Journal articles on the topic 'Greek pottery; Waveline style'

AbstractThe appearance of Aegean-style IIIC pottery at Tarsus occured at a time of unrest and of movement of peoples resulting in part from the collapse of the Mycenaean palaces on the Greek mainland. Mycenaean Late Helladic IIIB pottery exports from mainland Greece to Cyprus and the Levant disappeared and were gradually replaced by local imitations. Eventually Aegean-style IIIC pottery appeared in the East Aegean-West Anatolian Interface, in Cyprus and at various sites on the southern coast of Turkey and in the Levant. It was not exported from the Greek mainland, but seems to have been locally made at each site. A first series of neutron activation analysis (NAA) was carried out on pottery from Tarsus to determine how much of the Aegean-style 12th-century BC pottery was locally produced, how much was imported and, if imported, from whence it came. The favourable results of this first analysis gave rise to a second NAA of more Aegean-style pottery from Tarsus, bringing the total number of pieces analysed to 67. It has confirmed the local production of the pottery; the chemical group TarA is the dominant local group at Tarsus, comprising a third of the samples. A smaller group, TarB, may also be local. The analysis revealed a large number of Aegean-style IIIC imports from Cyprus from several different sites; these make up a quarter of the samples. There are a few imports from other areas, including the East Aegean-West Anatolian Interface. Influence from both Cyprus and the Interface can also be seen at Tarsus in the use of some shapes and motifs. A comparison with 12th-century BC imports identified by NAA at the site of Tell Kazel (ancient Simyra) in Syria directly east of Cyprus shows imports from the same two areas.

Abstract On the basis of recent research on the pottery and comparisons between three important sites with Hellenistic occupation in Central Asia, new dates are proposed for each of them. The article presents both the former data and hypotheses and the recent discoveries, including coins for Afrasiab/Samarkand, which lead to the new proposals. Changes in pottery style do not follow immediately Alexander’s conquest, and the first real Hellenistic shapes only appear under Antiochos I. After Antiochos III’s reconquest of Bactria, an important wave of new fashions in pottery style is introduced which lasted until Eucratides’ death and the end of the Greek domination, around the middle of the 2nd century BC. Sogdiana hardly shows any of these novelties because it had already gained its independence.

Among the antiquities in the collection of the British School, there are a few examples of East Greek pottery, including Wild Goat Style, Chian, Fikellura, and Clazomenian as well as a Rosette Bowl and a Bird Bowl. Following a summany of the British School's excavations and role at Naukratis, the site where much of this East Greek pottery was discovered, the objects from the collection are presented in both summary and catalogue form. An appendix is dedicated to an Attic polychrome phiale mesomphalos, which, although not East Greek, shares many technical and stylistic features with some East Greek wares, and was originally identified as Vroulian. It is briefly considered in relation to East Greek and Archaic pottery.Μεταξύ των αρχαιοτήτων της συλλογής της Βρετανικής Σχολής, υπάρχουν ορισμένα παραδείγματα ανατολίζουσας ελληνικής κεραμικής, στα οποία περιλαμβάνοντοα δείγματα του ρυθμού των Αιγάγρων, της Χίου, των Φικελλούρων, των Κλαζομενών, καθώς επίσης και δύο ανοικτά αγγεία με διακόσμηση ρόδακα και πτηνών αντίστοιχα. Μετά από μία σύνοψη των ανασκαφών και του ρόλου της Βρετανικής Σχολής στη Ναύκρατι, τη θέση όπου ανακαλύφθηκε μεγάλο μέρος αυτής της ανατολίζουσας ελληνικής κεραμικής, τα ευρήματα της συλλογής παρουσιάζονται σε σύνοψη και σε κατάλογο. Ένα παράρτημα είναι αφιερωμένο σε μία αττική πολύχρωμη μεσόμφαλη φιάλη, η οποία αν και δεν ανήκει στον ανατολίζοντα ρυθμό, μοιράζεται αρκετά τεχνικά και στυλιστικά χαρακτηριστικά με ορισμένα ανατολίζοντα ελληνικά αγγεία. Η φιάλη αυτή είχε αρχικά ταυτιστεί ως αγγείο τύπου Βρουλιάς. Εν συντομία θεωρείτοα ότι έλκει στοιχεία από την ανατολίζουσα ελληνική και αρχαϊκή κεραμική.

