Relevant bibliographies by topics / Greece – Relations – Germany

Academic literature on the topic 'Greece – Relations – Germany'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Greece – Relations – Germany"

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Oxman, Bernard H., and Ilias Bantekas. "State responsibility in private civil action—sovereign immunity—immunity for jus cogens violations— belligerent occupation—peace treaties." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 4 (October 1998): 765–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998144.

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Prefecture of Voiotia v. Federal Republic of Germany. Case No. 137/1997.Court of First Instance of Leivadia, Greece, October 30, 1997.On November 27, 1995, the Prefecture of Voiotia (soudiern Greece) and other claimants, in their individual capacity, brought a claim of indemnity before the Court of First Instance of Leivadia against the German state. The plaintiffs based their claims on atrocities (willful murder and destruction of private property) committed by German occupation forces against the persons and property of die village of Distomo in Voiotia on June 10, 1944. They sought compensation for the material and mental damage suffered as a result of those atrocities, which were specifically described in their briefs. The Greek Foreign Office forwarded the complaint to the German Foreign Office, which rejected and returned it to the Greek Embassy on the grounds that the suit impaired the sovereign rights of the German state. Germany was not represented at trial. The court awarded damages to the individual claimants of 9,448,105,000 drachmas (approximately $30 million).
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Aleksandrova, Anna. "The Echo of War: The Issue of World War II Reparations and Occupation Loan in Contemporary Greece." Contemporary Europe 103, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021167180.

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In World War II Greece suffered immense devastation; aside from the damage itself, the country was forced to provide the Third Reich with an occupation loan. After the war, Athens claimed reparations and repayment of the loan, but not all such claims were settled. The final solution was postponed until the eventual reunification of Germany and the signing of a peace treaty. All attempts of Greek diplomats to address the issue were met with the position that the issue has already been resolved diplomatically and in legal terms. The simmering conflict gained new prominence during the financial and economic crisis of 2010s. Greek citizens, frustrated over the strict austerity policies, blamed not only their own government, but also the “troika” of creditors, which forced Greece to adopt such measures. Since the financial assistance program was developed largely by Germany, the Greek collective memory provided a number of vivid negative images connected to Germany, the Nazi crimes in particular. In the public space of Greece the issues of reparations and the occupation credit were constantly discussed, putting further strain on Greek-German relations. These attitudes among the Greek public were used by Greek politicians who strived to shift the blame for the ongoing crisis onto the Germany. Stereotypes of the past became a tool ofGreek populists. During the crisis the issue of post-war payments reached a new level, and a desire for historic justice was accompanied by the blamegame against Germany.
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Pavoni, Riccardo. "Simoncioni v. Germany." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 2 (April 2015): 400–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.2.0400.

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With Judgment No. 238/2014, the Italian Constitutional Court (hereinafter Court) quashed the Italian legislation setting out the obligation to comply with the sections of the 2012 decision of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy; Greece intervening) (Jurisdictional Immunities or Germany v. Italy) that uphold the rule of sovereign immunity with respect to compensation claims in Italian courts based on grave breaches of human rights, including—in the first place—the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Court found the legislation to be incompatible with Articles 2 and 24 of the Italian Constitution, which secure the protection of inviolable human rights and the right of access to justice (operative paras. 1, 2).
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Maxwell, Alexander. "Greece and Germany as Models for Habsburg Panslavs." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 28, no. 1 (December 19, 2021): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2021.2004762.

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Anton, J. P. "Greece, Germany, and the Complex Issue of War Reparations." Mediterranean Quarterly 22, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-1263361.

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Ailianos, Costis J. "The Balkan Conundrum and Relations between Austria-Hungary and Greece, 1912–1914." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0103.

