Journal articles on the topic 'Greek History and criticism'
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1
Kitromilides, Paschalis. "Spinozist ideas in the greek enlightenment." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950105k.
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In this paper I discuss the religious ideas and religious criticism voiced by a Greek eighteenth-century philosopher, Christodoulos Efstathiou from Acarnania, also known by the pejorative surname Pamblekis (1730?-1793). He is known in Greek intellectual history on the basis of three works, ?????? ???????? (True Politics) published in 1781, ???? ????????? (On Philosopher), published in 1786, and ???? ?????????? (On Theocracy), published in 1793. The paper presents an analysis of the criticism of the clergy, the Church and organized religion voiced in the latter work. It is argued that Christodoulos?s religious ideas were inspired by the historical criticism of religion that emanated from the ideas of Spinoza and thus he could be considered a rare representative of the Radical Enlightenment in the Greek Enlightenment tradition and its broader Southeastern European context.
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Christopoulos, Marianna. "Anti-Venizelist criticism of Venizelos’ policy during the Balkan Wars (1912-13)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 39, no. 2 (2015): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100015378.
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Although the Balkan Wars are regarded as a defining moment in modern Greek history that led to the expansion of Greek territory, they also constitute an important chapter in the history of internal Greek politics: the Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos consolidated his position as the country’s most competent politician; the Palace, at the head of the victorious Greek army, regained much of its lost prestige after the unsuccessful Greco-Turkish war of 1897; and most importantly, the old parties began to function as a united front against Venizelos. This reaction was majorly triggered by Venizelos’ handling of the country’s foreign affairs in 1912-13. The anti-Venizelists’ rhetoric against Venizelos diplomacy invested heavily in tradition and the role of the king and was a harbinger of the national schism of 1915-16.
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Kalasaridou, Sotiria. "The history of C. P. Cavafy in Greek education: Landmarks and Gaps." Journal of Literary Education, no. 2 (December 6, 2019): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/jle.2.12049.
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This article aims to highlight the crucial stages of C.P. Cavafy’s “history in education” through textbooks about literature from 1930 until today. More specifically, the research is constructed around two areas: a) the fundamental role of literary criticism and how it was related to the introduction of C.P. Cavafy in education in 1930, b) the degree of osmosis between History of Literature and History of Education. The methodological criteria of the research are drawn from different areas, such as: i) literary criticism, ii) history of education and educational policy, iii) history of textbook anthologies, and iv) poetry anthologies. a) During a course of eighty years, C. P. Cavafy is found in thirty-five anthologies, teachers’ textbooks and curricula, whereas the parallel reading recommendations reach a staggering eighty-seven; Ithaca is the most anthologised poem — twelve times. b) The positive opinions by the critics and the momentum of school anthologies that tried a holistic approach to poetry defined the inclusion of C. P. Cavafy in the school anthologies during the educational reform of 1929-1932. c) The position of Cavafy in the History of Modern Greek Literature by K. Th. Dimaras surpasses the efforts made by the critics of that time. Moreover, Linos Politis also holds a part of the restoration of C. P. Cavafy as far as the school textbooks are concerned, as his History of Modern Greek Literature, as well as his poetic anthology, determined the school literary canon from the days of the Restoration of Democracy until now.
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Elliott, J. K. "Two Recent Works on Textual Criticism." Novum Testamentum 61, no. 2 (March 5, 2019): 207–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341620.
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AbstractHere follow two reviews of works within the field of New Testament textual criticism: one is of the final five fascicules of Jean-Claude Haelewyck’s Mark for the Vetus Latina series; the other is of Didier Lafleur’s analysis of a good number of the Greek New Testament manuscripts currently in Tirana, Albania.
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VAN STEEN, GONDA. "THE AUDACITY OF TRUTH: THE ANTIGONE OF ARIS ALEXANDROU, A PLAY OF ISLAND DETENTION FROM THE GREEK CIVIL WAR." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2011.00019.x.
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Abstract This article offers a thematic reading of the Antigone play that the Greek poet Aris Alexandrou finished writing in 1951, while pushed into isolation on the prison islands for leftist detainees of the Greek Civil War. It also discusses the 2003 stage production of the play by director Victor Arditti and the State Theatre of Northern Greece. Alexandrou's free adaptation of Sophocles' Antigone delivers the complex other side of the radical resistance that inspired postwar Greek politics and culture. The playwright's political views made him suffer exile within the ‘internal exile’ of his detainment on the prison islands, and the same holds true for his young and idealist protagonist Antigone. Thus the play becomes an essential piece of the less well documented debate between the Greek Left and those pushed out from within. Therefore, too, it has been particularly vulnerable to criticism – or to a fate worse than criticism: oblivion.
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Imbert, Claude. "Gottlob Frege, One More Time." Hypatia 15, no. 4 (2000): 156–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2000.tb00358.x.
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Frege's philosophical writings, including the “logistic project,” acquire a new insight by being confronted with Kant's criticism and Wittgenstein's logical and grammatical investigations. Between these two points a non-formalist history of logic is just taking shape, a history emphasizing the Greek and Kantian inheritance and its aftermath. It allows us to understand the radical change in rationality introduced by Gottlob Frege's syntax. This syntax put an end to Greek categorization and opened the way to the multiplicity of expressions producing their own intelligibility. This article is based on more technical analyses of Frege which Claude Imbert has previously offered in other writings (see references).
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Wright, Benjamin G. "The Septuagint as a Hellenistic Greek Text." Journal for the Study of Judaism 50, no. 4-5 (November 6, 2019): 497–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12505130.
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AbstractAs a response to the tradition of scholarship that focused on questions of LXX origins, translation techniques and textual criticism, this article looks at how the LXX translations in antiquity were already in certain respects marked as Greek texts at their production, constructed as Greek literary texts in their origins, and subsequently employed in the same ways as compositional Greek texts by those who engaged them. It shows how the author of Aristeas constructs the LXX as a Greek text, how it functioned as such for Aristobulos and Philo. Already the translators demonstrate in their use of poetic language that they could produce literary Greek. Subsequently, Jewish Hellenistic authors employed the LXX alongside other Greek texts, and treated it with the methods of Hellenistic scholarship.
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Kirby, John T. "The Rhetorical Situations of Revelation 1–3." New Testament Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1988): 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500019998.