All parts of the site Hisar in Leskovac provided material from Iron Age III according to the division by M. Garasanin (mainly from the 5th century BC). Four or perhaps five habitations from this period, in relation to the excavated surface (app. 15 000 m2), indicate a settlement with a larger number of dwelling places. Its architecture - wattle and daub huts and dug outs - has no particular characteristics, and is similar to habitations from previous periods in the Morava valley. Archaeological material from Iron Age III includes pottery made on the wheel of Greek style, hand made pottery and decorative silver and bronze objects.

The article examines the pottery production of the Tunisian city of Nabeul, the administrative center of the province of Cap Bon, located in the north-eastern part of the country, on the Mediterranean coast. Modern Nabeul is situated on the site of the ancient city of Neapolis. A common occupation of local residents — pottery — is due to the large deposits of marl clays available in the district. The origins of this craft originate in the first centuries of our era, when the Romans founded their city on the site of a small Greek trading settlement and brought here their traditions of pottery. Archaeological surveys in Nabeul and its environs have revealed the existence of several pottery workshops engaged in the manufacture of both large ceramic containers — amphorae, and fine tableware imitating the Roman Terra sigillata. From here, Nabeul ceramics spread throughout the Mediterranean and was discovered in archaeological sites in Libya, Egypt, Spain, Britain and other regions. This phenomenon illustrates trade relations between various provinces of the Roman Empire. Nabeul’s modern pottery production, oriented both to the domestic market and tourists, also focuses on the production of large forms and richly ornamented tableware, the decor of which generally reflects the style of Islamic glazed ceramic products, but is more closely related to the style of modern Arabic ceramics of the Maghreb countries, especially Morocco. Also, Tunisian modern ceramics shows similarities in form, ornament and color palette with modern provincial ceramics in Spain, especially Andalusia, and probably has common roots.

The article discusses fragments of the Athenian red-figure pottery discovered during excavations in Nikonion, an ancient Greek colony founded on the northern coast of the Black Sea, at the end of the 6th century BC. The collection of Athenian pottery finds at this site is very diverse in terms of technique, style and phase of production. In a short introduction to the article the state of research on the finds of Athenian red–figure pottery from the site is presented, but the main focus is on the findings of the Ukrainian-Polish team of archaeologists who conducted joint excavations at the site in the years 2007–2012. The described fragments of vessels, except for one item, come from the same archaeological context – a residential building discovered in the north-western part of the site dating back to the end of the 5th century – the first half of the 4th century BC. One vessel fragment comes from an earlier phase of the city development dated preliminarily to the second half of the 5th century BC.

The Greek-Swedish excavations on the Mycenaean acropolis of Midea have brought to light a large amount of fine decorated pottery, which includes numerous fragmentary vases and sherds with pictorial decoration. This material has firmly established Midea as an important find-spot of figure-style pottery, like other great Mycenaean Argive centres, such as Mycenae, Tiryns and Berbati. This paper presents a remarkable pictorial vase recently found at Midea. It is a ring-based krater, almost completely restored from fragments, decorated with a row of six birds. The bird is a common motif in Mycenaean pictorial vase painting and also well attested on many other ceramic pieces at Midea, particularly the type of the folded-wing marsh bird. This type of bird is also popular at Tiryns, providing evidence that this category of pictorial pottery from the two citadels, dated to the LH IIIB2 period, was produced in the same workshop, which must have been situated at or near Tiryns. The abundant pictorial pottery from Midea and other significant discoveries at the site, such as monumental architectural remains and important finds, confirm the position of Midea as a great centre, alongside the other two Argive major citadels, Mycenae and Tiryns.

