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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek Egypt History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 62, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000108.

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Four volumes in this review constitute important contributions to the study of ancient documents and their employment in antiquity, as well as their value for modern historical research. Paola Ceccarelli has written a monumental study of letter-writing and the use of writing for long-distance communication in Ancient Greece; Karen Radner has edited a volume on state correspondence in ancient empires; Christopher Eyre's book concerns documents in Pharaonic Egypt; and Peter Liddel and Polly Low have edited a brilliant collection on the uses of inscriptions in Greek and Latin literature. The first three volumes have major consequences for the study of the workings of ancient state systems, while those by Ceccarelli, Eyre, and Liddel and Low open new avenues into the study of the interrelationship between written documents and literature.

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2

Shubin, Vladimir Il'ich. "Greek mercenaries in Sais Egypt." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.4.32577.

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This article is dedicated to examination of the history of emergence of Greek mercenaries during the riling time of XXVI Sais Dynasty. The author reviews the status and role of Greek mercenaries in the armed forced of Sais rulers, organization of their service and living conditions. Considering the fact that the use of Greek mercenaries in Egypt army was a part of the traditional policy of Sais rulers and carried mass character, the author refers to the problem  of social origin of the phenomenon of mercenarism in the Greek society of Archaic era. The research applies comparative-historical method that allows viewing the phenomenon of mercenarism in the historical context – based on the comparative data analysis of ancient written tradition. By the time of Sais Dynasty, control over regions that traditionally provided mercenaries to the Egypt army was lost. Under the circumstances, in order to compensate such losses, Egypt conscripted into military service the hailed from the Greek world. Mercenaries became the first Greeks settled on the Egyptian land. The conclusion is made that the Greek colonization, in absence of other ways to enter the formerly closed to the Greeks Egypt, at its initial stage manifested in such distinct form.

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3

Minnen, Peter van. "Poll Tax Rates in Roman Egypt." Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 68, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 302–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apf-2022-0015.

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Abstract Discussion of the various poll tax rates in Roman Egypt, which can be reduced to a simple scheme drawn up by the Romans upon their conquest of Egypt. This scheme suggests that in 30 BC the distribution of the population in Egypt was roughly uniform except for the Fayyum (underpopulated) and the western oases (overpopulated), possibly also Thebes (overpopulated). It also suggests that in 30 BC the distribution of the Greek population was uneven, with virtually no Greeks in Upper Egypt, possibly also the oases, and fewer Greeks in Oxyrhynchus than in other metropoleis in Lower and Middle Egypt.

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Honzl, Jiří. "African Motifs in Greek Vase Painting." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 38, no. 1 (2017): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2017-0017.

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In the beginning the paper concisely summarises contacts of Greeks with Egypt, focusing on their interests on the North African coast, up until the Classical Period. The brief description of Greek literary reception of Egypt during the same timeframe is following. The main part of the paper is dedicated to various African (and supposedly African) motifs depicted in Greek vase painting. These are commented upon and put in the relevant context. In the end the individual findings are summarised and confronted with the literary image described above.

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Skalec, Aneta. "Riverbank Marketplaces in Ptolemaic Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 15, no. 2 (December 6, 2022): 243–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-bja10014.

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Abstract This article examines Ptolemaic papyrological sources (Demotic and Greek) indicating the existence of marketplaces located next to the river during this period, which have so far been completely overlooked in the discussion on Egyptian markets. It focuses particularly on the location of marketplaces and their relation to settlements and the markets’ setting – whether they were surrounded by farmland or by buildings, and of what type. This analysis points to the highest parts of the riverbanks as the most likely location of marketplaces. Additionally, the article contains terminological remarks regarding the terms for the marketplace and the Nile in both Demotic and Greek.

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Anakwue, Nicholas Chukwudike. "The African Origins of Greek Philosophy: Ancient Egypt in Retrospect." Phronimon 18 (February 22, 2018): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/2361.

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The demand of philosophising in Africa has faced a history of criticism that has been particularly Eurocentric and strongly biased. However, that trend is changing with the emergence of core philosophical thinking in Africa. This paper is an attempt to articulate a singular issue in this evolutionâ€”the originality of African philosophy, through Ancient Egypt and its influence on Greek philosophy. The paper sets about this task by first exposing the historical debate on the early beginnings of the philosophical enterprise, with a view to establishing the possibility of philosophical influences in Africa. It then goes ahead to posit the three hypotheses that link Greek philosophy to have developed from the cultural materiality of Ancient Egypt, and the Eurocentric travesty of history in recognising influences of philosophy as from Europe alone, apart from Egypt.

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7

Foss, Clive. "Egypt under Muʿāwiya Part I: Flavius Papas and Upper Egypt." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 72, no. 1 (February 2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x09000019.