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The publication of George Kennedy'sNew Testament Interpretation Through Rhetorical Criticismmarked the full realization of a growing trend in NT criticism, whereby scholars are beginning to look beyond the limitations of form- and source-criticism for another viable hermeneutical tool. Rhetorical criticism has its origins in the classical canons conceptualized and formulated by the principal rhetoricians of Greek and Roman antiquity, such as Aristotle and Quintilian. This methodology sprang from roots in the ancient world; rhetoric was ‘one of the constraints under which New Testament writers worked’. But it has a universality that transcends its own cultural boundaries, as well as an extraordinary practicality: ‘ … it does study a verbal reality, our text of the Bible, rather than the oral sources standing behind that text, the hypothetical stages of its composition, or the impersonal workings of social forces, and at its best it can reveal the power of those texts as unitary messages’’. Often, too, it is capable of slashing through exegetical Gordian knots that prove otherwise intractable. The ability of rhetorical criticism to evaluate even the more opaque or mystical portions of the NT is a measure of its effectiveness.
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Quantin, Jean-Louis. "Historical Criticism, Confessional Controversy, and Self-Censorship: Henry Savile and the Lives of John Chrysostom." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 6, no. 1-2 (March 17, 2021): 138–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-06010004.
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Abstract Henry Savile wrote a critical dissertation on Chrysostom’s biographers for inclusion in the eighth volume of his edition of Chrysostom’s works in Greek. He was indeed very interested in the Lives of his author, primarily in the Dialogus of Palladius of Helenopolis, then only known in Latin translation, whose Greek original he took considerable pains to unearth, to no avail, in libraries throughout Europe. His amanuenses instead brought him an array of Byzantine hagiographical texts, of which he was dismissive, publishing them only in part. Savile’s dissertation propounds his criteria of historical criticism (opposing ‘ancient’, authoritative writers, such as Palladius, and ‘modern’ ones, who invented miraculous stories) and attempts to reconstruct an exact chronology of Chrysostom’s life. It also discusses events immediately following the saint’s death, and argues that the letter of excommunication allegedly sent by Pope Innocent I to Chrysostom’s persecutors, the Emperor Arcadius and the Empress Eudoxia, cannot be genuine. As this episode was much used by champions of papal authority, Savile realized that he would be drawn into contemporary controversies. He preferred therefore to suppress his dissertation altogether: an act of self-censorship which raises fundamental questions about the nature of his undertaking.
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Anakwue, Nicholas Chukwudike. "The African Origins of Greek Philosophy: Ancient Egypt in Retrospect." Phronimon 18 (February 22, 2018): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/2361.
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The demand of philosophising in Africa has faced a history of criticism that has been particularly Eurocentric and strongly biased. However, that trend is changing with the emergence of core philosophical thinking in Africa. This paper is an attempt to articulate a singular issue in this evolution—the originality of African philosophy, through Ancient Egypt and its influence on Greek philosophy. The paper sets about this task by first exposing the historical debate on the early beginnings of the philosophical enterprise, with a view to establishing the possibility of philosophical influences in Africa. It then goes ahead to posit the three hypotheses that link Greek philosophy to have developed from the cultural materiality of Ancient Egypt, and the Eurocentric travesty of history in recognising influences of philosophy as from Europe alone, apart from Egypt.
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Fox, Matthew. "History and Rhetoric in Dionysius of Halicarnassus." Journal of Roman Studies 83 (November 1993): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300977.
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This article explores the relationship between historical truth and rhetorical education in theAntiquitates Romanaeof Dionysius of Halicarnassus. These two concerns dominate Dionysius' output, and have provided fuel for a long tradition of adverse criticism. Schwartz'sREarticle set the standard for a series of dismissive accounts; his premise is that by choosing a period of such remote history, Dionysius can fulfil his desire to make history the servant of rhetorical display, adding, with scorn, that Dionysius' love of the Romans disqualifies him from being a real Greek. Palm, still using Schwartz over fifty years later, is so convinced that Dionysius cannot have believed what he was writing that he ascribes the meticulously executed proof that the Romans were Greeks to ‘paradoxe Effekte’, in which anyone writing a rhetorical exercise of this kind would be careful to indulge. Polemic has recently waned, although by far the most common use of Dionysius' history is as a source for antiquarian anecdote or the lost annalistic tradition, often to highlight the originality of Livy. The recently published lectures of Gabba will do much to redress the balance, and are the first concerted attempt at harmonizing the details of Dionysius' rhetorical theory with his history.
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Wright, Matthew. "POETS AND POETRY IN LATER GREEK COMEDY." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 603–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881300013x.
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The comic dramatists of the fifth centuryb.c.were notable for their preoccupation with poetics – that is, their frequent references to their own poetry and that of others, their overt interest in the Athenian dramatic festivals and their adjudication, their penchant for parody and pastiche, and their habit of self-conscious reflection on the nature of good and bad poetry. I have already explored these matters at some length, in my study of the relationship between comedy and literary criticism in the period before Plato and Aristotle. This article continues the story into the fourth century and beyond, examining the presence and function of poetical and literary-critical discourse in what is normally called ‘middle’ and ‘new’ comedy.
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CERAMI, CRISTINA. "THOMAS D'AQUIN LECTEUR CRITIQUE DU GRAND COMMENTAIRE D'AVERROÈS À PHYS. I, 1." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 19, no. 2 (September 2009): 189–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423909990026.
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AbstractThe present article aims to provide a reconstruction of the interpretation offered by Thomas Aquinas of the cognitive process described at the beginning of Aristotle's Physics and of his criticism of Averroes' interpretation. It expounds to this end the exegesis of ancient Greek commentators who opened the debate on this question; then, it puts forward a reconstruction of Aquinas' doctrine by means of other texts of his corpus, as well as an explanation of his criticism of Averroes' exegesis; it finally reconstructs Averroes' interpretation worked out in his Great Commentary to Phys. I, 1, in order to show that Aquinas' disapproval is partly due to an incorrect interpretation of Averroes' divisio textus of Phys. I, 1. It suggests as well that, concerning some fundamental points, Aquinas' exegesis doesn't diverge from the interpretation proposed by Averroes.
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Jacobs, L. D. "Die tekskritiek van die Nuwe Testament (1): Die huidige metodologiese situasie." Verbum et Ecclesia 12, no. 2 (July 18, 1991): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v12i2.1039.