AbstractThe establishment of colonies along the Hellespont by inhabitants of Ionia, Athens and Lesbos is well-known from historical texts. Recently, stratified contexts at Troy as well as other surveys and excavations have yielded new information about the chronology and material markers of Archaic period settlements in the Troad and the Gallipoli peninsula. The archaeological evidence for colonisation in this region is not clearly seen until the late seventh to early sixth century BC when there is a dramatic change in the material culture. Destruction evidence from Troy indicates that the new settlers probably entered a weakened and depopulated region in the second half of the seventh century BC. The Ionian colonists transplanted their pottery traditions and started production of East Greek style ceramics in the Troad. Neutron Activation Analysis of Wild Goat style ceramics found at Troy offers further confirmation for the existence of Hellespontine Wild Goat style ceramic production centres. The Wild Goat style examples from Troy help to define the characteristics of the Hellespontine group, as well as the chronology and impact of colonisation in this area.

To date, the pottery production of Rhodes, Kos and other ‘East Dorian’ islands and coastal areas remains little understood. This article presents and discusses new neutron activation analysis (NAA) of eighth–sixth-century bc vessels found on Rhodes and in related areas, placing them in the wider context of past and present archaeometric research. The results highlight the role of Kos as a leading regional centre of painted pottery production and export in the seventh–sixth centuries bc, notably of ‘East Dorian’ plates. This includes the famous ‘Euphorbos plate’, which can now be attributed to Koan production. Contemporary Archaic pottery workshops on Rhodes, in contrast, had a less ambitious, if diverse, output, ranging from vessels in a Sub-Geometric tradition, imitation Corinthian wares and modest local versions of Koan- and Ionian-style plates to finely potted and richly decorated ‘Vroulian’ cups and black-figured situlae. It was imported mainland and East Greek wares, however, that dominated the island's consumption of Archaic painted wares. This represents a departure from the preceding Geometric period, which was characterised by a local pottery production of considerable scale and quality, although receptivity to external influences remained a consistent feature throughout later periods. As patterns of demand were changing, the island's craft production appears to have concentrated on a different range of goods in which high-quality figured finewares played a lesser role.

This paper attempts to provide new insights into the nature of Greek society in the Dark Ages (1100–700 B.C.). It re-examines the relationship between the archaeological evidence and the institutions and practices described in the Homeric poems. The archaeological evidence indicates that there were marked regional differences in settlement pattern, burial customs and pottery traditions. This must, it is argued, reflect profound regional differences in social organisation. Ethnographic analogies are used to make sense of some of these regional patterns. Two of the larger and more stable communities in Dark Age Greece, Athens and Knossos, are subjected to detailed scrutiny. A close contextual analysis of the relationship between pot style and mortuary representations in these two sites reveal two patterns which are divergent rather than convergent. In Athens burial customs and later pot style appear to be part of an age and sex linked symbolic system. In Knossos however, there is no clear patterning, either in pot style or mortuary representations. Instead there is a continuum of variation. Such fundamental differences cannot be accomodated within the concept of a uniform ‘Homeric Society’. It is suggested here that the institutions and practices described in Homer only operated at an inter-regional level.