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AbstractPapyri from Egypt constitute the largest body of contemporary documentary evidence for the reign of Muʿāwiya. Most notable among them are the 107 texts in the archive of Flavius Papas, a local official of Upper Egypt in the 670s. Most are in Greek and provide insight into the administration, society and economy of a provincial centre. Since many deal with taxes and requisitions, they illustrate the incessant demands of the Islamic regime in Fusṭāṭ and the way local officials dealt with them. In particular, the archive shows the importance of Egypt for providing the men, materials and supplies essential for the war fleet of the caliphate. A few other documents from Upper Egypt hint at the economic role of the Church. This is the first of two parts, the second dealing with Middle Egypt, Fusṭāṭ and Alexandria.

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8

Berkes, Lajos. "Bemerkungen zu Verwaltungsdokumenten aus dem früharabischen Ägypten." Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 68, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 366–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apf-2022-0021.

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9

Moyer, Ian S. "Herodotus and an Egyptian mirage: the genealogies of the Theban priests." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246205.

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AbstractThis article re-evaluates the significance attributed to Hecataeus' encounter with the Theban priests described by Herodotus (2.143) by setting it against the evidence of Late Period Egyptian representations of the past. In the first part a critique is offered of various approaches Classicists have taken to this episode and its impact on Greek historiography. Classicists have generally imagined this as an encounter in which the young, dynamic and creative Greeks construct an image of the static, ossified and incredibly old culture of the Egyptians, a move which reveals deeper assumptions in the scholarly discourse on Greeks and ‘other’ cultures in the Mediterranean world. But the civilization that Herodotus confronted in his long excursus on Egypt was not an abstract, eternal Egypt. Rather, it was the Egypt of his own day, at a specific historical moment – a culture with a particular understanding of its own long history. The second part presents evidence of lengthy Late Period priestly genealogies, and more general archaizing tendencies. Remarkable examples survive of the sort of visual genealogy which would have impressed upon the travelling Greek historians the long continuum of the Egyptian past. These include statues with genealogical inscriptions and relief sculptures representing generations of priests succeeding to their fathers' office. These priestly evocations of a present firmly anchored in the Egyptian past are part of a wider pattern of cultivating links with the historical past in the Late Period of Egyptian history. Thus, it is not simply the marvel of a massive expanse of time which Herodotus encountered in Egypt, but a mediated cultural awareness of that time. The third part of the essay argues that Herodotus used this long human past presented by the Egyptian priests in order to criticize genealogical and mythical representations of the past and develop the notion of an historical past. On the basis of this example, the article concludes by urging a reconsideration of the scholarly paradigm for imagining the encounter between Greeks and ‘others’ in ethnographic discourse in order to recognize the agency of the Egyptian priests, and other non-Greek ‘informants’.

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Láda, Csaba. "A new Greek petition from Hellenistic Egypt?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, no. 4 (December 2009): 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.49.2009.4.1.

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11

Lewis, Naphtali. "The Demise of the Demotic Document: When and why." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 79, no. 1 (October 1993): 276–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339307900127.

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12

Depuydt, Leo. "Regnal Years and Civil Calendar in Achaemenid Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 81, no. 1 (December 1995): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339508100116.

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This paper describes ancient Egyptian regnal and calendar dating in the Twenty-seventh Dynasty or First Persian Period, reviewing the evidence from Aramaic, cuneiform, Demotic Egyptian, Greek, and hieroglyphic Egyptian sources. A table listing the Egyptian regnal years of Persian kings is appended.

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Pormann, Peter E. "Greek Thought, Modern Arabic Culture: Classical Receptions since the Nahḍa." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 3, no. 1-2 (2015): 291–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00301011.

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This article surveys the growing, yet largely understudied field of classical receptions in the modern Arab world, with a specific focus on Egypt and the Levant. After giving a short account of the state of the field and reviewing a small number of previous studies, the article discusses how classical studies as a discipline fared in Egypt; and how this discipline informed modern debates about religous identity, and notably views on the textual history of the Qurʾān. It then turns to three literary genres, epic poetry, drama, and lyrical poetry, and explores the reception of classical literature and myth in each of them. It concludes with an appeal to study this reception phenomenon on a much broader scale.

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14

Hawley, Richard. "Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: a sourcebook." Women's History Review 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020100200542.

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Almpani, Athina, and Agamemnon Tselikas. "Manuscript Fragments in Greek Libraries." Fragmentology 2 (December 2019): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.24446/9e3r.

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A case study on fragments in Greek manuscript collections was conducted at the Center for History and Palaeography of the National Bank of Greece Cultural Foundation. The majority of the manuscripts for the study come from hard-to-reach monastic libraries and were microfilmed by the Center. The study focused on a selection of collections, including the library of the Monastery of Hozoviotissa (Amorgos Island, Cyclades), the Patriarchal library of Alexandria (Egypt), the library of the Monastery of Iviron (Mt. Athos), and a variety of collections from Cyprus. While research is ongoing, the current results show the potential contribution that fragments can make to the study of Medieval Greek manuscripts.