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The textual criticism of the New Testament (1): The current methodological Situation This first article in a two-part series on the textual criticism of the New Testament focuses on the current state of affairs regarding textcritical methodology. Majority text methods and the two main streams of eclecticism, viz moderate and rigorous eclecticism, as well as statistical methods and the use of conjectural emendation, are reviewed with regard to their views on method as well as the history of the text. The purpose is to arrive at a workable solution which the keen and often not so able textual critic, translator and exegete can use in his handling of the Greek text of the New Testament.
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Vardi, Amiel D. "Diiudicatio locorum: Gellius and the history of a mode in ancient comparative criticism." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 492–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.492.
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Comparison of literary passages is a critical procedure much favoured by Gellius, and is the main theme in several chapters of his Noctes Atticae: ch. 2.23 is dedicated to a comparison of Menander's and Caecilius′ versions of the Plocium; 2.27 to a confrontation of passages from Demosthenes and Sallust; in 9.9 Vergilian verses are compared with their originals in Theocritus and Homer; parts of speeches by the elder Cato, C. Gracchus and Cicero are contrasted in 10.3; two of Vergil's verses are again compared with their supposed models in ch. 11.4; a segment of Ennius′ Hecuba is contrasted with its Euripidean original in 13.27; Cato's and Musonius′ formulations of a similar sententia are confronted in 16.1; in 17.10 Vergil's description of Etna is compared to Pindar's; the value of Latin erotic poetry is weighed against the Greek in ch. 19.9, in which an Anacreontean poem and four Latin epigrams are cited; and finally in 19.11 a ‘Platonic' distich is set side by side with its Latin adaptation, composed by an anonymous friend of Gellius, though in this case no comparison of the poems is attempted.
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Alonso Serrano, Carmelo A. "The Name ‘Palestine’ in Classical Greek Texts." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 2 (November 2021): 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0270.
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This article provides a contextualised exposition of classical Greek texts, in chronological order, from Herodotus to Eusebius of Caesarea (5th century BC-4th century AD), with brief biographical reviews and in which the name ‘Palestine’ appears. A Latin text by Pomponius Mela is also included for its reference to Gaza which, with the exception of the Septuagint texts, predates Arrian, Arrian of Nicomedia, a Greek historian of the Roman period, by nearly a century. The selection of classical texts explored in this article is not intended to be exhaustive; however, the exploration of these texts in connection with Palestine has never been attempted before. While avoiding historical, philosophical or literary criticism of these texts, this article focuses on the specific considerations of the name ‘Palestine’ in the classical literature.
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Moerbeck, Guilherme. "Between THe aacient and the modern world: war and community in Max Weber’s city typology." Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 4, no. 1 (December 12, 2019): 168–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.34024/herodoto.2019.v4.10116.
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Economy and Society, one of the most influential oeuvres of the early twentieth century, with impact in several branches of the Human Sciences, has in one of its parts a text of particular interest to researchers of Ancient History, the Typology of Cities. Although Max Weber’s significant aims in composing his text were, blatantly, to evaluate the contemporary world, the density of the Weberian text, the fruit of a unique erudition, revealed an in-depth and singular analysis of the ancient Greek city. The purpose of this article is to analyze Weber’s interpretive choices, in the light of historiographical criticism and a careful analysis of the Typology, in articular as regards the ideal types which he made to understand the city of the ancient Greeks.
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Prus, Robert. "Poetic Expression and Human Enacted Realities: Plato and Aristotle Engage Pragmatist Motifs in Greek Fictional Representations." Qualitative Sociology Review 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2009): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.5.1.01.
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Poetic expressions may seem somewhat removed from a pragmatist social science, but the history of the development of Western civilization is such that the (knowingly) fictionalized renderings of human life-worlds that were developed in the classical Greek era (c700-300BCE) appear to have contributed consequentially to a scholarly emphasis on the ways in which people engage the world. Clearly, poetic writings constitute but one aspect of early Greek thought and are best appreciated within the context of other developments in that era, most notably those taking shape in the realms of philosophy, religion, rhetoric, politics, history, and education. These poetic materials (a) attest to views of the human condition that are central to a pragmatist philosophy (and social science) and (b) represent the foundational basis for subsequent developments in literary criticism (including theory and methods pertaining to the representation of human enacted realities in dramaturgical presentations). Thus, while not reducing social theory to poetic representation, this statement considers the relevance of early Greek poetics for the development of social theory pertaining to humanly enacted realities.
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Kotyl, Marcin. "‘God the Father’ or ‘God our Father’? Galatians 1.4–9 on a Miniature Parchment Leaf." New Testament Studies 67, no. 2 (March 4, 2021): 305–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688520000314.
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This article publishes for the first time a Sahidic parchment leaf containing portions of Gal 1.4–9. Its main interest lies in the omission of the possessive in Gal 1.4d, which reads ‘God the Father’ as opposed to the mainstream ‘God our Father’. Two possible explanations are proposed: scribal error or translational assimilation, involving the more complex question of the relationship between the Coptic and Greek versions. Beyond the biblical textual criticism, this article also adds to the study of miniature codices.
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Petzer, Kobus. "Style and Text in the Lucan Narrative of the Institution of the Lord's Supper (Luke 22.19b–20)." New Testament Studies 37, no. 1 (January 1991): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500015368.
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The importance of the style of authors in solving textual problems in the Greek New Testament is without dispute in New Testament textual criticism today. It is an acknowledged part of every version of the eclectic method currently in use, although it does not always carry the same weight in the different versions of this method. However, when one turns to the practice of textual criticism, it becomes apparent that this aspect of text-critical methodology is not without its problems. Not only has it been shown by critics of UBS/NA26that an author's style is often overlooked by the editors of these texts,3but when one pages through theTextual Commentarythe problems of putting this criterion into practice become clear, since it is sometimes acknowledged that other evidence forced the editors to print a reading which does not display the general style of an author.
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Wright, Matthew. "The tragedian as critic: Euripides and early Greek poetics." Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000066.
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AbstractThis article examines the place of tragic poetry within the early history and development of ancient literary criticism. It concentrates on Euripides, both because his works contain many more literary-critical reflections than those of the other tragedians and because he has been thought to possess an unusually ‘critical’ outlook. Euripidean characters and choruses talk about such matters as poetic skill and inspiration, the social function of poetry, contexts for performance, literary and rhetorical culture, and novelty as an implied criterion for judging literary excellence. It is argued that the implied view of literature which emerges from Euripidean tragedy is both coherent and conventional. As a critic, Euripides, far from being a radical or aggressively modern figure (as he is often portrayed), is in fact distinctly conservative, looking back in every respect to the earlier Greek poetic tradition.
