuries BCE in the Light of Last Achievements of British and American Historiography of Antiquity." Eminak, no. 3(35) (November 13, 2021): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2021.3(35).545.
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For a long time, Soviet and post-Soviet historiography tended to consider the ancient states of the Northern Black Sea region to some extent separately from the rest of the Greek world and ignore the theoretical achievements of British and American historiography of antiquity, specifically, in various areas of the ancient Greek economy.
Meanwhile, the use of the findings of European and American scholars looks rather promising as a result of created innovative concepts and the involvement of a range of various written, epigraphic, and archaeological sources concerning the whole Greek world, and not just one of its parts. It is the subject to the agrarian history of ancient Greece as well. In recent decades, the ideas of scholars who prefer to consider ancient Greek agriculture not as static but as a dynamic system open to innovations have become more common. Progressive changes included 1) improving crop rotations; 2) cooperation between crop cultivation and animal husbandry, and 3) intensification of labor through the active use of ‘slave’ labor resources.
Such innovations in agricultural technique, according to many scholars, were implemented primarily in lands where conditions differed from those familiar to Greeks. Those, in particular, were ‘overseas’ territories, where natural conditions were markedly different from the metropolis. Especially it was true of the steppe territories of the Black Sea region from Dobrudzha to the Kuban region, in particular, the Lower Buh region, where climate, soil, and natural vegetation were absolutely unlike the Balkans or Asia Minor. First of all, it is necessary to study the issue of the interaction between the crop cultivation and animal husbandry of Olbia and the history of slave relations in the polis. A comparative analysis of materials from the western and eastern Greek colonies, in particular from southern Italy and Sicily on the one hand and the Northern Black Sea region on the other, should also be carried out.
Using of theoretical achievements of British and American historiography of ancient Greek agriculture while studying the economic history of Olbia in general and its agricultural component, in particular, looks very promising. This will contribute to a fuller and more comprehensive understanding of the accumulated archaeological, archeobiological, and epigraphic materials. On the other hand, such an understanding is needed in the verification of these hypotheses themselves, giving the opportunity to confirm, modify, or even deny them.
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Gallagher, Edmon L. "Suddenly and Then Gradually: The Growth of the Septuagint and Its Canon." Journal of Biblical Literature 143, no. 2 (June 2024): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1432.2024.7.
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Abstract The Septuagint defies easy definition. Biblical scholars routinely use the term to designate the Greek Old Testament, though they recognize that such language is similar to talking about “the English Bible” or “the German Bible”: there is no such thing, or rather there are many such things. In this article, I urge closer attention to the way ancient people described the translation, particularly its scope. While modern scholars often seem (tacitly or not) to assume that the Septuagint began as the Greek Torah and then expanded its borders to welcome new Jewish scriptural books as they continued to be translated into Greek, ancient authors did not depict the Septuagint in this way. All ancient Jewish sources that mention the translation restricted the Septuagint to the Pentateuch, whereas most patristic sources attributed a Greek version of the entire Hebrew Bible to the Seventy translators. The most significant moment in the “growth of the Septuagint” was when it suddenly swelled from five books to perhaps a couple dozen or more. These ancient ideas on the extent of the Septuagint have implications for our notions of the Septuagint canon and for the use of this Greek version in the New Testament.
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Pontani, Filippomaria. "The World on a Fingernail: An Unknown Byzantine Map, Planudes, and Ptolemy." Traditio 65 (2010): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900000878.
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MS Vat. Gr. 915 (bombyc., ca. 266 × 170 mm, 258 fols.) is a most interesting collection of archaic, classical, and Hellenistic Greek poetry (from Homer and Hesiod to Pindar, from Theocritus and Lycophron down to Moschus and Musaeus) put together during the early Palaeologan Renaissance, more exactly between the last years of the thirteenth century and 1311 (theterminus ante quemis provided by the subscription on fol. 258v). The contents of this codex as well as the textual facies of several of its items have led various scholars, each from a different perspective, to conclude that it was produced in the circle of Maximus Pianudes, the most outstanding Greek scholar of his age (of which he is also in a sense the “eponymous hero”); more on this will be said below in §3.
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Naiden, F. S. "The fallacy of the willing victim." Journal of Hellenic Studies 127 (November 2007): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900001610.