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16

Marren, Marina. "The Ancient Knowledge of Sais or See Yourselves in the Xenoi: Plato’s Message to the Greeks." Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 3 (December 8, 2019): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v3i0.28.

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It is easier to criticize others and their foreign way of life, than to turn the mirror of critical reflection upon one’s own customs and laws. I argue that Plato follows this basic premise in the Timaeus when he constructs a story about Atlantis, which Solon, the Athenian, learns during his travels to Egypt. The reason why Plato appeals to the distinction that his Greek audience makes between themselves and the ξένοι is pedagogical. On the example of the conflict between Atlantis—a mythical and, therefore, a foreign polis— and ancient Athens, Plato seeks to remind the Greeks what even a mighty polis stands to lose if it pursues expansionist war. On the example of the failure that befalls the mythical Atlantis, and on the basis of the religious similarity between ancient Athens and ancient Sais (21e), Plato bridges the distance between the Greeks and the Egyptians, who would have been seen as actual (as opposed to mythical) ξένοι. The next step that Plato encourages his contemporaries to take is this: look at the history of Egypt (8 – 7BC) and the internal conflicts that led to the demise of the last bastion of Egyptian power—Sais—and recognize in the internal political intrigues of the “Athens-loving” (21e) ξένοι the pattern of the destructive actions of the Greeks. Plato moves from the less to the more familiar—from the story about a mythic past and Atlantis, to ancient Athenians, to ancient Egyptians, to the Egyptians and Athenians of Solon’s time. The meeting between the ξένοι—the Egyptians at Sais—and the quintessentially Athenian Greek, Solon (7BC – 6BC), undeniably problematizes the customs, national identity, and political dealings of Plato’s contemporaries, the Greeks in the 5BC – 4BC. By the time that Plato writes the Timaeus, circa 360BC, in the aftermath of the Peloponnesian War, Athens is all but undone. However, the fate of Greece is not yet sealed. Why turn to Egypt? Toby Wilkinson’s (2013) description of the Egyptian kingdom offers a clue: “The monarchy had sunk to an all-time low. Devoid of respect and stripped of mystique, it was but a pale imitation of past pharaonic glories” (The Rise and Fall of Ancient Egypt 431). The Greeks face that same prospect, but how to make them see? Direct criticism (the Philippic addresses of Demosthenes, for example) fails. Plato devises a decoy—make Greeks reflect on the repercussions of their poor political decisions by seeing them reflected in the actions and the history of the Egyptians—the Greek-loving and, by Plato’s time, defeated ξένοι.

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17

Dolganov, Anna. "Imperialism and Social Engineering: Augustan Social Legislation in the Gnomon of the Idios Logos ." Klio 104, no. 2 (November 17, 2022): 656–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2021-0057.

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Summary This article examines the aims and impact of Augustan social legislation from the perspective of documentary evidence from Roman Egypt. The extensive presence of the laws in an epitome of an Augustan rulebook for a fiscal procurator in Egypt (the so-called Gnomon of the Idios Logos, BGU V 1210, P. Oxy. XLII 3014), where their application extends to citizens of Greek cities, speaks for the Augustan marriage and manumission laws being part of a broader vision of social order in the Roman empire.

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18

Malik, Peter. "The Greek Text of Revelation in Late Antique Egypt: Materials, Texts, and Social History." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 22, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 400–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2018-0037.

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Abstract The Book of Revelation has been something of an outlier within parts of the Christian tradition, as evidenced, among other things, by its peculiar canonical reception. As regards the earliest period of transmission, however, the Greek text of Revelation is relatively well attested. In this vein, the present study seeks to examine the relevant Greek materials from late antique Egypt, and thus elucidate the earliest textual and material transmission of this book. The manuscripts in question will be surveyed with a particular focus on their distinctive features such as book formats and scribal practices, as well as textual characteristics, followed by reflections on their socio-historical significance.

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Broux, Yanne. "THINGS CAN ONLY GET BETTER FOR SOCRATES AND HIS CROCODILE: HOW ONOMASTICS CAN BENEFIT FROM DIGITAL HUMANITIES." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (December 2019): 825–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000026.

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In a forthcoming article, Willy Clarysse presents an overview of the name Socrates in Egypt. He argues for an evolution from a ‘normal Greek name’, with no specific reference to the Athenian philosopher (Ptolemaic period), to a Greek name with Egyptian connotations (Roman period).

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La’da, Csaba. "A new Greek letter from early Ptolemaic Egypt." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 53, no. 4 (December 2013): 371–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.53.2013.4.3.

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Bobbink, R., and Q. Mauer. "Antichresis: a comparative study of classical Roman law and the contractual praxis from Roman Egypt." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 87, no. 4 (December 19, 2019): 356–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00870a03.