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Taylor, Quentin. "Ernest Barker and Greek Political Thought: Plato." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 23, no. 2 (2006): 222–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000094.
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For much of the twentieth century Ernest Barker was the most frequently cited authority on Greek political thought in the English-speaking world. The centenary of his first publication, The Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle, provides a fitting occasion to commemorate his seminal and enduring contribution to the subject. In the first of two articles, I explore Barker’s treatment of Plato, particularly as a foil for developing his own synthetic brand of neo-idealism. With a focus on the Republic, Barker crafts an erudite yet lively account that leaves little of Plato’s political thought left standing. Yet for all this damning criticism, Barker remained under the ‘spell of Plato’ insofar as he saw in his organic and ethical conception of the polis a foundation for the state far superior to the mechanical and legalist orientation of classical liberalism. In fine, Barker provides an engaging, if occasionally anachronistic reading of Plato’s politics, one marked by an eclecticism and ambivalence that would characterize his own political commitments over the course of a long career.
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Ralston, T. R. "The ‘Majority Text’ and Byzantine Origins." New Testament Studies 38, no. 1 (January 1992): 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500023110.
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In a recent edition ofNew Testament StudiesD. B. Wallace has argued for a procedural change in New Testament textual criticism, namely that textual critics consider using the recently publishedThe Greek New Testament according to the Majority Textas a baseline for collation studies. The following study demonstrates the sound value of such a move for intra-Byzantine studies. It further shows that while theMajority Textis a valuable asset for the study of texttypes, the theory which motivated its editors does not stand up to the rigour of this ‘preliminary’ collation study.
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Berent, Moshe. "In Search of the Greek State: A Rejoinder to M.H. Hansen." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 21, no. 1-2 (2004): 107–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000063.
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In a collection of articles based on my Cambridge doctoral thesis (1994) I have argued that, contrary to what has been traditionally assumed, the Greek polis was not a State but rather what anthropologists call ‘a stateless society’. The latter is characterized by the absence of ‘government’, that is, an agency which has separated itself out from the rest of social life and which monopolizes the use of violence. In a recent article Mogens Herman Hansen discusses and rejects my notion of the stateless polis. This paper is a rejoinder to Hansen’s criticism and offers critical analysis of the concept of ‘The Greek State’ which has been employed by Hansen and by other ancient historians. Among the questions discussed: To what extent did the polis have amonopoly on violence? To what extent do the relations between the polis and its territory resemble those of (tribal) stateless communities? Could the State/Society distinction be applied to the Greek polis? How is the Greek distinction between the private and the public different from its modern counterpart and how is this difference related to the statelessness of the Greek polis?
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Bystrov, Vladimir, and Vladimir Kamnev. "Vulgar Sociologism: The History of the Concept." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 18, no. 3 (2019): 286–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2019-3-286-308.
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This article can be considered as the history of the concept of vulgar sociologism, including both the moment of the emergence of this concept and its subsequent history. In the 20th century, new approaches were formed in the natural sciences about society and man which assumed to consider all of the ideas from the point of view of class psycho-ideology. This approach manifested itself somewhat in the history of philosophical and scientific knowledge, but chiefly in literary criticism (Friche, Pereverzev). As a result, any work of art turns into a ciphered message behind which the interest of a certain class or group hides. The critic has to solve this code and define its sociological equivalent. In the discussions against vulgar sociology, M. Lifshitz and his adherents insisted on a limitation of the vulgar-sociological approach, qualifying it as a bourgeois perversion of Marxism. They saw the principle of the criticism of vulgar sociology in the well-known statement by K. Marx about the aesthetic value of the Ancient Greek epos. The task of the critic does not only reduce to the establishment of social genetics of the work of art because he also needs to explain why this work causes aesthetic pleasure during other historical eras. In the article, it is shown that later attempts to reduce the complete spectrum of modern western philosophy and aesthetics into a paradigm of vulgar sociology of the 1920s is an unreasonable exaggeration. At the same time, in discussions in the 1930s, the question of the need of the differentiation of the vulgar-sociological approach and a sociological method in general was raised. As for sociology, this question remains relevant even today.
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Whitmarsh, Tim. "Josephus, Joseph and the Greek Novel." Ramus 36, no. 1 (2007): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000801.
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The challenge to classicists to read Josephus ‘as literature’ is an awkward one, because it throws into relief the crooked, appropriative practices we undertake in the name of literary criticism. If Josephus' works are to be seen as ‘literature’—a category closely associated with specifically Hellenic literary ideals, in much of the ancient world as well as the modern academy—then we are also avoiding looking at them as documents of early Jewish cultural history or belief. ‘Literature’ is far from a neutral category.Josephus would, however, have probably approved, at any rate up to a point. In the proem to the Jewish Archaeology—on which this article will focus—he promises a work of ‘universal usefulness’ (κοινή ὠϕέλειαν, 1.3), which will appear ‘worthy of study to the whole Greek world’ (ἅπασι…τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀξίαν σπουδῆς, 1.5). Unlike Against Apion, which denigrates Greek historiography in relation to Jewish and other near-eastern narrative traditions (see esp. 1.6-56), the Archaeology seeks to translate biblical discourse into a Greek-friendly register. In terms of communication, ‘universal’ necessarily means ‘Greek’, a point of which the translators of the Septuagint were aware (as much as Cicero and Paul). Moreover, the tralatitious language (Thucydidean ὠϕέλεια, Dionysian σπουδή) coupled with the direct allusion in the work's title to Dionysius' Roman Archaeology reinforce the already clear impression that Josephus is inscribing his project into the Greek cultural tradition, marking its intelligibility within the conceptual framework that we would call ‘literature’, and Josephus and his contemporaries called paideia. The Archaeology converts the fragmented and at times self-contradictory narrative of the Hebrew Bible (what Christians call the Old Testament) into a coherent chronological narrative, seeking to confer on it the legitimacy (as gentile Greeks would see it) of historical narrative.
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Marren, Marina. "The Ancient Knowledge of Sais or See Yourselves in the Xenoi: Plato’s Message to the Greeks." Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 3 (December 8, 2019): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v3i0.28.