One of the most exciting discoveries in Greek prehistory is a type of building of Early Helladic II date, discussed earlier by the present author and nicknamed “Corridor House.” The present study concerns itself with the relative chronology of seven of these, using two main criteria. One criterion concerns structural changes that can be ordered chronologically, namely the use of partial or complete “corridors” alongside a series of axially set rooms, with the more complete corridors, housing stairways, being later. A new structural criterion is whether the building used roof tiles. For instance, the lack of tiles, combined with the simple plan of the corridor house at Thebes, places it at the beginning of the development. Further, a restudy of the corridor house with an undeveloped plan at Akovitika has shown that it was without tiles, the tiles found near it actually belonging to a later building. Thus special roofing seems to have been introduced midway into the sequence. The second criterion makes use of recent publication on EH pottery. For instance, the style associated with the Theban building was Thebes Group A, earlier than the Lefkandi I style characteristic of the later corridor house on Aegina (The Weisses Haus). Clearly the Theban building is at the beginning of the development, with the later examples at Aegina and Lerna at the end. Other examples fall somewhere in between. Terms suggested for the architectural stages discernable are “rudimentary,” “transitional,” and “coalesced.”

AbstractThe concept of art has varied according to space and time perspective in each and every period and it has emerged in different forms in every culture. Artists or designers produce a wide range of forms with different materials representing the period and culture while creating their ceramics. Ceramics symbolizes a thousand-year-old endeavor as well as being considered as one of the arts. It has shed light on the history in different shapes and cultures in addition to undertaking the task of conveyance of art with original structure and formal style in the works of art. Ceramics makes identity differences thanks to background knowledge, form and decorative techniques and originality. Art is not for society’s sake; it aims to relieve the tension, to satisfy pleasure, to enable people to see and hear, to use and to evaluate. Different cultures have generated new styles in their ceramics by integrating creativity into their own traditions and techniques as well as interacting with Mayan vases and pots, Greek pottery, Anatolian ceramics and tiles. Some of these impacts have been so profound in ceramics that they have been passed on from generation to generation.This paper seeks to address to the following questions: How was ceramics used in different cultures and periods with composition features such as form, decoration, motif and figure; and how has it undertaken the task of conveyance of art by investigating what features they have. Keywords: ceramics, art, conveyance of art, form, figure.

Abstract This study focuses on an Attic red-figure kylix excavated in a North Etruscan ritual context at a major sanctuary site in the Mugello region at Poggio Colla. Attributed to the Painter of the Paris Gigantomachy (490–460 B. C. E.), the kylix depicts youths boxing. Careful excavation of the site over 20 years allows detailed presentation here of the votive context for the kylix and thus supports a plausible hypothesis for how it was integrated into rituals marking the transition from the first monumental stone temple to its successor at the site, sometime in the late fifth-early fourth century. Placing the kylix in the oeuvre of the painter, his workshop output, and its appearance in Etruria demonstrates that the shape and subject matter were well known to Etruscan audiences; discussion of the relationship of the Attic boxers to imagery in Etruscan tomb painting, black-figure silhouette style pottery, and funerary reliefs reveals links to and differences from Etruscan renderings of similar subject matter. Conclusions confirm the role of the Attic kylix in Etruscan ritual and establish the familiarity of the iconography of the kylix to Etruscan audiences. Although one of the tinas cliniiar, Etruscan Pultuce and Greek Pollux, is identified in fourth-century Etruscan art as an outstanding boxer, this study reveals no obvious link between the imagery on the kylix and the major deity honored at the site, very likely the goddess Uni.