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SummaryThe authors examine how papyrological sources from Roman Egypt written in Greek on antichresis relate to classical Roman law. Antichresis attested in papyrological antichretic contracts had a lot in common with antichresis emerging from Roman dispute resolutions. There was only one substantive difference: in classical Roman law, protection of the debtor was emphasized, whereas in the Greek papyrological antichretic contracts the position of the creditor was favoured. Given the similarities found, the authors conclude that antichretic loan both as an independent legal institution and as a pactum antichreticum was a pan-Mediterranean legal concept.

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Bull, Christian H. "The Coptic Translation of Epiphanius of Salamis’s Ancoratus and the Origenist Controversy in Upper Egypt." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 26, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 230–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2022-0020.

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Abstract Two manuscripts from around the 9th and the 10th century bear witness to a Coptic translation of the Ancoratus, originally written in Greek by Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis, in 374. Like his more famous sequel to this work, the Panarion, the treatise defends Nicene orthodoxy from perceived heretics, mainly Pneumatomachoi, Arians, Manichaeans, and Origenists. The latter are said to be present in Upper Egypt, where they deny the resurrection of this material body in favor of a spiritual body. The present article argues that the Coptic translation likely took place shortly after the composition of the Greek original, indeed the work was in part commissioned to be used against Origenist monastics in Upper Egypt, thus furnishing a valuable testimony to monastic diversity in the Thebaïd and the lead-up to the Origenist Controversy.

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Mikhailova, L. K. "Skeletal dysplasia: classification, early diagnosis and treatment." N.N. Priorov Journal of Traumatology and Orthopedics 1, no. 3 (September 15, 1994): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vto105136.

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Skeletal anomalies with body disproportions have attracted people's attention since ancient times. Attitudes towards those suffering from these malformations varied in different times and among different peoples - from deification (for example, in Ancient Egypt) to rejection and isolation (in Sparta and medieval Europe). In ancient Egypt, Bez, the patron god of children and pregnant women, was depicted as a dwarf with short arms and legs. History has preserved information that the ancient Greek philosopher and fabulist Aesop suffered from disproportionate dwarfism (probably achondroplasia).

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Hacham, Noah. "The Letter of Aristeas: A New Exodus Story?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 36, no. 1 (2005): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570063054012150.

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AbstractA common opinion views the purpose of the Letter of Aristeas as strengthening the self-identity of Egyptian Diaspora Jewry by sanctifying the Greek translation of the Torah. As Orlinsky has shown, this view is supported by linguistic and thematic parallels between Aristeas and biblical descriptions of the giving of the Torah. The linguistic and thematic associations, however, do not only apply to this specific biblical episode, but also to the entire book of Exodus including the exodus story itself. The author of Aristeas transformed the biblical stories of the exodus and the giving of the Torah into a new foundation story of Egyptian Jewry. In doing so, the new story disregards the biblical hostility to Egypt and instead expresses sympathy for the Ptolemaic king who released the Jews from slavery, settled them in Egypt and initiated the Torah translation into Greek. The aim of Aristeas was to offer a religious justification for the residence of Jews in Egypt.

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Broux, Yanne, and Mark Depauw. "The Maternal Line in Greek Identification: Signalling social status in Roman Egypt (30 BC – AD 400)." Historia 64, no. 4 (2015): 467–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2015-0019.

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Koumas, Manolis. "Cold War Dilemmas, Superpower Influence, and Regional Interests: Greece and the Palestinian Question, 1947–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00719.

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This article discusses official attitudes toward the creation of the state of Israel from the eruption of the postwar international crisis in Palestine until the end of Arab-Israeli War of 1948–1949. In 1947–1949, Greek policy toward the Middle East was determined by a mix of regional, political, and ideological factors: the Greek security problem during the early Cold War era, including the Greek civil war; the existence of the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem; the Greek government's need to take into account the position of the Greek diaspora community in Egypt; commercial interests in the Eastern Mediterranean; anti-Semitism; the need to secure Arab votes in support of the Greek question before the United Nations; and relations between Greece and its new superpower patron, the United States. Greek decisions were dominated by Cold War needs, but the United States did not impose policy on its junior partner.

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Schmitz, Philip C. "The Phoenician Contingent in the Campaign of Psammetichus II Against Kush." Journal of Egyptian History 3, no. 2 (2010): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416610x541745.

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AbstractGraffiti inscribed on seated figures of Rameses II at Abu Simbel concern participation by Greek, Carian, and Phoenician forces in the Nubian campaign of Psammetichus II in 593 B.C.E. This study considers the major Phoenician graffiti as primary sources. The Phoenician texts do not mention Psammetichus, but do place Amasis in a commanding role. The Phoenician claim to victory comports with the Egyptian claim. The Greek inscriptions illuminate the Phoenician narratives. Unsolved historical problems include: (1) the command structure; (2) whether Amasis in these texts is the later Pharaoh; and (3) the relationship between this campaign and a later expedition against Kush by Ahmose II in 529 B.C.E. Herodotus’ account of Phoenician settlement in Memphis gains clarity from Greek papyri, and Phoenician finds at two Egyptian sites are contemporary with the 593 B.C.E. campaign. The Phoenician contingent possibly fulfilled covenant obligations to Egypt, and Phoenician settlement in Memphis perhaps involved a compensatory land grant.