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It is easier to criticize others and their foreign way of life, than to turn the mirror of critical reflection upon one’s own customs and laws. I argue that Plato follows this basic premise in the Timaeus when he constructs a story about Atlantis, which Solon, the Athenian, learns during his travels to Egypt. The reason why Plato appeals to the distinction that his Greek audience makes between themselves and the ξένοι is pedagogical. On the example of the conflict between Atlantis—a mythical and, therefore, a foreign polis— and ancient Athens, Plato seeks to remind the Greeks what even a mighty polis stands to lose if it pursues expansionist war. On the example of the failure that befalls the mythical Atlantis, and on the basis of the religious similarity between ancient Athens and ancient Sais (21e), Plato bridges the distance between the Greeks and the Egyptians, who would have been seen as actual (as opposed to mythical) ξένοι. The next step that Plato encourages his contemporaries to take is this: look at the history of Egypt (8 – 7BC) and the internal conflicts that led to the demise of the last bastion of Egyptian power—Sais—and recognize in the internal political intrigues of the “Athens-loving” (21e) ξένοι the pattern of the destructive actions of the Greeks. Plato moves from the less to the more familiar—from the story about a mythic past and Atlantis, to ancient Athenians, to ancient Egyptians, to the Egyptians and Athenians of Solon’s time. The meeting between the ξένοι—the Egyptians at Sais—and the quintessentially Athenian Greek, Solon (7BC – 6BC), undeniably problematizes the customs, national identity, and political dealings of Plato’s contemporaries, the Greeks in the 5BC – 4BC.
By the time that Plato writes the Timaeus, circa 360BC, in the aftermath of the Peloponnesian War, Athens is all but undone. However, the fate of Greece is not yet sealed. Why turn to Egypt? Toby Wilkinson’s (2013) description of the Egyptian kingdom offers a clue: “The monarchy had sunk to an all-time low. Devoid of respect and stripped of mystique, it was but a pale imitation of past pharaonic glories” (The Rise and Fall of Ancient Egypt 431). The Greeks face that same prospect, but how to make them see? Direct criticism (the Philippic addresses of Demosthenes, for example) fails. Plato devises a decoy—make Greeks reflect on the repercussions of their poor political decisions by seeing them reflected in the actions and the history of the Egyptians—the Greek-loving and, by Plato’s time, defeated ξένοι.
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Lowe, J. C. B. "Aspects of Plautus' Originality in the Asinaria." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 152–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880004266x.
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That the palliatae of Plautus and Terence, besides purporting to depict Greek life, were in general adaptations of Greek plays has always been known. Statements in the prologues of the Latin plays and by other ancient authors left no room for doubt about this, while allowing the possibility of some exceptions. The question of the relationship of the Latin plays to their Greek models was first seriously addressed in the nineteenth century, mainly by German scholars, under the stimulus of Romantic criticism which attached paramount importance to originality in art. Since then the question has been constantly debated, often with acrimony, and to this day very different answers to it continue to be given. Yet the question is obviously important, both for those who would measure the artistic achievement of the Latin dramatists and for those who would use the plays to document aspects of Greek or Roman life. It is not disputed that Plautus' plays contain many Roman allusions and Latin puns which cannot have been derived from any Greek model and must be attributed to the Roman adapter. What is disputed is whether this overt Romanization is merely a superficial veneer overlaid on fundamentally Greek structures or whether Plautus made more radical changes to the structure as well as the spirit of his models.
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Gashkov, Sergei Aleksandrovich. "Subject and history: reasoning of Castoriadis on modernity in the context of this philosophical polemics (Heidegger, Ricoeur, Habermas)." Философская мысль, no. 3 (March 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8728.2020.3.32349.
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The subject of this research is the historical-philosophical and polemical context of philosophical reasoning on the history of French philosopher of Greek descent Cornelius Castoriadis (1922-1997). The philosopher builds a complicated polemical model that vividly responses to all attempts to determines society, being, history, and a human. Even such prominent philosophers of the XX century, such as M. Heidegger, J. Habermas. And P. Ricoeur, who do not show prejudice attitude towards philosophical knowledge, become subjected to critical analysis. The scientific novelty consists in attracting the new to the Russian audience historical-philosophical material, as well as a distinct attempt to reproduce of such polemics and debated that took place within the French intellectual environment of the late XX century. However, the author did not pursue the task of historical and biobibliographical description; the emphasis was made on the so-called return to the origins of the philosophy of history, revival of philosophical reasoning on history based on the examined material, demonstration of the complicated, aporetic, heterogeneous and heuristic nature of relationship between philosophy, humanities and social disciplines. The conclusion is made that the work of Castoriadis mostly represents philosophical criticism of theoretical grounds of humanities and social disciplines, rather than a poststructuralist philosophy of history; but this criticism, studied in the context of philosophical thought, acquires an independent scientific meaning.
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Pedersen, Claus Peder. "The Hydra drawings: digital imperfection." Architectural Research Quarterly 12, no. 3-4 (December 2008): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135508001152.
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The Hydra drawings are the result of a research-by-design project involving architectural students. The drawings have been produced during intensive work sessions organised in March for the last four years on the Greek island of Hydra. The project has been run by architects Cort Ross Dinesen and Claus Peder Pedersen in close dialogue with contributors from other fields such as art history, literary criticism and philosophy: Henrik Oxvig, Fredrik Tygstrup, Steen Nepper Larsen and Malene Busk. The drawings that accompany the text published here were done by Tove Rosén, Emelie Saltas, Guro Sollid and Flemming Rafn Thomsen.
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van Bladel, Kevin. "Al-Bīrūnī on Hermetic Forgery." Gnosis: Journal of Gnostic Studies 3, no. 1 (April 4, 2018): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340048.
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AbstractIn Central Asia in the early eleventh century, the Chorasmian scholar Abū Rayḥān al-Bīrūnī recognized that the Arabic works attributed to Hermes Trismegistus were inventions of recent centuries falsely written in the name of the ancient sage of legend. He did, however, accept the existence of a historical Hermes and even attempted to establish his chronology. This article presents al-Bīrūnī’s statements about this and contextualizes his view of the Arabic Hermetica as he derived it from Arabic chronographic sources. Al-Bīrūnī’s argument is compared with the celebrated seventeenth-century European criticism of the Greek Hermetica by Isaac Casaubon. It documents a hitherto unknown but significant event in the reception history of the Hermetica and helps to illustrate al-Bīrūnī’s attitude toward the history of science.
