Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Greece Foreign relations Turkey'
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1
Naoum, Michael. "The Greek-Turkish rapprochement process, 1999-2004 : paradigm shift or EPI-phenomenon /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FNaoum.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-101). Also available online.
2
Guzer, Osman Cenk. "Greek Foreign Policy : The Case Study of Greco-Turkish Relations under the two consecutive Kostas Simitis Premierships (1996-2000) and (2000-2004)." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4555.
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The relations between Greece and Turkey have developed at an unprecedented level in recent years. Behind this development lay certain factors notably the Simitis Governments’ strategy of redefining the parameters of Greek national interests in foreign policy and the Turkish Governments’ subsequent positive responses to this favorable atmosphere. It is thus possible to use the term ‘détente’ to refer to the period which dates back to 1996, the rise of Simitis to the Greek premiership. Some observers on Greco-Turkish Relations tend to trace the origins of Greco-Turkish détente to the devastating 17 August earthquake in Turkey. Some others try to find the origin of détente in the 1999 Helsinki Summit where Turkey was offered the candidacy status for the EU membership. This thesis proposes an alternative approach by defending the view that the rise of Simitis to the prime ministry itself heralded the chain of events which would later pave the road to the relaxation of Greco-Turkish Relations.
This thesis is a modest attempt to understand the anatomy of Simitis Leadership and its reflections on Greco-Turkish Relations. On the basis of certain turning points in a chronological fashion, it will uncover the background of an eight-year ruling term with its ups and downs. There is an irony in Greco-Turkish Relations: Outbreak of crises between the two neighbors led both the Greek and the Turkish political actors to re-examine their attitude in the following phase of their relationship. In the Simitis Era, the tensions created opportunities for building up networks of cooperation initiatives to a certain extent. I also argue here that spillover logic in Greco-Turkish Relations has started working- albeit cautiously- and that this spirit could be sustainable if managed by both sides wisely. Continuation of the Greco-Turkish détente even after the governmental change in Athens in April 2004 demonstrates that the Simitis Leadership has determined a new framework for Greco- Turkish Relations. This framework has been set through pushing Turkey to the future EU membership orientation and setting mechanisms of reward/punishment (or carrot/stick) policy on Turkey’s route to Brussels through the EU.
3
Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.
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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
4
Kilic, Gulay. "Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613194/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the basic factors that motivate Turkey&rsquoforeign aid policy towards Central Asia from a comparative perspective. Generally, the development aid aims eliminating the problems that have arisen from underdevelopment and contributing to regional and universal peace. In addition to this holistic goal, there are several other motivating factors. This thesis explores the reasons behind the foreign assistance programs of Turkey, the United States, Japan, and Russia towards Central Asia which ensure the development of the Central Asian countries and their integration within the international system. From a comparative perspective of the development aid provided by Turkey to the region and the aid provided by the other donor countries will also be presented. This thesis, argues that Turkey does not provide development assistance to the Central Asian countries merely as a result of its foreign policy interests, but also it aims to integrate these countries with the international system. This thesis consists of four chapters other than introduction and conclusion chapter. The second chapter examines relationship between foreign aid and foreign policy. The third chapter explores general characteristics of post- Soviet Central Asia. The forth chapter discuses Turkey&rsquo
s foreign aid policy towards Central Asia and the fifth chapter examines other donors&rsquo
foreign aid policy towards Central Asia.
5
Liaras, Evangelos. "Politicized armies, militarized politics : civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46631.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 55-60).
Despite their common Ottoman heritage, Greece and Turkey have diverged widely in their modem history of civil-military relations. The armed forces have a long record of intervention in both countries, but there is a crucial difference: the military emerged as a roughly unitary, independent political actor in Turkey, whereas in Greece it remained divided into factions aligned with civilian political parties through patronage relationships. This empirical observation is then used as a basis for an attempt at theory building. Several countries exhibit a pattern of military interventions more similar to Turkey and others to those found in Greece. Societies which developed a strong parliamentary tradition early in the modernization process also acquired organized civilian political groups with clientelist networks extending into the armed forces. On the contrary, in countries with limited or weak parliamentary development and strong security pressures, political activism was often channeled through the military, which emerged as a hotbed of political thinking, predating and pre-empting any civilian party tradition. The former type of civil-military relations was more commonly found in Southern European and Latin American countries while the latter was predominant in non-Western societies that resisted Western colonization.
by Evangelos Liaras.
S.M.