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Abstract Relations between Greece and Austria-Hungary had never been particularly cordial, despite some brief periods of a certain rapprochement, and Vienna displayed a total lack of consideration for the interests of Athens also during the Balkan Wars. Greek ‘dreams’ were only marginally ‘tangent’ to Vienna’s interests and the Ballhausplatz did not envisage any point of convergence of their political goals. The cooperation, let alone the alliance, between Greece and Serbia proved to be a thorn in the Greco-Austrian relations. All issues of Greek interest met with Vienna’s strong opposition: the drawing of the southern/southeastern borders of Albania; the fate of Thessaloniki and Kavalla; the future of the East Aegean islands. While Austria was aiming at bringing Bulgaria in her sphere of influence, Germany wanted to attract Athens closer to the Triple Alliance, which led to serious misunderstandings between the two empires. Ultimately, this divergence of policy worked in favour of Greece that obtained Thessaloniki and its hinterland, Kavalla, a large part of Epirus, safeguarded her titles on the Aegean islands and secured a common Greco-Serbian borderline. However, the issue of Northern Epirus was left in abeyance until after the First World War. Finally, the Ballhausplatz, re-evaluating the new geopolitical realities in the Balkans, started looking constructively to the future role of Greece in the region.
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Ailianos, Costis J. "The Balkan Conundrum and Relations between Austria-Hungary and Greece, 1912–1914." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (January 8, 2014): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2016-0103.

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AbstractRelations between Greece and Austria-Hungary had never been particularly cordial, despite some brief periods of a certain rapprochement, and Vienna displayed a total lack of consideration for the interests of Athens also during the Balkan Wars. Greek ‘dreams’ were only marginally ‘tangent’ to Vienna’s interests and the Ballhausplatz did not envisage any point of convergence of their political goals. The cooperation, let alone the alliance, between Greece and Serbia proved to be a thorn in the Greco-Austrian relations. All issues of Greek interest met with Vienna’s strong opposition: the drawing of the southern/southeastern borders of Albania; the fate of Thessaloniki and Kavalla; the future of the East Aegean islands. While Austria was aiming at bringing Bulgaria in her sphere of influence, Germany wanted to attract Athens closer to the Triple Alliance, which led to serious misunderstandings between the two empires. Ultimately, this divergence of policy worked in favour of Greece that obtained Thessaloniki and its hinterland, Kavalla, a large part of Epirus, safeguarded her titles on the Aegean islands and secured a common Greco-Serbian borderline. However, the issue of Northern Epirus was left in abeyance until after the First World War. Finally, the Ballhausplatz, re-evaluating the new geopolitical realities in the Balkans, started looking constructively to the future role of Greece in the region.
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Antoniades, Euripides. "The German-Austrian Philhellenism through the Revolution Press-The Case of Newspapers Ellinika Chronika (Hellenic Chronicles) and O Filos tou Nomou (The Friend of the Law) during the Period 1824-1826." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i2.5763.

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The Greek Revolution of 1821 was certainly an important milestone in the history of the Greek nation in order to reclaim freedom and create an independent state. This study will attempt to highlight the significance of philhellenism and philhellenes of the diaspora, with a special emphasis on the German Austrian philhellenism, as recorded in the Greek press during the revolution. This article examines a) how two Greek newspapers portray the German-Austrian philhellenism during 1824 – 1826 and b) how this world movement of philhellenism helped during the Greek revolution. The Philhellenic movement was related to the interest of European people in Greece and pre-existed the Greek revolution of 1821. In countries of Western Europe, such as Germany and Britain, interest in classical Greece was nurtured by philosophical, philological and explorative texts and news reporting. More particularly, articles from the Ellinika Chronika (Hellenic Chronicles) and O Filos tou Nomou (The Friend of the Law) newspapers refer to cases of Philhellenes living abroad, and especially the German Austrian axis, will be examined. These items create an important field of study that showcases how the press records history and events happening at the time of the Greek Revolution, 200 years ago.
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Mariottini, Cristina M. "Deutsche Bahn AG v. Regione Stereá Ellada." American Journal of International Law 114, no. 3 (July 2020): 486–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2020.39.

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With Judgment No. 21995/2019 (the Judgment), the Italian Court of Cassation (Court of Cassation) once again tackled the limits of sovereign immunity with regard to crimes against humanity (para. 7). The Judgment is part of litigation originating in Greece with the Leivadia Tribunal's 1997 Distomo decision, confirmed in 2000 by the Areopago (Hellenic Supreme Court), which ordered Germany to pay compensation and legal costs of approximately 50 million euros to the relatives of 218 victims of the Distomo massacre committed by the German military in 1944. In this Judgment, the Court of Cassation addressed whether sovereign immunity blocked the seizure of German assets located in Italy as part of that compensation order. The Court of Cassation's decision is noteworthy because it takes the discussion on sovereign immunity from jurisdiction and crimes against humanity one step further by addressing, in particular, the question of compensation and attachment of claims and rights held by the debtor against third parties.
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Engel, Sascha. "“Germany”, Asset Class Contagion, and Contagious Stability*." New Perspectives 23, no. 1 (March 2015): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1502300103.