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Vroom, HM. "Echt gebeurd? Verhalen of feiten? Over historische en literaire bijbelkritiek en de zeggenschap van de bijbel." Verbum et Ecclesia 28, no. 1 (November 17, 2007): 345–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v28i1.111.
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A serious objection against Christian faith is that the Bible is not trustworthy because the history it relates does not correspond to the facts of history. In theology this problem is “solved” by some biblical scholars by an acceptance of the research methods that are used for all literature alike while others accept the historical critique by understanding the biblical history as a faithful but a-historical revelation. Fundamentalists reject the historical-critical objections and stress the inerrancy of Scripture. In this contribution these three “answers” are rejected: biblical studies shall take the (real) facts serious indeed (pace inerrancy), nor jump into an a-historical revelatory history next to historical criticism (pace strong Barthian views in the “Amsterdam School”), but neither read religious scriptures all in the same way “as all literature” — but apply academic methods as is appropriate for the Hebrew and Greek Bible.
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Peels, Saskia. "Thwarted Expectations of Divine Reciprocity." Mnemosyne 69, no. 4 (June 23, 2016): 551–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341900.
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The notion of reciprocity in Greek religion has been approached from many angles. One question that has not been treated concerns human discontent at gods’ gifts. Given that, in Greek literature, characters conceptualised their relationship with gods as a bond of reciprocal χάρις, did these fictive characters use the same conceptual frame in talking about frustrated expectations of divine reciprocity? When gods did not give in return what had been hoped for, was such disappointment ever constructed as a case of dysfunctional reciprocity? In this paper I argue that the answer is ‘no’, but a conscious no. Explicit disappointment in divine reciprocity occurs, but exclusively under ‘special circumstances’. Such criticism is uttered by characters who are not Greek, for example, who are portrayed as having rather strange views anyway, or who have a very special reciprocal relationship with a god based on divine parenthood of a human child. The distribution and nature of complaints shows that reproaching gods about disappointed reciprocity was consciously considered as very un-Greek.
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Abreu, José Guilherme, Salomé Carvalho, Rui Bordalo, and Eduarda Vieira. "THE IMAGE OF SOARES DOS REIS’ SCULPTURE IN ART HISTORY, ART CRITICISM AND LITERATURE: EPOCHS, MODELS AND REPRESENTATIONS." ARTis ON, no. 9 (December 26, 2019): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37935/aion.v0i9.240.
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A hundred thirty years after his dramatic death, António Soares dos Reis (ASR) remains a huge challenge for art history understanding and art criticism interpretation, since he has been seen simultaneously as “a Greek, […] a realist, […] a classical, […] and a naturalist” (Arroyo, 1899: 78). His major sculpture – O Desterrado – being “an existential work” (França, 1966: 454) escapes from the classic orthodox aesthetic analysis, standing apart from the typical sculptural work of late 19th century. Our hypothesis is that ASR art works like a Rorschach test, for the narratives referred to it, instead of unveiling its character, reveal the concepts and beliefs upon which successive art studies have been produced. No visual images are displayed in this text, since the aim of our study is to detect the mental images associated to the insights and models that art historians and other authors traditionally used to assess ASR’s artistic work.
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van Emde Boas, Evert. "The Tutor’s Beard." Mnemosyne 68, no. 4 (July 2, 2015): 543–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12301528.
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In this paper I discuss several cases of controversial speaker-line attribution in Greek tragedy, with the overall goal of showing that greater attention needs to be paid to gender-specific language in the business of textual criticism. Differences between male and female speech in Greek drama may offer crucial indications for the attribution of contested lines. I argue that the distribution of E. El. 959-966 in the manuscripts should be maintained, primarily for two gender-related reasons: women in tragedy do not give commands to servants if free men are present, and the discussion of clothing at 966 is typical of Electra’s female concerns. For the first half of the ‘recognition duet’ between Helen and Menelaus at E. Hel. 625-659, I argue, on the basis of recent work on male and female lyric, that 638-640 should be assigned to Helen, and that there is no need to avoid giving 636 or 654-655 to Menelaus because they are ‘too emotional’ for a man. In discussing these passages I seek to contribute to the growing understanding of the distinct characteristics of tragic male and female language, and to argue for the role that the study of those characteristics can play in textual criticism.
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Sergeev, Mikhail. "Philology and the History of Words: Some Notes on the Humanists’ Etymological Argumentation." Philologia Classica 16, no. 1 (2021): 106–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2021.110.
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The article concerns the influence of humanist scholarship on sixteenth-century etymological practices, testified in the Neo-Latin reference works and special treatises on linguistics and history. Being an important part of historical research, which relied mostly on Greek and Latin literary sources, etymology could not but adopt some important principles and instruments of contemporary philological work, notably on the source criticism. The foremost rule was to study the sources in their original language, form, and eliminate any corrupted data as well as any information not attested in written sources. This presumed that every text had its own written history, which tended to be a gradual deterioration of its state, represented in the manuscript tradition that was subject to scribal errors and misinterpretations. This view on the textual history was strikingly consonant with that on the history of languages, which was treated by the humanists as permanent corruption and inevitable degeneration from the noble and perfect state of their ancient ancestors. In an effort to restore the original text, philology used emendation as a cure for scribal abuse and textual losses; likewise, language historians had their own tool, namely etymology, to reconstruct and explain the original form of words (including the nomenclature of various sciences). The intersection of both procedures is taken into account in the article and it demonstrates how textual conjectures, manuscript collation, and graphical interpretation of misreadings were employed by the sixteenth-century scholars to corroborate their etymological speculations, which established themselves as one of the ways of the reception and criticism of classical scholarly heritage.
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Wagner, Christian, and Tobias Nicklas. "THESEN ZUR TEXTLICHEN VIELFALT IM TOBITBUCH." Journal for the Study of Judaism 34, no. 2 (2003): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006303766489979.
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AbstractThe article deals with some problems concerning the textual transmission of the book of Tobit. A few of its Greek manuscripts cannot surely be classified in the categories of GI, GII and GIII. The newly edited Qumran fragments should not be interpreted as witnesses of a single Urtext but point to a variety of different semitic Tobit 'texts'. The impossibility to reconstruct an Urtext of Tobit also raises methodological questions about the relations of textual, form, source, and redactional criticism. The authors plead for a synoptic approach which does justice to the value of this textual diversity.