Almost four decades after its discovery was initially announced, the Celtic necropolis in Karaburma, a suburb of Belgrade, is still one of the most important archaeological sites for the interpretation of the historical, economic, and cultural processes taking place in the central Balkans from the 4th to the end of the 1st centuries B.C. Most of all, it represents a wide-ranging source for explaining the chronology of the oldest Celtic presence in this area, also illustrating cultural exchanges in the network in which they were included. In this necropolis, belonging to the regional military elite, there are several graves in which, in addition to standard offerings relating to the regional material culture, items originating from a wider cultural area were found. Amongst these, grave number 22, the subject of our research, is especially important. In this grave were found objects mainly made of bronze and iron, with a smaller fragment of pottery. The iron items represent the attire of the deceased and his offensive weapons, while bronze items are characteristically imported vessels and a smaller bronze ring (figs. 1, 2). The imported vessels are represented by the well-known situla and cup. According to the basic typological scheme, we can classify the situla within the large group of ovoid situlae with the leaf-shaped or the so-called heart-shaped ornament under the attachment (figs. 1, 9; 2; 3, 7). According to the typological scheme here suggested, the situla found in Karaburma belongs to the first group, namely to its variant b (Ib), which is characterized by situlae with a leaf-shaped ornament on the attachment, separately cast and then pinned down or soldered to the body of the vessel (fig. 3, 7). Also belonging to this group are situlae from Skillountia, Goce Delcev (fig. 3, 8), V?rbica (fig. 3, 9) and from Chirnogi (fig. 3, 10). Situlae from Budva (fig. 3, 11) and Belgrade (fig. 3, 12) should also be included here, probably the one from Bitola as well. According to the analysis here presented, we have attributed the situla to the work of Macedonian workshops of the 4th century, to which other situlae, initially recorded in the contexts of Celtic provenance, have finally been included, and which ended up in the graves of Celtic dignitaries as exclusive imports of particular social conditions and ideological features. The other bronze vessel, considering its size, metric relations, technical and stylistic execution, we interpret as a cup, or at least as some kind of transitional form, since it is somewhat more shallow when compared to actual cups, and significantly taller compared to phiale (figs. 1, 10; 2). The context in which it was found indicates that it must have been used as a drinking cup in a set, together with the ovoid situla. Similar phiale were a very popular form in Thrace in the 4th century (fig. 7, 2-3), but the greatest resemblance can be seen in the phiale from Peretu, from the Thraco-Getian area to the north (fig. 7, 1). Characteristics of the form and style of the cup from Karaburma enabled its classification among the later variants or transitional forms of cups, seen in the context of the bronze production of Northern Greece, i.e. Macedonia. It is important for the period of the midto late 4th century, in other words, it completely matches with the chronological background and location of the ovoid situla with the leaf-shaped ornament under the attachment. In the analysis of weapons belonging to a Celtic warrior buried in grave 22, an iron sword with preserved fragments of a scabbard made of iron sheet (fig. 1, 1-2) stands out. Comparative analysis has characterized the sword as an exceptionally late form of the group Kosd D, attributed to the phase Lt B2. However, the slightly accentuated biconical shape of the scabbard?s end also points to certain elements of the group Kosd C. In the Carpathian basin the group Kosd C represents a rather rare form, which as a cultural innovation spread westwards, thus the Karaburma necropolis in Belgrade represents their southeastern, furthest point of expansion. To this same time frame also belongs the sword belt chain set (fig. 1, 5-6). Typological and spatial analysis has shown that chain belts with single figure-ofeight links, exactly the same as the ones found in grave 22, are relatively rare in that region. Asimilar sword belt set was found in the Benacci necropolis in Bologna, also containing a sword inside a scabbard decorated with a pair of dragons of the II type according to Jose-Maria De Navarro. Alongside it was also found a spear-butt with a spike which by its workmanship, closely resembles precisely the spear-butt with a long spike and the massive conical lower part from grave 22 (fig. 1, 4). Unlike the complete sword belt chain set and the sword, the spear-butt was isolated, but perhaps we can connect the bronze ring with it (fig. 1, 3). Given its size, it was probably the grip which was strengthening the spot at which the spear-butt was inserted into it. Aspecial feature of grave 22 