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In this paper, I examine the effects of socially constructed financial market lending patterns in the Eurozone crisis. Under the assumption that the crisis is one of sovereign debt, the term “contagion” is frequently used to describe the doubts about governmental debt repayment abilities that were spreading from Greece to Ireland and Portugal and then to Spain and Italy from 2010 to 2012. Consequently, austerity policies are indiscriminately applied to the governments of all five of these countries to ensure the countries’ sustainable growth for their debt repayment. This paper, by contrast, argues that “contagion” is the origin of peripheral repayment troubles rather than their effect. The Eurozone crisis is the result of the procyclical lending patterns of the European banking system, which turns liquidity shortages into solvency problems for governments depending upon debt roll-over operations. I then apply the related analysis to Germany's funding situation during the crisis and argue that “stability,” i.e., the ability to maintain sustainable growth under Eurozone crisis conditions, is not the result of endogenous austere virtue. Rather, it is likewise largely a result of procyclical lending patterns: liquidity retracted from peripheral sovereign bonds is invested into core sovereign bonds. Moreover, I show that a similar effect has been in place prior to the crisis. “Stability” is as contagious as “contagion.”
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Greece – Relations – Germany"

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Blumen, Sacha Carl. "Granularity and state socialisation: explaining Germany’s 2015 refugee policy reversal." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111430.

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Between late August and mid-November 2015, the German Government liberalised its refugee policy to allow an unlimited number of people to claim asylum in the country, and then made a near-reversal on this policy by calling for European-wide quotas on the number of refugees entering the EU and a reduction in the number of refugees Germany would admit. The German Government’s decisions to liberalise and then backtrack on its refugee policy within a short time period, at a time when many people were still seeking asylum from the Syrian civil war, present a puzzle to the dominant International Relations theories of state socialisation—constructivism and rational choice—which do not explain well this type of observed real world behaviour. By using the Foreign Policy Analysis literature to augment the constructivist and rational choice approaches, I argue that a more granular approach can help explain Germany’s backtracking on refugee policy in 2015. I focus on the domestic actors, institutions, and the contested processes of their interactions from which state policy emerged. Using this approach, I explain Germany’s backtracking on its refugee policy as the result of varying sets of interactions over time among actors who had different and potentially changing interests and beliefs. This focus on granularity and contestation within state policy making processes provides a more precise understanding of the dynamics of policy making from which we gain a greater insight into this puzzling example of state behaviour. Such approaches may also help explain other examples of state behaviour that are similarly mysterious.
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Baker, Renan. "A study of a late antique corpus of biographies (Historia Augusta)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4722d4da-5f09-4306-837f-45c6cf69ec21.

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This thesis provides a fresh investigation of a collection of Roman imperial biographies conventionally known as the 'Historia Augusta'. The thesis supports the authenticity of the texts included in this corpus, in particular the claims they make about their dates, authorship, and scope, through philological, literary, prosopographical, and historical arguments. It shows that this corpus of texts, if the main conclusions are accepted, potentially improves our understanding of the tetrarchic-Constantinian era. It also explores the wider implications for the historiography of the fourth century; the transmission and formation of multi-author corpora in antiquity and the middle ages. It also suggests that the canon of Latin imperial biographies be widened. The thesis has two parts. Part I explores the actual state of the corpus, its textual transmission, and relation to other texts. It shows that the ancient and medieval paratexts presented the corpus as a collection of imperial biographies. The paratexts are compatible with the authorial statements in the main text. It then explores the corpus' medieval transmission, and the interest medieval scholars had in such texts. This part suggests that the corpus’s current state explains well the inconsistencies found in it. Finally, it shows that words and phrases, once thought peculiar to the corpus and the holy grail of the forgery argument, are intertextual links to earlier texts. Part II explores chronological statements and historical episodes relevant to the Diocletianic-Constantinan period. It establishes the actual dates of each author, and suggests that the confusion found in these biographies is similar to that of other contemporaries. The few apostrophes are shown to be authentic, and the historical and prosopographical passages are shown to represent, and improve our understanding of, the zeitgeist and history of the period. The final conclusion weaves the various arguments together, and emphasises the authenticity and significance of the corpus' texts. It suggests separating the composition of the texts from the disinterested formation of the corpus as a whole, as part of a new hypothesis and further lines of enquiry.
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ZARIFI, Maria. "German science as a medium of cultural policy and propaganda? : the scientific relations between Greece and the Third Reich : a case study." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6025.