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Förster, Hans. "Die johanneischen Zeichen und Joh 2:11 als möglicher hermeneutischer Schlüssel." Novum Testamentum 56, no. 1 (January 15, 2014): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341444.
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Abstract The Greek term ἀρχή occurs in John 2:11, at the end of the story of the wedding at Cana. Water was changed into wine at this occasion and this is called the “beginning of the signs”. This Greek term—often translated in this context not as “beginning of the signs” but rather as “first sign”—can denote the beginning of a dynamically structured sequence. Elements in the narratives of the various signs seem to build a dynamic structure, thereby assigning each sign a fixed position in a climactic story which ends with the raising of Lazarus. This has consequences for literary criticism of the Gospel of John. It is widely held that chapters 5 and 6 should be interchanged. This, however, would destroy the narrative structure of the signs.
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Elliott, J. K. "The Text of Acts in the Light of Two Recent Studies." New Testament Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1988): 250–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850002004x.
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The variants found in the Greek text of Acts that are included in this paper have been selected for three reasons: 1) They all contain readings which have the combined support of the Byzantine majority text and papyri. These have been taken from the lists to be found in Harry A. Sturz, The Byzantine Text-Type and New Testament Textual Criticism (Nashville, Camden, New York: Thomas Nelson, 1984). 2) They have a bearing on a recent study of Acts by M-E. Boismard and A. Lamouille, Le Texte Occidentale des Actes des Apôtres: Reconstruction et Réhabilitation (Paris: 1984), to be referred to hereafter as B + L. In their work B + L print as Lucan two versions of Acts, the Alexandrian (TA) and the Western (TO). 3) They show differing types of scribal emendation.
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Bula, Andrew. "Literary Musings and Critical Mediations: Interview with Rev. Fr Professor Amechi N. Akwanya." Journal of Practical Studies in Education 2, no. 5 (August 6, 2021): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jpse.v2i5.30.
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Reverend Father Professor Amechi Nicholas Akwanya is one of the towering scholars of literature in Nigeria and elsewhere in the world. For decades, and still counting, Fr. Prof. Akwanya has worked arduously, professing literature by way of teaching, researching, and writing in the Department of English and Literary Studies of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. To his credit, therefore, this genius of a literature scholar has singularly authored over 70 articles, six critically engaging books, a novel, and three volumes of poetry. His PhD thesis, Structuring and Meaning in the Nigerian Novel, which he completed in 1989, is a staggering 734-page document. Professor Akwanya has also taught many literature courses, namely: European Continental Literature, Studies in Drama, Modern Literary Theory, African Poetry, History of Theatre: Aeschylus to Shakespeare, European Theatre since Ibsen, English Literature Survey: the Beginnings, Semantics, History of the English Language, History of Criticism, Modern Discourse Analysis, Greek and Roman Literatures, Linguistics and the Teaching of Literature, Major Strands in Literary Criticism, Issues in Comparative Literature, Discourse Theory, English Poetry, English Drama, Modern British Literature, Comparative Studies in Poetry, Comparative Studies in Drama, Studies in African Drama, and Philosophy of Literature. A Fellow of Nigerian Academy of Letters, Akwanya’s open access works have been read over 109,478 times around the world. In this wide-ranging interview, he speaks to Andrew Bula, a young lecturer from Baze University, Abuja, shedding light on a variety of issues around which his life revolves.
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Fios, Frederikus. "Critics to Metaphysics by Modern Philosophers: A Discourse on Human Beings in Reality." Humaniora 7, no. 1 (January 30, 2016): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v7i1.3493.
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We have entered the 21st century that is popularly known as the era of the development of modern science and technology. Philosophy provides naming for contemporary era as postmodern era. But do we suddenly come to this day and age? No! Because humans are homo viator, persona that does pilgrimage in history, space and time. Philosophy has expanded periodically in the long course of history. Since the days of classical antiquity, philosophy comes with a patterned metaphysical paradigm. This paradigm survives very long in the stage history of philosophy as maintained by many philosophers who hold fast to the philosophical-epistemic claim that philosophy should be (das sollen) metaphysical. Classical Greek philosopher, Aristotle was a philosopher who claims metaphysics as the initial philosophy. Then, Immanuel Kant, Hegel, Heidegger, Marx even Habermas offer appropriate shades of metaphysical philosophy versus spirit of the age. Modern philosophers offer a new paradigm in the way of doing philosophy. The new spirit of modern philosophers declared as if giving criticism on traditional western metaphysics (since Aristotle) that are considered irrelevant. This paper intends to show the argument between traditional metaphysical and modern philosophers who criticize metaphysics. The author will make a philosophical synthesis to obtain enlightenment to the position of human beings in the space of time. Using the method of Hegelian dialectic (thesis-antiteses-synthesis), this topic will be developed and assessed in accordance with the interests of this paper.
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BRENT, ALLEN. "The Enigma of Ignatius of Antioch." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 3 (June 21, 2006): 429–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906007354.
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If we affirm against recent criticism the authenticity of the Middle Recension of the Ignatian letters, we are nevertheless left with the enigma of Ignatius' relations with Polycarp. This paper explains that enigma in terms of two distinct cultural worlds of early second-century Christianity that come together in the meeting of these two church leaders. Ignatius was the first great missionary bishop who reinterpreted church order, the eucharist and martyrdom against the backcloth of the Second Sophistic in Asia Minor, with its pagan processions, cult and embassies that celebrated the social order of the Greek city state in relation to imperial power. Much of Ignatius' iconography was alien to Polycarp, though the latter was finally to canonise both him and his writings by focusing on his impressively enacted refutation of Docetism through his portrayal of his forthcoming martyrdom.
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Chavel, Simeon, and Jessie DeGrado. "Text- and Source-Criticism of 1 Samuel 17–18: A Complete Account." Vetus Testamentum 70, no. 4-5 (August 11, 2020): 553–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341418.