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Geropeppa, Maria, Dimitris Altis, Nikos Dedes, and Marianna Karamanou. "The first women physicians in the history of modern Greek medicine." Acta medico-historica Adriatica 17, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31952/amha.17.1.3.

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In an era when medicine in Greece was dominated by men, at the end of the 19th and during the first decades of 20th century, two women, Maria Kalapothakes [in Greek: Μαρία Καλαποθάκη] (1859-1941) and Angélique Panayotatou [in Greek: Αγγελική Παναγιωτάτου] (1878-1954), managed to stand out and contribute to the evolution of medicine. Maria Kalapothakes received medical education in Paris and then she returned to Greece. Not only did she contribute to several fields of medicine, but also exercised charity and even undertook the task of treating war victims on many occasions. Angélique Panayotatou studied medicine at the University of Athens and then moved to Alexandria in Egypt, where she specialized in tropical medicine and also engaged in literature. Panayotatou became the first female professor of the Medical School of Athens and the first female member of the Academy of Athens. In recognition for their contributions, Kalapothakes and Panayotatou received medals and honors for both their scientific work and social engagement.

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Riggs, Christina. "Book Review: Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 89, no. 1 (December 2003): 292–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751330308900130.

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30

Ricciardetto, Antonio. "The vocabulary of care and healing in the Greek private letters of Byzantine Egypt." Trends in Classics 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2021-0008.

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Abstract Amid the corpus of Greek papyri discovered in the sands of Egypt, some fifty letters dated from the end of the 3rd century CE to the 7th century refer to a disease which afflicts an animal or a private individual – either the sender or the recipient of the letter, or to a third party. Seventeen of these also provide details on care and healing. How do these seventeen letters, which ostensibly do not derive from the medical world, describe the evolution of a disease, and especially its outcome when it is fortunate for the sick person? What are the healing strategies implemented by these individuals? These are the questions that I try to answer, while emphasising the contribution of these documents to the history of health and disease in Byzantine Egypt.

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Cooper, Julien. "A NOMADIC STATE? THE ‘BLEMMYEAN-BEJA’ POLITY OF THE ANCIENT EASTERN DESERT." Journal of African History 61, no. 3 (November 2020): 383–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000602.

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AbstractAncient nomadic peoples in Northeast Africa, being in the shadow of urban regimes of Egypt, Kush, and Aksum as well as the Graeco-Roman and Arab worlds, have been generally relegated to the historiographical model of the frontier ‘barbarian’. In this view, little political importance is attached to indigenous political organisation, with desert nomads being considered an amorphous mass of unsettled people beyond the frontiers of established states. However, in the Eastern Desert of Sudan and Egypt, a pastoralist nomadic people ancestrally related to the modern Beja dominated the deserts for millennia. Though generally considered as a group of politically divided tribes sharing only language and a pastoralist economy, ancient Beja society and its elites created complex political arrangements in their desert. When Egyptian, Greek, Coptic, and Arab sources are combined and analysed, it is evident that nomads formed a large confederate ‘nomadic state’ throughout late antiquity and the early medieval period — a vital cog in the political engine of Northeast Africa.

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Mastrocinque, Attilio. "The Cilician God Sandas and the Greek Chimaera: Features of Near Eastern and Greek Mythology Concerning the Plague." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 7, no. 2 (2007): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921207783876413.

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AbstractA gem in the Museum of Castelvecchio (Verona) depicts the god Sandas of Tarsos with his terrible animal: the lion-goat. On the reverse side there is the inscription YOYO. The epigraphical and archaeological evidence from Anatolia, from Hittite to Hellenistic times, proves that Sandas was a underworld god protecting tombs and sending pestilences when angry. He was appeased by offerings to his terrible ministers, who were usually seven. Similarly Nergal or Erra (similar to Sandas) in Mesopotamia, and Sekhmet in Egypt had seven animal-headed terrible ministers, who were able to bring pestilences and death. A Hittite inscription mentions Yaya as Sandas' female partner. Her name is very similar to the Yoyo on the Verona gem. Sandas was identified with Heracles because of his relations with the underworld realms and his warlike features. The lion-goat of Tarsus was the model of Greek Chimaera. In fact the myth of Bellerophon took its place in Lycia and Cilicia. In Hellenistic age the original form of this monster was better known and therefore we find its typical features in Hellenistic and Roman sculptures and reliefs.

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Hope, Colin. "Miniature Codices from Kellis." Mnemosyne 59, no. 2 (2006): 226–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506777069727.