6
Bullen, William Joseph. "The dynamic between national identity and foreign policy inTurkey." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FBullen.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Baylouny, Anne M. Second Reader: Clement, Victoria S. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Turkey, national identity, foreign policy, Neo-Ottoman, Recip Tayyip Erdogan, Turgut Ozal, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, political Islam, Justice and Development Party (AKP). Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83). Also available in print.
7
Demirci, Berat. "Impact Of European Unioin On Civil - Military Relations In Greece And Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611433/index.pdf.
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Studying on civil-military relations requires a multi-dimensional approach that analyzes both domestic and external factors. In this study which aims to compare the civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey and to indicate how European Union re-shapes the nature of these relations, the emphasis will be given to two important factors. The domestic factor is democratization processes of the states in question, that depend not only on domestic politics, but also the international environment. The other factor is an external one: the EU as a promoter of democracy through civilianization in politics. The general picture of the nature of civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey indicates a parallelism during 1950s and 60s. However, the 1970s, characterized by centrifugal tendencies of states in Cold War conditions as well as the EU accession perspective, has brought about an alteration in the role of military in politics in Greece, whereas Turkey did not do much towards reducing the role of army. Since late 1990s, EU has been the prominent goal in Turkish Foreign Policy. The conditions for membership include democratization through civilianization and declination of military&rsquos role in policy making. Making a projection of how EU will influence civil-military relations in Turkey might be possible in the light of the outcome of this study that utilizes the Greek case as an example.
8
Karabelias, Gerasimos. "Civil military relations : comparative analysis of military interventions in postwar Turkey and Greece." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283684.
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Ioannidis, Eudoxia. "British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.
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The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.
10
Vuorelma, Johanna. "Losing Turkey? : narrative traditions in Western foreign policy analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91976/.
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This thesis is about Western foreign policy analysis on Turkey as a second-order representation that is narratively constructed. The thesis argues that the scholarly field contains ideological antagonisms related to the West and is influenced by narrative traditions that offer apt metaphors and cultural resources to turn random foreign policy events into meaningful narratives. The thesis examines how Turkey is narrated in Western foreign policy analysis and how these narratives impact on debates over the idea of the West with the use of three theoretical approaches: the aesthetic approach is about representation, the narrative approach about the method of representation, and the interpretative approach about the relationship between representation and reality. There are two methodological foundations upon which the thesis is built: Hayden White’s tropology and the interpretative approach of Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes that focuses on beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas. The thesis also employs Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical tools as well as George Lakoff’s seminal work on foreign policy metaphors. In the thesis, White’s four master tropes are teased out with the use of three organising metaphors – the ‘losing Turkey’ metaphor, the ‘Turkey at a crossroads’ metaphor, and the ‘Erdogan-for-Turkey’ metaphor – that have been deduced from the data set using qualititative text analysis. Employing a paradigmatic method, the thesis identifies manifestations of the debate on the West in the data set, which includes over one hundred foreign policy analysis articles especially in Foreign Affairs, The National Interest and Foreign Policy but also in other journals, blogs, and books. The thesis follows the debate on Turkey to wherever it is taking place with the condition that the narrator speaks from a Western perspective, is familiar with the scholarly tradition of studying Turkey, and puts forward interpretations that resonate so widely that they have turned foreign policy imagination into facts and common sense.
11
Fokas, Efterpe Spiro. "The role of religion in national-EU relations : the cases of Greece and Turkey." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/904/.
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This thesis examines the role of religion in national-EU relations. The focus is on how EU membership (or potential membership) may affect nations of a particular religious background in a particular way and, furthermore, whether religious difference affects national-EU relations in a particular way. The study is based on an internal perspective to two countries-Greece and Turkey-whose religious traditions stand outside a 'core' of religious traditions within the European Union (that is, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism). On the basis of these two cases I argue that neither religion per se (as theology or doctrine), nor the prevalence of a particular faith are definitive factors in national-EU relations. Rather, it is mainly in the domain of institutional interests of the `church' vis-ä-vis the 'state', that we find religion influencing national-EU relations. These institutional interests are, in turn, shaped by the relationship between religion and national identity in each case, and the relationship between 'church' and 'state'. The differences in these relationships in the cases of Greece and Turkey yield vast differences in the way 'religion' affects national-EU relations. This thesis examines the role of religion in national-EU relations. The focus is on how EU membership (or potential membership) may affect nations of a particular religious background in a particular way and, furthermore, whether religious difference affects national-EU relations in a particular way. The study is based on an internal perspective to two countries-Greece and Turkey-whose religious traditions stand outside a 'core' of religious traditions within the European Union (that is, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism). On the basis of these two cases I argue that neither religion per se (as theology or doctrine), nor the prevalence of a particular faith are definitive factors in national-EU relations. Rather, it is mainly in the domain of institutional interests of the 'church' vis-ä-vis the 'state', that we find religion influencing national-EU relations. These institutional interests are, in turn, shaped by the relationship between religion and national identity in each case, and the relationship between 'church' and 'state'. The differences in these relationships in the cases of Greece and Turkey yield vast differences in the way 'religion' affects national-EU relations. As background information to the interview research, secondary sources are used to explain the relationship between religion and national identity, and between 'church' and 'state' in each case.