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Abstract This article contributes to the debate about the two versions of 1 Samuel 17–18, the shorter one in the Greek Bible and the longer one in the Hebrew. The majority opinion holds that Vaticanus represents the earlier stage and the MT pluses comprise a second version of the main episode, along with harmonizations and additional material. Several of the pluses in chapter 18, however, have been overlooked in previous studies. Accounting for each plus through the end of chapter 18, this study recovers a complete and independent second story that concludes with David’s successful marriage to Saul’s daughter as the reward promised; it identifies and explains all harmonizing additions; and it categorizes an unusual set of unnecessary interpolations made to enrich the story. The study confirms that parallel stories existed and circulated in written form outside “biblical” scrolls; that scribes meticulously spliced written sources to incorporate perceived parallels; and that scribes inserted material to enrich plot-lines, apart from solving narrative problems.
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Emerton, J. A., and J. R. Miles. "Retroversion and Text Criticism. The Predictability of Syntax in an Ancient Translation from Greek to Ethiopic." Vetus Testamentum 37, no. 2 (April 1987): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1517742.
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Finkelberg, Margalit. "Timēandaretēin Homer." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (May 1998): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800038751.
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Much effort has been invested by scholars in defining the specific character of the Homeric values as against those that obtained at later periods of Greek history. The distinction between the ‘shame-culture’ and the ‘guilt-culture’ introduced by E. R. Dodds, and that between the ‘competitive’ and the ‘cooperative’ values advocated by A. W. H. Adkins, are among the more influential ones. Although Adkins's taxonomy encountered some acute criticism, notably from A. A. Long, it has become generally adopted both in the scholarly literature and in general philosophical discussions of Greek ethics. Objections to Adkins's approach have mainly concentrated on demonstrating that his denial of the cooperative values to Homer is untenable on general grounds and is not supported by Homeric evidence. Characteristically, Adkins's thesis concerning the centrality to Homer's ethics of the so-called ‘competitive values‘ has never received similar attention, probably owing to the fact that this is the point at which his picture of the Homeric society concurs with the influential reconstructions by W Jaeger and M. I. Finley. The present study oftimēandaretē, generally held to be the two competitive values central to the Homeric poems, purports to address this issue.
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Kachouh, Hikmat. "Sinai Ar. N.F. Parchment 8 and 28: Its Contribution to Textual Criticism of the Gospel of Luke." Novum Testamentum 50, no. 1 (2008): 28–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853607x229448.
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AbstractThis article examines the text of an Arabic Gospel manuscript from the “New Finds” at St. Catherine's Monastery, Sinai. It provides a general description of the codex, and then studies two hundred and thirty readings in Saint Luke's Gospel. These readings differ from the Majority Text and agree with some of the earliest Greek witnesses as well as ancient versions. The contribution of this manuscript is shown to be considerable, and a warning against minimizing the textual value of the Arabic versions.
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Zeichmann, Christopher B. "Papias as Rhetorician: Ekphrasis in the Bishop's Account of Judas' Death." New Testament Studies 56, no. 3 (May 28, 2010): 427–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688510000068.
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Despite this renewed attention, scholars have avoided situating their analyses of this pericope within the major debates about Papias' work. The question of whether Papias employed the methods of Greek rhetoric sits as the most relevant issue for this discussion. Though many scholars champion rhetorical readings of Papias, detractors contend that they overstate his ostensibly technical vocabulary (e.g., τάξις, συντάσσω, χρεία, διάλεκτος, ἑρμηνευτής in Frag. 2). They generally construe these as Papias' colloquial or historical characterizations of Gospel narratives. Whether and how Papias testifies to source-critical concerns for Synoptic studies—such as the Sayings Gospel Q, a proto-Matthew, and the oral transmission of Jesus' life—depends on their interpretation. Opposition primarily disputes the meaning of individual words in the context Papias provides them, so that his rhetorical forms and flourishes remain relatively unscathed from criticism. Papias' death of Judas has never figured into this discussion, but it nonetheless points in favor of a rhetorical backdrop.
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Goldberg, Sander M. "Plautus on the Palatine." Journal of Roman Studies 88 (November 1998): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300802.
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It was probably in the agora at Athens and possibly in the seventieth Olympiad (i.e. 499–496 B.C.) that a wooden grandstand collapsed while a play by Pratinas was being performed. The Athenians responded quite sensibly to this disaster by moving their dramatic performances to the precinct of Dionysus Eleuthereus, where the audience could be more safely accommodated on the south slope of the acropolis. Or so it appears: no fact of this early period in ancient theatre history is ever entirely secure. By the time of Aeschylus, however, what we call the Theatre of Dionysus was certainly the place where Athenian tragedies and comedies were performed, and the facility grew in size and grandeur along with the festivals it served. One result of this continuity has been a great boon to the performance-based criticism of Greek drama.
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Trelawny-Cassity, Lewis. "Tēn Tou Aristou Doxan: On the Theory and Practice of Punishment in Plato’s Laws." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 27, no. 2 (2010): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000168.
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The penal code of the Laws has attracted scholarly attention because it appears to advance a coherent theory of punishment. The Laws’ suggestion that legislation follow the model of ‘free doctors’, as well as its discussion of the Socratic paradox, leads one to expect a theory of punishment that recommends kolasis and nouthetēsis rather than timōria In practice, however, the Laws makes use of the language of timōria and categorizes some crimes as voluntary. While the Laws provides a searching criticism of contemporary Greek penal practices rooted in anger and retribution, Kleinias’ dramatic participation in the discussion forces the qualified inclusion of these common beliefs.While the Laws provides a philosophic intervention intended to reform the injustices of contemporary penal practices, it ultimately suggests that educated doxa, not theoretical completeness, is the proper standard for establishing a workable penal code.
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Gianvittorio, Laura. "New Music and Dancing Prostitutes." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 6, no. 2 (August 24, 2018): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341323.
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Abstract Old Comedy often brings prostitute-like dancers on stage while parodying the New Music. This paper argues that such dances were reminiscent of sex practices, and supports this view with dance-historical and semantic evidence. For the history of Greek dance, I survey the literary evidence for the existence of a dance tradition that represents lovers and their acts, and which would easily provide Comedy with dance vocabulary to distort. The semantic analysis of three comic passages, all criticising the New Music in sexual terms, shows a consistent overlapping between the semantic fields of eroticism and of bodily movement, with several terms indicating both figures of lovemaking and figures of dance. By performing comically revisited erotic dances or by verbally alluding to them, prostitutes would powerfully embody the conservative criticism of Old Comedy against the new trends in dance promoted by the New Music.