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Abstract:Following the lead of Walter Burkert, scholars have believed that the ancient Greeks required that sacrificial animals assent to being killed, or at least appear to assent. The literary evidence for this view, however, is weak, being confined mostly to dramatic scholia and Pythagorean sources, and ample visual evidence suggests an alternate view: the Greeks required that sacrificial animals make some display of vitality that would show that they were fit to present to a god. The Greek practice of inspecting sacrificial animals supports this alternate view.
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Cartledge, Yianni John Charles. "The Chios Massacre (1822) and early British Christian-humanitarianism." Historical Research 93, no. 259 (January 23, 2020): 52–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htz004.
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Abstract This article explores early British Christian-humanitarianism towards the Greeks following the 1822 Chios Massacre. Scholars of the Greek revolution have previously acknowledged the massacre as a pivotal moment for British attitudes towards the Greeks, although few have elaborated significantly on this humanitarian shift. This article focuses on what the massacre was and public and political reactions to it in Britain. It also investigates how perceptions of ‘Christian’ Greeks, compared to ‘Islamic’ and ‘barbarian’ Ottomans, encouraged British sympathy. Essentially it argues that the massacre ‘humanized’ the Greeks to the British, leading to an early type of Christian-humanitarian intervention.
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Balandina, R. R., and E. V. Kuzmina. "Axiological Attitudes in the Interpretation of the Rational and Irrational in the Works of Latin Apologetics Scholars." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 37 (2021): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.37.128.
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The article aims at demonstrating significant differences in the perception of rationality and irrationality in the works of ancient Greek philosophers and philosophers of the period of Latin apologetics. The authors conducted a comparative analysis of the works of ancient and Latin philosophers. The analysis revealed that the Greeks solved the problem of the ratio of the rational and the irrational in an ontological way, while the Latins shifted the focus on the problem to the axiological dimension. The article presents the correlation of three examples of ontological orientation of pagan philosophy with three examples of axiological orientation of Latin theology of the apologetic period. The research methodology is based on the combination of historical-functional and comparative analyses. The works of N. S. Mudragey, where the validity of the use of the concepts "rational" and "irrational" in relation to ancient philosophy was proved, provided the methodological basis of the study, as well as the works of G. G. Mayorov, who actually was the first to consider Latin apologetics as a system with a clear tendency from hellenophilia to hellenophobia. The works of ancient Greek philosophers provided the theoretical basis of the study, as well as the works of Lactantius, Arnobius, Tertullian, and Minucius.
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Djuwairiyah, Djuwairiyah, and Noviasari Maimunah. "PERAN PENTING PENDIDIKAN DALAM TRANSMISI FILSAFAT YUNANI KE DUNIA ISLAM." Edupedia : Jurnal Studi Pendidikan dan Pedagogi Islam 6, no. 1 (July 21, 2021): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/edupedia.v6i1.1359.
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The encounter of Greek philosophy and the Islamic paradigm produce a glorious civilization in the Islamic world. Furthermore, Islamic civilization became the center of the science development and was visited by a number of Western scholars to enhance knowledge. In addition to the Qur'an and hadith, one aspect of science that is no less important in the Islamic advancement is philosophy. A few indicators supporting the entry of Greek philosophy into the Islamic world include the establishment of a magnificent library, baitul hikmah, and the association of Muslim scholars who founded the first institute. Which are the shoots of the most urgent education post the establishment of the Alexandria Museum.
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Touwaide, Alain. "Printing Greek Medicine in the Renaissance. Scholars, Collections, Opportunities, and Challenges Introduction." Early Science and Medicine 17, no. 4 (2012): 371–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573382320120001.
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Layton, Evro. "The History of a Sixteenth-century Greek Type Revised." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 1 (January 20, 2005): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.169.
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<p>This article attempts to study the history of a sixteenth-century Greek type in Italy. The type was produced under the auspices of Cardinal Marcello Cervini who wished to publish some of the manuscripts from the Vatican Collections. Cervini commissioned the Roman printer Antonio Blado to be in charge of the project. Since Blado did not own Greek type and had no experience with Greek he invited Stefano Nicolini da Sabbio, the noted printer of Greek in Venice, to come to Rome and take charge of the cardinal's project. The scholar-scribe Nikolaos Sophianos also joined the project along with Benedetto Giunta, a bookseller in Rome who represented the cardinal. The Greek font designed and cut for this project appeared in several works in Rome and was designated by scholars as Greek 1. To this day nobody has been able to match Greek 1 with the handwriting of any of the scribes working in Italy during this period. When the association of Sophianos with the cardinal's project came to an end, Greek 1 became very much in demand and was used by a number of well-known printers in Rome, Florence and Venice. It required a series of legal actions to prove that Greek 1 belonged to Sophianos who finally took possession of his type and other equipment. He used it to print a number of publications. The type later passed into the hands of Vasileios and Hippolitos Valeris and later to some other minor publishers of Greek liturgical books. It was still in use as late as the mid-1580s.</p>
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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek history." Greece and Rome 71, no. 1 (March 6, 2024): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383523000281.