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Examining board: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Heinz-Gerard Haupt, European University Institute ; Prof. Hagen Fleischer, University of Athens ; Prof. Ruediger vom Bruch, Humboldt Universitaet zu Berlin
Defence date: 16 December 2005
First made available online 29 November 2016
This dissertation studies the scientific relations the German National Socialists developed with Greece and how they tried through these relations to exercise cultural, political and economic influence. The investigation, however, goes back to the Weimar years and unfolds the beginnings of Germany's Foreign Cultural Policy and the mobilization of science in the country's efforts to regain its lost place in the sun and escape the isolation after its defeat in WWI. The author tries to cast some light to problems like continuities and discontinuities or analogies in concepts and practices between the Weimar and the Nazi period in the interacted fields of science, culture and foreign affairs. The study focuses on the small peripheral country of Europe, Greece, well known for its ancient culture but not its scientific achievements, and tries to understand Germany's interest to promote its scientific relations with a country with poor performance in modern science but with high geo-strategic importance.
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Books on the topic "Greece – Relations – Germany"

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Seewald, Berthold. Karl Wilhelm v. Heideck: Ein bayerischer General im befreiten Griechenland (1826-1835). München: R. Oldenbourg, 1994.

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Tobacco, arms, and politics: Greece and Germany from world crisis to world war, 1929-41. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, University of Copenhagen, 1997.

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Mogens, Pelt. Tying Greece to the West: US-West German-Greek relations : 1949-1974. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, University of Copenhagen, 2004.

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The wages of appeasement: Ancient Athens, Munich, and Obama's America. New York: Encounter Books, 2011.

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Turkey, Greece, and the "borders" of Europe: Images of nations in the West German Press 1950-1975. Berlin: Frank & Timme, 2013.

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Sarkar, Saral K. Green-alternative politics in West Germany. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1993.

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Reinhard, Heydenreuter, Murken Jan, and Wünsche Raimund, eds. Die erträumte Nation: Griechenlands Wiedergeburt im 19. Jahrhundert. 2nd ed. München: Biering & Brinkmann, 1995.

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1953-, Dryzek John S., ed. Green states and social movements: Environmentalism in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Norway. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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Lucian. Alexandros, oder, Der Lügenprophet. Leiden: Brill, 1997.

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Wescott, Glenway. Apartment in Athens. New York: New York Review Books, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Greece – Relations – Germany"

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Damm, Jens. "China and Germany After the 2021 Election: Between Continuity and Increasing Confrontation." In China-US Competition, 159–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_7.

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AbstractThis chapter presents and analyses various official statements, 2021 election programmes and party manifestos, media reports as well as public hearings with regard to the changing view of China in the German public discourse. While the importance of economic interests is still the overarching topic in German-Chinese relations (China has been Germany`s most important trading partner since 2015), there has been a shift towards a more critical stance with regard to human rights issues in recent years. Germany was also the driving force behind the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) with China, which the EU signed in December 2020 under Germany’s presidency of the EU Council but so far never ratified.After the formation of a new SPD led government under chancellor Olaf Scholz, the two smaller coalition partners, the Alliance 90/The Greens, and the FDP, are said to have a much more critical view of China’s human rights issues. In particular, the new German foreign Minister, Annalena Baerbock has publicly vowed to change Germany’s China policy. While Germany has remained within the hedging zone a shift from “economic pragmatism” to “soft balancing” can be observed, most noticeably in political terms: in particular, the new foreign minister Annalena Baerbock stresses the necessity for a closer cooperation both with the United States, but also a common policy of the EU towards China. Thus Germany, and the EU in general, seems to have shifted from “economic pragmatism” to “dominance denial” since the new government came into power, and the war in Ukraine has led to an even closer alliance of Germany, with the EU and the United States.
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Tsakas, Christos. "Downplaying Doubts." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 229–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_17.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Loans and Integration: From Bonn to Brussels." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 95–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_8.