are two highly fragmented remains of fibulae (fig. 1, 7-8). The spring of the larger fibula stands out, with two winders on each side, and with an external arch (fig. 1, 7), which dates from the late Lt B2 phase and the transitional horizon B2/C1. It has long been accepted as fact that the Celts inhabited the area between the rivers Sava and Danube from as early as the second half and towards the end of the 4th century, while the Scordisci, as such, formed only after the defeat at Delphi. However, the process of the Celtic expansion was already happening at the beginning of the 4th century, and it spread along the main communication routes, the rivers, with strategic points first to be settled. Only after several decades of consolidation, or only upon the return from the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, was the whole area inhabited by the Celts by the end of the 4th century. This historically suggested claim always necessarily led to the question of chronological positioning and the distance between phases Lt B2 and Lt C2. Most authors dealing with this matter have held that phase Lt B2 was supposed to have finished after the Celtic invasion of the southern Balkans, i.e. some time in the 3rd century. However, this assessment does not seem entirely correct, since most objects of La T?ne cultural provenance found in the Aegean region and Asia Minor stem from the initial Lt C horizon, which means that the expedition to Delphi cannot represent an absolute chronological border between the Lt B2 and C1. The absence of indicative elements of the material culture of the Lt B horizon in the Aegean area and Anatolia indicates that they already had to be completely out of fashion by the time of the expedition. In brief - after the dissolution of Lisimachus? kingdom and the murder of Seleucus I in 281 B.C., there was a military and political power vacuum in the region of Macedonia and Thrace. The opportunity was seized by Celts from the region of the lower Danube, who set out towards ?the South?. In 279 B.C. one of the three groups, led by Bolgios (i.e. Belgius), defeated the Macedonian royal army, and Ptolemy Ceraunus himself got killed. In the summer of the same year, Brennus reached central Greece, i.e. Delphi; having suffered a defeat, the larger portion of the army was stationed in the region of Thrace, after a logical retreat. There they received an offer from Nicomedus I of Bythinia who hired 20,000 of them as mercenaries, hence their penetration into Asia Minor in 278 and 277 B.C. On the other hand, the archaeological findings from the mentioned area, connected with these events, indicate that it can and must be classified within the Lt C1 phase. An additional argument in favour of an earlier dating is also offered by a pair of two-part anklets, with eight hollow semispherical bosses with no ornaments, found in the Spanos well in the vicinity of Poseidon?s sanctuary in Isthmia. Previously, Rupert Gebhard had held that these findings should be brought into connection with the incursion of 279 B.C., dating from his horizon 5, i.e. between c. 290 and 260 B.C. However, Isabelle Raubitschek demonstrated the opposite, pointing to several details: firstly, since the remnants of the Celtic army after their defeat withdrew through the Thermopylae, it is unlikely that on the way back anyone would pass through Isthmia; secondly, similar anklets were also found in the Heraion of Perachora, and finally and most importantly, that they were found in an enclosed context, together with the kylix-krater, meaning that they must date from the third quarter of the 4th century. To her conclusions we can now add two other possible perspectives: 1. - regarding the chronology, the most important fact is that the pair of two-part anklets is evidently much older than previously thought. From the historical perspective, the information on the enclosed context, i.e. that similar findings were also found in the complexes of Greek sanctuaries, is of great importance. 2. - dating clearly shows that these anklets cannot be connected with war or looting, i.e. cannot be seen as spoil from the expedition to Delphi to be sacrificed by the victors. In fact, that context points to a small, but recognizable segment from the range of diplomatic gifts which circulated between the Greek world and the Celtic aristocrats from the region of the middle course of Danube. On the other hand, among the graves of the La T?ne cultural provenance containing findings which originated from Greek, i.e. Macedonian workshops, and which predate the time of the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, apart from the finding of a bronze cup from the end of the 4th century found in Szabolc in Hungary, only Karaburma grave 22 stands out. Both findings were included by Miklos Szab? among those which preceded the expedition to Delphi, although it is possible that they reached the Celtic world after that event. He also mentioned that it was becoming increasingly evident that this was more than just a