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I commence this review with six important works on mobility, diasporas, ethnicities, and intercultural relations in antiquity; after a decade of relative dearth of significant contributions, it is truly wonderful that the field is moving again. Jonathan Hall and James Osborne have edited an excellent volume on the interregional networks in the eastern Mediterranean between 900–600 bce. The volume aims to link the novel approaches to Mediterranean history espoused in the major syntheses by Nicholas Purcell – Peregrine Horden and Cyprian Broodbank respectively, with new approaches to the study of cross-cultural interaction and material culture. The editors explicitly and convincingly argue in favour of employing multiple models for explaining the Early Iron Age Mediterranean; the ten chapters exemplify both multiplicity and important common themes. Certain contributions accept the concept of globalization as a useful way of explaining the changes evident across the Mediterranean. While some contributions problematize the concept of style as a means of drawing clear ethnic lines among artists and artistic traditions, other scholars argue for the need to maintain traditional ethnic labels like that of the Phoenicians, which is facing a current deconstructive trend; equally interesting is the stress on the agency of specific groups, like mercenaries, as agents of connectivity. Particularly significant, finally, is the focus on areas that have usually remained at the margins of discussion of Iron Age interconnectivity, like the North Aegean and the Troad, the Black Sea, Anatolia and Egypt.
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Öz, Cüneyt. "Repair of ceramics in antiquity: examples from Myra (Lykia)." Cercetări Arheologice 31, no. 1 (July 16, 2024): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46535/ca.31.1.13.
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The repair of ancient ceramics has become a topic of growing interest to scholars of Greek and Roman ceramics. This study focuses on the ancient ceramic repairs uncovered at the city of Myra in the Lycian region. An analysis is presented regarding the repairs made to the Roman and Byzantine pithos, amphorae and green glazed bowl uncovered in the Myros Valley, the Acropolis and the Agora. The reasons for the ceramic repair in Myra are also discussed.
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Westermark, Ulla. "Ancient Numismatics." Current Swedish Archaeology 3, no. 1 (December 28, 1995): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.1995.15.
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Wessels, Antje. "Er zullen wel Griekse ankers zijn …" Lampas 51, no. 4 (January 1, 2018): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2018.4.005.wess.
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Summary Under the influence of philhellenistic ideas, ancient scholars ascribed the beginning of Roman literature to a ‘Greek slave’, Livius Andronicus, and his alleged translation of a Greek drama in 240 BC. This paper aims to demonstrate that the Roman project of finding ‘Greek origins’ had an impact not only on our general understanding of Roman tragedy, but also on the theoretical framework, methods and techniques of editing and contextualizing its fragmentary remains, i.e. on philological approaches to working with its fragments.
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Beschi, Fulvio. "The Ancient Greek sentence left periphery." Journal of Greek Linguistics 18, no. 2 (November 22, 2018): 172–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01802003.
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Abstract The pattern (Setting – Topic –) Focus. NB: The Verb always follows, which was proposed by H. Dik in order to describe AG’s left periphery, raises some issues. In particular, it presents a number of exceptions, which scholars (Matić and others) have variously attempted to resolve. In the present contribution, based on case studies drawn from Homer, the following pattern for the Homeric left periphery is proposed: (Setting – Topic – Focus). NB: Unmarked elements follow. This is not dramatically different from Dik’s pattern; rather, it is an extension of it.
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Chadwick, John. "The Descent of the Greek Epic." Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (November 1990): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631738.
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A fundamental assumption throughout this article is that the text of Homer is no different from that of other classical authors, since it has been preserved by the same kind of manuscript tradition. The difference is that while all our texts go back to the editions of the Hellenistic scholars, the gap between these and the author is relatively short for fourth and fifth century writers, but very much longer for Homer, if we assign to him a very approximate date of the late eighth, or even early seventh, century.
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Renberg, Gil H. "Dedicatory Paintings in Greek Religion: An Initial Assessment." Acta Archaeologica 93, no. 1 (March 22, 2023): 237–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/16000390-20210027.