12
Karayianni, Christiana. "The impact of different ways of communication on bicommunal relations in Cyprus." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7429/.
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This thesis examines how the relationship between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities has been shaped by the way the media and related structures mediate their communication. This is a multi-method study based on data gathered from interview, print, broadcast and online material offering a new synthesis and analysis of the mediation of a century of turbulent bicommunal relations. The thesis begins by developing a theoretical framework to address these questions of mediation and offers a critical review of the historiography of bicommunal relations on the island. Three core empirical chapters follow. The first aims to understand the role of faceto- face communication in bicommunal relations based on interviews with both Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The second focuses on the representation of the Turkish-Cypriot community in the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media based on textual and discourse analyses of both extraordinary events and mundane coverage. This empirical study identifies the shifts of the hegemonic discourses in the Greek-Cypriot public sphere and the media rituals that are/were enacted in order for the discourses to be legitimised. Finally, the third chapter analyses samples of online bicommunal communication before and after the easing of ‘border' restrictions in 2003. It highlights the ways the new media can be used to move beyond those media rituals that confirm certain myths and to reenhance the normalisation of bicommunal coexistence. Overall, the thesis's findings suggest that the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media's symbolic power increased in certain historical periods of conflict and that through this power they territorialised people's reality and the process of assigning meanings to the other. It should be noted though, that this territorialisation is not homogenous, it is rather a product of conflict among local discourses. Finally, putting together the findings deriving from all three empirical studies leads to the suggestion that new media tools help/ed overcome a territorialisation process and in a sense recapture the dynamics of oral everydayness of the common past of the two Cypriot communities.
13
Blumen, Sacha Carl. "Granularity and state socialisation: explaining Germany’s 2015 refugee policy reversal." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111430.
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Between late August and mid-November 2015, the German Government
liberalised its refugee policy to allow an unlimited number of
people to claim asylum in the country, and then made a
near-reversal on this policy by calling for European-wide quotas
on the number of refugees entering the EU and a reduction in the
number of refugees Germany would admit. The German Government’s
decisions to liberalise and then backtrack on its refugee policy
within a short time period, at a time when many people were still
seeking asylum from the Syrian civil war, present a puzzle to the
dominant International Relations theories of state
socialisation—constructivism and rational choice—which do not
explain well this type of observed real world behaviour.
By using the Foreign Policy Analysis literature to augment the
constructivist and rational choice approaches, I argue that a
more granular approach can help explain
Germany’s backtracking on refugee policy in 2015. I focus on
the domestic actors, institutions, and the contested processes of
their interactions from which state policy emerged. Using this
approach, I explain Germany’s backtracking on its refugee
policy as the result of varying sets of interactions over time
among actors who had different and potentially changing interests
and beliefs. This focus on granularity and contestation within
state policy making processes provides a more precise
understanding of the dynamics of policy making from which we gain
a greater insight into this puzzling example of state behaviour.
Such approaches may also help explain other examples of state
behaviour that are similarly mysterious.
14
Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.
This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
15
Tayfur, Mehmet Fatih. "Semiperipheral development and foreign policy : the cases of Greece and Spain." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1467/.
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Foreign policy analysis stands at the crossroads of different issues and academic disciplines, including political economy and international relations. In this study, the foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the period between 1945 and the early 1990s, in the context of the world-system approach in which foreign policy is considered a part of the interaction between a single world-economy and multiple political structures (nation states). In other words, this is a study of the political economy of foreign policy. The foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the context of the world and national levels of the organisation of power and production. In this general context, the two countries are defined as the interesting but debatable category of semiperiphery states in the world-system hierarchy of states. The analysis of Greece and Spain shows that the foreign policies of both countries were strongly affected by their semiperipheral development patterns during both the "expansion-hegemonic rise" and "contraction-hegemonic decline" periods of the world-economy. The study examines the relative impact of national and international structural factors, the distribution of wealth and power, the state, external and internal economic and power elites on the foreign policies of Greece and Spain. The examination demonstrates the effect of their semiperipheral status on their foreign policy. The main theoretical contention of the study is that the world-system analysis and the concept of "semiperiphery" provide a useful framework for the study of the political economy of the foreign policies of middle income countries.