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Tsakas, Christos. "1981: Bound by Europe." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 239–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_18.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Metapolitefsi: Karamanlis’s Second Transition." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 205–14. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_15.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Isolation and Cooperation." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 157–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_12.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Bulwark or Colony?" In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 107–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_9.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Blueprint for Rapprochement." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 171–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_13.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Bauxite and Aluminum: A Turn Toward France?" In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 123–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_10.

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Tsakas, Christos. "Expectations and Frustrations." In Post-war Greco-German Relations, 1953–1981, 27–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04371-0_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Greece – Relations – Germany"

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Giannakos, Konstantinos. "The Use of Strain Attenuating Tie Pads and Its Influence on the Rail Seat Load in Heavy-Haul Railroads." In 2010 Joint Rail Conference. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/jrc2010-36075.

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In Greece, during the 1980’s, 60% of the twin-block concrete ties designed for 200 km/h, which were laid on a track with maximum operational speed of 140 km/h, presented serious cracks. The existing theories, in the French, German and American bibliographies, could not justify the appearance of these cracks since the calculated actions on the rail seat of the ties were much lower than the limit values of the regulations. This paper presents a model for the determination of the load acting on the rail seat of the ties in relation to the fluctuation of the substructure stiffness coefficient. The basic parameters influencing the estimation of the rail seat load — considering the most adverse conditions of a railway network — are investigated, and a methodology for calculating the load undertaken by each rail seat is presented. Numerical applications on twin-block and monoblock ties are presented, including the use of strain attenuating tie pads with high resilient fastenings. Finally, an application for the heavy-haul rail transport is presented, for the case of a track equipped with W24 fastening, Zw700WIC pad, rail 140RE type and concrete sleepers.
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Dimarogonas, Andrew D. "On the Axiomatic Foundation of Design." In ASME 1993 Design Technical Conferences. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc1993-0027.

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Abstract Mechanical design methodology has its origins in the writings of ancient Greek and Alexandrine authors between 300 BC and 100 AD when also the first aesthetic theory was proposed. German authors of the middle of 19th Century have introduced the foundation for Mechanical Design on basic Design Principles, modernized the machine element methodology and introduced the parallel development of the function with the form. F. Redtenbacher introduced a set of design principles. Reuleaux (1852) introduced two fundamental Design Principles (Ground Rules), re-introduced recently in axiomatic form by Suh et al. The paper discusses the merits of establishing Design Principles or Design Axioms as the fundamental Rules of design and the implications of these Rules on the design and manufacturing methodology. The relation of the Design Rules with the principles of the total quality engineering in the Taguchi sense is also investigated.
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Eryücel, Ertuğrul. "A Comparative Analysis on Policy Making in Western Countries and Turkey in the Context of Eugenics." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01847.

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The word eugenics was coined in 1883 by the English scientist Francis Galton, who took the word from a Greek root meaning “good in birth” or “noble in heredity”. Eugenics aimed to assist states in implementing negative or positive policies which would improve the quality of the national breed. The intensive applications of eugenic policies coincide between two World Wars. İn the decades between 1905 and 1945, eugenics politics implemented in more than thirty countries. The method of this study is based on a literature survey on the sources of the eugenic subject. The sources of the data are documents such as books, articles, journals, theses, projects, research reports about the politics and legal regulations of the countries on the family, population, sport, health and body. This study comparatively examines eugenic policy-making in Turkey and in Western countries: Britain, United States, France, Germany (1905-1945). This study aims to discuss the relation of eugenic politics in countries with nation building process, ethnic nationalism, and racism. This is a basic claim that the eugenic practices in Turkey contain more positive measures and that there is no racial-ethnic content of eugenics in Turkey.
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Reports on the topic "Greece – Relations – Germany"

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Drury, J., S. Arias, T. Au-Yeung, D. Barr, L. Bell, T. Butler, H. Carter, et al. Public behaviour in response to perceived hostile threats: an evidence base and guide for practitioners and policymakers. University of Sussex, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/vjvt7448.

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Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.
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