case of military spoil or loot, which he concluded on the basis of the presence of less valuable items. This claim led M. Szab? into a trap: if the items, mostly from the 4th century, presupposed contacts of the Celtic inhabitants with the Aegean world, it would be necessary to date their settlement, i.e. the phase Lt B2, in the 4th century, and thus in the period significantly earlier than the expedition to Delphi. Furthermore, a bronze lekythos was found in a slightly younger grave 18/64 on the Hurbanovo site, in the same cultural and historical context. This is a lekythos of the Talcot type, frequently found in Greece, Thrace and Macedonia, dating back to the end of the 4th and the first half of the 3rd century. On the mentioned site it was chronologically classified in the transitional horizon Lt B2/C1, which according to Jozef Bujna was the period after the military expedition to the Balkans. The same researcher held that the grave 22 from Karaburma should also be included in that time frame. However, what if J. Bujna was wrong on this matter, given that he opted for a conservative dating of the set of vessels? Based on the above, we might actually consider placing the absolute dating of the Lt C1 phase in the 4th century - the century during which the production of such lekythoi flourished, as did their laying in Macedonian graves. Implicitly, such dating is also confirmed by the items of the La T?ne provenance, found in the region of the southern Balkans, i.e. the Aegean area. They all exhibit formal characteristics typical of the Lt C. Consequently, it can be concluded that the beginning of the Lt C horizon must be sought in the period immediately preceding the expedition to ?the South?. In connection with that, it was precisely J. Bujna who demonstrated that certain graves in the necropolises of the Lt C were found on the periphery, which he interpreted as a possible clue for recognizing the newcomers, i.e. those who returned from the Balkan expedition. Aurel Rustoiu also came to a similar conclusion, having systematically analyzed the equipment of the warrior elites, the socalled mercenaries from the Aegean world. The declining number of male graves in the period between Lt B1 and Lt C1, among other things, also led Peter Ramsl to hypothesize that numerous warriors hired as mercenaries never returned to their homes. Related to this, significant data in the analysis of the share of warrior graves in the necropolises of the Carpathian basin was provided by A. Rustoiu. He showed that the share of warrior graves, i.e. graves with weapons in Lt B2 phase, is higher than of those in the Lt C1. However, the Karaburma necropolis is an exception also in this respect, since the share of the warrior graves is significantly higher than in the other necropolises belonging to both phases. Thus in the Lt C1 it is 48%, while in the Lt B2 it is as high as 70%. On the basis of the collected data, he hypothesized that there were two types of societies in the Carpathian basin: agricultural communities with reduced military elites, and military communities which represented social aristocracy and which formed the core for military and war expeditions, and also constituted the basis for the recruitment of mercenaries. The latter transcended ethnic bounds, given that they were selected on an individual basis, which is clearly reflected in the changeability and different origin of the equipment of warriors. Findings of bronze vessels tie in with this neatly, if we interpret them as a result of contacts and a substitute for the traditional late La T?ne pottery set, consisting of a ceramic bowl (phiale), and a vessel for liquids (situla-like pot or lenticular bottle). Both situla and phiale are standard items, frequent, widespread, and the most indicative parts of solemn ritual banquets and feasts, as shown by numerous and explicit findings from the rich graves of Thracia and Anatolia. However, they were still an essential part of the Greek culture, commonly used in religious, mystical ceremonies. Although we frequently encounter them in hoards and, of course, temples, with rare exceptions mostly due to insufficient knowledge on the item?s context of finding, those situlae and phiale were, almost as a rule, part of luxury sets, indicating rich graves of those belonging to the highest social and political strata of the society. This is the reason why they were often interpreted as burial insignia, used to sanctify the burial space and to encourage eternal deification, divine vitality and the rebirth of a deceased dignitary; in other words, it is thought that they exhibited power and authority in both Thracian and Getian graves. However, the Celts could also have used these vessels at funeral feasts and banquets, just as they were used in their country of origin, since we know that in the graves of the Celtic dignitaries everything was laid that they possessed in their lifetime, especially sets of dishes, for the purpose of ensuring an unbroken cycle of rebirth. It has been further