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AbstractThis article contains a first edition of two wooden mini-codices found during Australian excavations at Ismant el-Kharab (ancient Kellis) in the Dakhleh Oasis (Egypt). The first codex contains fifteen Greek hexameters belonging to an anonymous and unknown parody of Homer; the second codex contains three Greek division tables. Both texts date from the fourth century CE and apparently come from a local school.

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Lee-Chua, Queena N. "Mathematics in Tribal Philippines and Other Societies in the South Pacific." Mathematics Teacher 94, no. 1 (January 2001): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mt.94.1.0050.

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Many history-of-mathematics textbooks begin with the four ancient centers of civilization: Egypt, with its pyramids and Rhind papyri; Babylon, with its cuneiform blocks and sexagesimal system; China, with its magic squares and arithmetic classics; and India, with its Sanskrit manuscripts and numeral system. The focus then shifts chronologically to Greek geometry, Arab algebra, Renaissance calculus, nineteenth-century specializations, and finally, the technologically aided wonders of our present age.

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Dogaer, Nico, and Mark Depauw. "Horion & Co. Greek Hybrid Names and their Value for the Study of Intercultural Contacts in Graeco-Roman Egypt." Historia 66, no. 2 (2017): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2017-0010.

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Díaz Hernández, Roberto A. "The Egyptian Temple as a Place to House Collections (from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period)." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 103, no. 1 (June 2017): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513317714393.

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As did Greek and Roman temples, Egyptian temples preserved collections of valuable objects or nouophores, i.e. ‘bearers of meaning’ (I). Two main types of nouophores can be distinguished in Egyptian temples (II): statues displayed in the temple (III), and ritual objects of costly materials stored in special chambers (IV). An examination of these collections suggests that the Egyptian temple functioned as an institution to collect and preserve the cultural heritage of ancient Egypt (V).

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Rowlandson, Jane, and Ryosuke Takahashi. "Brother-Sister Marriage and Inheritance Strategies in Greco-Roman Egypt." Journal of Roman Studies 99 (November 2009): 104–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543509789744963.

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Responding to recent discussions of brother-sister marriage in Roman Egypt, this article re-examines the Greek and Egyptian evidence for the practice, both papyrological and literary. Exploring possible antecedents in Egypt and Greece and the distinctive development of Egyptian inheritance practice, we argue that the brother-sister marriages involved real siblings, and that by the beginning of Roman rule such marriages were legitimised by a Ptolemaic law and the prevalent belief that they followed ancient Egyptian custom. But new circumstances introduced by Roman rule, particularly the increasing importance of private property ownership, encouraged the practice to become popular through much of northern Egypt. The explanation for brother-sister marriage in Egypt must be sought in the immediate local historical context, not that of the Eastern Mediterranean generally.

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Glass, R. Gillian, and G. Anthony Keddie. "From the Ptolemies to the Romans: Empire in Jewish Literature from Egypt." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-bja10007.

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Abstract This article studies the use of τὰ πράγματα in Jewish literature written in Ptolemaic and early Imperial Egypt. While there was no Greek term for “empire” that aligns with the modern sense of an empire as a territorial polity, τὰ πράγματα most closely resembles our modern notion of empire. First, we analyze the range of meanings of πράγματα in Ptolemaic documents and literature. Next, we examine the uses of this concept in Jewish sources from Ptolemaic Egypt. Then, we investigate the shifting understandings of πράγματα in the Jewish sources from Roman Egypt. We conclude that Jewish texts have much more complex views of empire than the descriptors pro- or anti-empire allow. This approach redirects our attention from empire as a static and tangible entity to a dynamic suite of practices through which power is exercised and derived.

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Depuydt, Leo. "New Date for the Second Persian Conquest, End of Pharaonic and Manethonian Egypt: 340/39 B.C.E." Journal of Egyptian History 3, no. 2 (2010): 191–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416610x541709.

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AbstractArtaxerxes III’s conquest of Egypt signified the end of Egypt of the Pharaohs. For more than half a century now, the event has been dated to either 343 B.C.E. or 342 B.C.E. Detailed calibrations focus on the winter of 343/42 B.C.E., especially early 342 B.C.E. Yet, there is no evidence whatsoever for this date. The presumed evidence has escaped scrutiny in Egyptology because it involves subtle reasoning about the supposed purport of Classical Greek sources whose chronology is uncertain or whose authenticity is in doubt. The surviving sources instead unambiguously point to an interval lasting from November of 340 B.C.E. to the summer of 339 B.C.E. as the time when the conquest most probably took place. This date can be styled as 340/39 B.C.E. The slash signifies a time interval shorter than two full years ‐ in this case also shorter than a year ‐ that spans two Julian years. The conquest is therefore dated here to roughly three years later than when everyone now assumes it took place.

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Zolotukhina, Anastasia. "Elusive Hermes: The Problem of Identification of Hermes and Thoth and the Mystery Aspect of Hermeticism." Ideas and Ideals 14, no. 4-1 (December 27, 2022): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2022-14.4.1-70-82.