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Abstract This contribution presents the first survey of the full range of sources for the dedication of paintings to the gods of the Greek-speaking world, including Egypt. This phenomenon has been largely overlooked due to the rarity of such dedications, in contrast to the countless dedicatory objects fashioned from stone and other durable materials, which have survived in relative abundance. Although some types of dedicatory painting, particularly the well-known Archaic and Classical terracotta pinakes from Attika and the painted wooden panels from Pitsa, have been studied by numerous scholars, other examples have been neglected, along with many written sources. Seeking to fill this gap in the scholarship, this article collects the full range of sources demonstrating the importance of paintings as a type of dedication – not only the paintings that still survive on terracotta, stone, and stucco, but also a varied and intriguing body of literary and epigraphical testimonia. The result is a study that for the first time provides scholars of Greek religion and Greek art a detailed overview of this aspect of Greek cult, and delves into various issues – methodological and otherwise – crucial to understanding its nature.
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Миславская, Н., and N. Mislavskaya. "Ancient Greek Philosophy As a Source of Accounting Knowledge." Auditor 4, no. 10 (November 16, 2018): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5bdac1153b5806.99512346.
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In the article, based on a deep, comprehensive examination and systematization of the postulates of philosophy, the opinions of Russian and foreign scholars, the author’s opinion on the ancient sources of the origin of accounting science is expressed and justified.
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Nordquist, Gullög. "The Salpinx in Greek Cult." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 16 (January 1, 1996): 241–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67232.
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The salpinx is not often treated by scholars of ancient Greek music, because it was mainly a military instrument. The instrument was usually not used for musical purposes, only for giving signals. In Greece the salpinx is known from the 8th century onwards. The Greek salpinx was an aerophone, usually made of bronze, and consisted of an 80 to 120 cm long, straight, tube with cylindrical bore, and with a conical or more often bell-shaped final, kodon, which could be made of bone. The bone had to be fired in order to get the right acoustic qualities, according to Aristotle. Salpinx is usually translated as "trumpet", but the type of sound generator it may have had has been discussed.
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Radasanu, Andrea. "Montesquieu on Ancient Greek Foreign Relations." Political Research Quarterly 66, no. 1 (January 20, 2012): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912911431246.
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Montesquieu famously claims that modernity ushered in gentle mores and peaceful relations among countries. Consulting Montesquieu’s teaching on Greek foreign policy, both republican and imperial, elucidates the character of these peaceful mores. Montesquieu weaves a modernization tale from primitive ancient Greece to modern commercial states, all to teach the reader to overcome any lingering attachment to glory and to adopt the rational standards of national interest and self-preservation. This account provides important insights on the relationship between realism and idealism in Montesquieu’s international relations teaching and helps scholars to rethink how these categories are construed.
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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 65, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000037.
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Political and military history used to be the main staple of ancient Greek history. This review includes a number of volumes devoted to the subject. Matteo Zaccarini's book focuses on Cimon and the period between 478 and 450 bce. Sandwiched between Herodotus’ Persian Wars and Thucydides’ Peloponnesian War, the Pentekontaetia (478–431) is the most problematic period of classical Greek history, primarily because of the lack of a continuous narrative and our reliance on much later and fragmentary sources. Zaccarini has divided his work into two sections: the first studies the development of narrative traditions concerning Cimon and his age, from the fifth century to the Second Sophistic, and presents a context for interpreting the shaping of the information provided in these traditions. This is undoubtedly the most profitable part of the work, and a good model that others could imitate. The second part attempts to present a historical reconstruction of the period 478–450 on the basis of the conclusions of the first part. Many of Zaccarini's arguments are, in my view, correct: he shows the need to emancipate our narratives from models based on competition between aristocratic/popular or pro- and anti-Spartan leaders and programmes; he argues that the late 460s–450s is the crucial period of change in the balance of internal and external forces; and he minimizes the actual significance of Cimon's role. These sensible conclusions could have been strengthened by engaging with the rethinking of the nature of early Athenian imperialism by scholars such as Lisa Kallet and John Davies. But the volume is still a worthy contribution towards reassessing this crucial period.
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Tournoy, Gilbert. "Isaac Casaubon and Greek Scholarship in the Low Countries." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 4, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 330–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00403003.
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This contribution focuses on the relationship between Isaac Casaubon and a few humanist scholars from the Low Countries, who were interested in the search for manuscripts and the edition of Greek authors, particularly the Fathers of the Church: Bonaventura Vulcanius, Andreas Schottus, Petrus Pantinus.