suggested that the bronze vessels were used for the ceremonies of libation, but also for trade and exchange, while the silver drinking cups and luxury sets made of precious metals were used for burial feasts and diplomatic banquets during negotiations and/or when concluding agreements, simply as keimelia or as a ritual device for expressing deeply held and widely accepted eschatological practices and new trends. However, both could have been quite practically used for bribing - both people and gods! Finally, the imported vessels from Karaburma, classified as Macedonian products from the 4th century, should now be viewed as the northernmost findings of a complete symposiastic set, but also in the context of other vessels imported from Macedonia found in the graves with the features of the La T?ne culture. It is unlikely that they represent war spoils from Greece or other parts. The idea that the situla and phiale from the grave 22 of the Karaburma necropolis inaugurated direct contact between the Celts and Macedonians seems more likely. The items could have reached the 4th century Celtic dignitaries of the Danube region as keimelia - diplomatic gifts, or could have simply arrived by a trade route from the northern parts of Macedonia. In that sense, we should also remember those modest, but for this case invaluable records found in the historical sources connected with this period. It has been thought that the Celtic presence dates back to as early as the time of the defeat and expulsion of the Ardiaei in 359/358 B.C., as recorded by Theopompus. However, there are reliable records of their embassy to Alexander the Great while he was engaged with the Tribali in 335 B.C., as reported by Arrian. Precisely those could have been the points of direct contact between the highest ranking military and political dignitaries of the Celts and the aristocrats and diplomats of the Macedonian state. From all this it can be concluded that the Karaburma necropolis is truly an exception, representing the southernmost point of Celtic militarized expansion, where the military social aristocracy was stationed. The region where the Sava and Danube meet thus became an area where technological innovations concentrated and developed, and also the space where the political, military and economic contacts filtered. All this is vividly illustrated by grave 22 in the necropolis, chosen precisely because of those features. Weapons, i.e. the sword of the Celtic dignitary who was buried there, indicate the technological tradition of the early La T?ne. In the same tradition were fashioned the fibulae which, in an unchanged form, remain in the repertoire of accessories at the beginning of the middle La T?ne period, just as, on the other hand, the sword and the shape of its scabbard indicate the beginning of re-fashioning of that same conservative tradition. The sword belt chain set and the spear-butt with its spike indicate the innovations which were yet to become the characteristic features of the middle La T?ne soldiers? equipment. Furthermore, the intertwining of traditions and innovations is also evident from the symbolic and semantic processes which were connected with the ritual of this burial. At the time when the cremation became the predominant type of burial in the Celtic world, the ritual of laying gifts in graves also changed. Instead of the complete equipment which the deceased used during life, only select items are found to represent the totality, which in our example can be seen in the deposited spear-butt. Thus the suum cuique principle was replaced by the pars pro toto principle. Based on the above, the famous warrior from the Karaburma grave 22 both in an abstract and also direct sense, confirms the intertwining of traditions and the circulation of cultural elements, and thus shows that he himself was one of the carriers of the avant-garde of the time, the forerunner of a new period in political and economic relations in the central Balkans of the third quarter of the 4th century.

In the Late Archaic - Early Classic period, the Attic ceramic industry was characterized by a kind of duality. On the one hand, the red-figure technique was flourishing, when Euphronios’, Douris’ or the Berlin Painter’s works represented the height of Greek vase painting. On the other hand, the market was also covered by large quantities of low-quality black-figure pottery. Not only in Athens, but even in the whole Ancient Mediterranean these mass-produced vessels emerge constantly, even from modern excavations. Therefore, in contrast to most vases of more talented painters they can be attached to an archaeological feature or layer. Due to their inadequate style, relatively few characteristics can be determined while looking at the painting. Thus, the manufacturing criteria, such as the details of the shapes, are more important in the attribution. In this paper, I study the late black-figure lekythoi of the Museum of Fine Arts in Budapest with the help of geometric morphometrics using 3D reconstructions.