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The article treats the history of the identification of the Greek Hermes and the Egyptian Thoth, which eventually brought to existence the figure of Hermes Trismegistus, the founder of Hermeticism. The treatment of the complex genesis of this figure is connected with the solution of an important question for understanding the phenomenon of Hermeticism: what significance did Hermeticism grant to the mystery component? The problem stems from the structure of the Hermetic Corpus itself, which consists of philosophical texts of Greek origin and esoteric texts dating back to the Egyptian tradition. The history of Hermeticism is traced in the article as the history of the mutual influence of Ancient Egypt and Ancient Greece. Through the figure of Pythagoras I establish a connection between Pythagoreanism, Hermes and Egyptian mysteries. Plato, then, gives an original view of Hermes and Thoth; the next step is a transition to the Hellenistic Egypt, where the two deities were identified. The final step is the first evidence of Hermes Trismegistus and its origin. The article examines the reasons and possibilities for such an identification: the main functions of Hermes and Thoth, which at first glance are identical, present some discrepancies. First, the function of psychopompos: I draw attention to the concept of memory, power upon which is unique to the Greek Hermes; second, the power upon word, logos: while Hermes has the realm of the spoken word, Thoth is associated with the written text and thus magic (magical Egyptian practices are based on the power of the written word). The metamorphosis of Hermes from god to daimon and, finally, to man is also important (on the basis of the evidence of Plato and later hermetic mythology): this provided Hermes with the opportunity to become a central figure and conductor of mystical teachings, like Orpheus.

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KOTANSKY, R., J. NAVEH, and S. SHAKED. "A Greek-Aramaic Silver Amulet from Egypt in the Ashmolean Museum." Le Muséon 105, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.105.1.2006060.

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Hidding, Aaltje. "Three Christian Funerary Stelae from the Staatliches Museum Ägyptischer Kunst at Munich." Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 66, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apf-2020-0009.

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AbstractThis article presents a full publication of three Christian funerary stelae from Egypt, which were bought in 1912 by Friedrich von Bissing and are now in the Staatliches Museum Ägyptischer Kunst at Munich. The first one represents an orans figure, the second depicts a crux ansata and the third has the names Pasep inscribed (in Greek) on the front and Phanes on the back. Although the precise provenance of these pieces is unknown, stylistic features suggest they are from Deir el-Bala’iza, Armant and Edfu respectively.

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Kelly, J., and S. Mahalingam. "Surgical treatment of head and neck cancers in the ancient world." Journal of Laryngology & Otology 129, no. 6 (May 25, 2015): 535–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022215115001218.

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AbstractObjective:This paper attempts to chart the history of head and neck cancers and their surgical treatment, starting from ancient Egypt and concluding with Galen.Conclusion:The ancient Egyptians appear to have treated head and neck cancers with local applications. The ancient Greek corpus contains a reference to treating pharyngeal carcinoma with cautery, but the description is too vague to establish the diagnosis conclusively. The ancient Romans moved away from surgical treatments, with Galen establishing a prejudice against surgery that would last through the Middle Ages.

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Dufault, Olivier. "Was Zosimus of Panopolis Christian?" ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 20 (October 7, 2022): 135–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2022.6795.

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Zosimus of Panopolis, the first identifiable author of Greek alchemy, wrote in late-3rd or 4th-century CE Egypt. For over a century, scholars have pictured him in turn as Christian or as pagan. A reconsideration of Zosimus’ On the Letter Omega and the treatise known as the Final Count or Final Abstinence (teleutaia apochē) and the First Lesson on Excellence demonstrates that he saw Jesus as a savior, that his citations of the Hermetica are not in contradiction with basic Christian notions and that believed that the gods of Egypt were evil divine beings. His Christology and anthropology shares characteristics with “Classic Gnostic” theology and other early Christian notions. Also characteristic of the soteriologies presented in some heresiological reports, Zosimus described Jesus as teaching humans to “cut off” their body. This last observation, which is dependent on recognizing Zosimus as a Christian, shed light on the symbolism of the First Lesson on Excellence.

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Marciak, Michał. "Hellenistic-Roman Idumea in the Light of Greek and Latin Non-Jewish Authors." Klio 100, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 877–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0132.

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Summary Although ancient Idumea was certainly a marginal object of interest for classical writers, we do possess as many as thirteen extant classical non-Jewish authors (from the 1st c. BCE to the 3rd c. CE) who explicitly refer to Idumea or the Idumeans. For classical writers, Idumea was an inland territory between the coastal cities of Palestine, Egypt, and Arabia that straddled important trade routes. Idumea is also frequently associated in ancient literature with palm trees, which grew in Palestine and were exported throughout the Mediterranean. In the eyes of classical authors, the Idumeans were a distinctive ethnos living in the melting pot of southern Palestine. Ancient writers emphasized the Idumeans’ ethnic and cultural connections with the Nabateans, the Phoenicians and Syrians, and, finally, the Judeans, and also indicated that a great deal of Hellenization occurred in western Idumea in an urban context.

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Morgan, Teresa. "Reviews of Books:Gymnastics of the Mind: Greek Education in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt Raffaella Cribiore." American Historical Review 108, no. 1 (February 2003): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/533144.

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Raju, C. K. "Black Thoughts Matter." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 3 (January 31, 2017): 256–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934716688311.

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In postapartheid South Africa, Whites dominate academics and Black students are agitating for decolonization. Decolonization requires contesting the false history of science used to set up colonial education essential to colonization—the same false history that was used to morally justify racism, by asserting the noncreativity of Blacks. The “evidence” for this false history is often faith-based, so White-controlled academics disallows any open discussion. Furthermore, this false history is sustained by another trick: a little known interplay between history and philosophy. Thus, geometry has been credited to Greeks on the ground that they had a “superior” philosophy of mathematics as deductive proof. In fact, the “Pythagorean” proposition had no valid deductive proof before the 20th century. Furthermore, this claim of philosophical “superiority” was never academically debated, and is not allowed to be. A recent attempt to explain the falsehood of this claim, along with the counterevidence against purported Greek achievements in math, was publicly censored. In fact, in Egypt, Iraq, and India, there was a different and immensely superior understanding of the “Pythagorean” proposition, which superior way was not grasped in the West, resulting in its persistent navigational problems until the late 18th century.

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BAARDA, TJITZE. "The Reading ‘Who Wished to Enter’ in Coptic Tradition: Matt 23.13, Luke 11.52, and ‘Thomas’ 39." New Testament Studies 52, no. 4 (October 2006): 583–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688506000312.

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Two Middle Egyptian Coptic texts of Matthew, published by the late Professor Hans-Martin Schenke, namely the Scheide Codex and the Schøjen Codex, are of great interest, not only for Coptisants but also for New Testament textual critics. These manuscripts probably belong, respectively, to the fifth and fourth century. So they may tell us something about form and character of the Greek text in the fourth or perhaps even third century in Egypt, at least if we assume that these manuscripts were copies of older Coptic texts. Moreover, the two texts are also important for our knowledge of the language technique and competence of early Coptic translators. This knowledge may be significant for the question of which form of the Greek text might ‘shine through’ in Coptic texts. In a review of Schenke's magnificent edition of the Schøjen text I have dared to criticize his attempt to give a reconstruction of the Greek text that underlies this Coptic text. The history of such ‘retranslations’ teaches us that they are sometimes utter failures, which might easily mislead those who use them without any knowledge of the languages of these versions.

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de Jonge, Casper C. "Greek Migrant Literature in the Early Roman Empire." Mnemosyne 75, no. 1 (January 7, 2022): 10–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10132.

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Abstract This article argues that the concept of migrant literature, developed in postcolonial studies, is a useful tool for analysing Greek literature of the Early Roman Empire (27 BC-AD 68). The city of Rome attracted huge numbers of migrants from across the Mediterranean. Among them were many writers from Hellenized provinces like Egypt, Syria and Asia, who wrote in Greek. Leaving their native regions and travelling to Rome, they moved between cultures, responding in Greek to the new world order. Early imperial Greek writers include Strabo of Amasia, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Nicolaus of Damascus, Timagenes of Alexandria, Crinagoras of Mytilene, Philo of Alexandria and Paul of Tarsus. What connects these authors of very different origins, styles, beliefs, and literary genres is migrancy. They are migrant writers whose works are characterized by in-betweenness, ambivalence and polyphony.

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Knight, John Brendan. "Migration theory and ‘Greek Colonisation’. Milesians at Naukratis and Abydos." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 33 (December 12, 2019): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2019.169246.

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With the application of post-colonial theoretical approaches in the last decades of the twentieth century CE, the study of archaic Greek overseas settlement has arrived at something of a terminological and methodological impasse. Scholars continue to debate whether Mediterranean and Black sea settlement can legitimately be termed ‘colonisation’ yet attempts to modify this language of imperialism have thus far failed to achieve significant alteration of the overarching paradigms. This paper will suggest a new approach to these problems using contemporary migration theory to conceptualise archaic Greek mobility and settlement, through the case studies of Milesian migration to Naukratis in Egypt and Abydos in the Troad during the 7th century BCE. Drawing on aspects of structuration and practice theory, it will seek to describe and explain the multi-faceted structures, practices and agency involved in the migration of Milesian Greeks to these areas. The two chosen case studies will be compared to understand how spatial, social, cultural and political factors may have impacted upon the characteristics of Naukratis and Abydos and the multitude of stimuli surrounding their settlement. This will provide ways to re-envisage an important period of Mediterranean history, offering a flexible methodological approach to be utilised in other contexts.

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