16
Söylemez, Mehmet. "Turkey-China relations in the 21st century: from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.
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The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.
17
Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.
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Patsiaouras, Konstantinos. "Democratic Peace Theory and Greek-Turkish relations in the context of the European Union." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FPatsiaouras.pdf.
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Thesis (Master of Arts in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Siegel, Scott. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, Greece, Turkey, Democratic Peace Theory, economic interdependence, intergovernmental organizations, NATO. Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-116). Also available in print.
19
Niarchos, Georgios. "Between ethnicity, religion and politics : foreign policy and the treatment of minorities in Greece and Turkey, 1923-1974." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418178.
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Turan, Tolga. "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Israel: The Implications Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609549/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the State of Israel in a historical perspective and to examine how the foreign policy perceptions of the AKP Government having Islamic roots that came to power in 2002 affected this policy. The thesis argues that, historically, the Western connection of the Turkish Republic has determined the Turkish foreign policy towards Israel and the foreign policy perceptions of the AKP Government strengthened this connection rather than weakening it. It is argued that, the fundamental reason underlying this situation is the efforts of the AKP Government to use its compromising foreign policy as a leverage against the constitutional legitimacy question it faced in domestic politics. As a result, during the AKP era, it is concluded that, Turkish foreign policy towards Israel has not undergone fundamental changes at least as long as the domestic legitimacy question exists.
21
Stillwell, Stephen J. "London, Ankara, and Geneva: Anglo-Turkish Relations, The Establishment of the Turkish Borders, and the League of Nations, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5515/.
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This dissertation asserts the British primacy in the deliberations of the League of Nations Council between the two world wars of the twentieth century. It maintains that it was British imperial policy rather than any other consideration that ultimately carried the day in these deliberations. Given, as examples of this paramountcy, are the discussions around the finalization of the borders of the new republic of Turkey, which was created following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. These discussions focused on three areas, the Mosul Vilayet or the Turco-Iraqi frontier, the Maritza Delta, or the Turco-Greek frontier, and the Sanjak of Alexandretta or the Turco-Syrian frontier.
22
Carver, Michael M. "“A CORRECT AND PROGRESSIVE ROAD”: U.S.-TURKISH RELATIONS, 1945-1964." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1300992155.
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Antonopoulos, Athanasios. "Redefining an alliance : Greek-US relations, 1974-1980." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23483.
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In 1974 following the Cyprus Crisis, the bilateral alliance between Greece and the United States entered a new period. The bilateral relations, traditionally close since the emergence of the Cold War, faced a set of challenges. Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus and the collapse of the Greek dictatorship, which enjoyed close ties with Washington, gave rise to anti-Americanism in Greek society. Moreover, Washington’s inability to contain Turkish aggression frustrated the Greek government. In response to the invasion of Cyprus, Athens announced Greece’s withdrawal from NATO with the hope of securing the active involvement of the US and NATO in the Greek-Turkish dispute. These developments required readjustments to Greek-US policies and strategies to overcome obstacles and secure their objectives. Greece’s withdrawal from and return to NATO after six years, in October 1980, symbolises best this distinct period of Greek-US cooperation. The traditional historical narrative states that after 1974 the priorities of successive Greek governments were increasingly directed at managing the country’s accession to European Economic Community while developing closer cooperation with the Balkan states. The United States remained another significant ally of Greece. This thesis emphasises that the Greek governments between 1974 and 1980 regarded the United States as the single most important ally for the Greek national security policy. The Greek governments realised that only Washington could assist Greece with both Soviet and Turkish threats. Washington, meanwhile, prioritised retaining close ties with both Greece and Turkey and an eventual re-build of NATO’s Southern Flank. What is significant is that President Carter put aside his idealistic declarations made on the campaign trail and adopted fully Ford/Kissinger’s approach toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus, i.e. the Eastern Mediterranean. Hence, the thesis underlines the element of continuity between the US administrations in the second half of 1970s. The thesis makes a significant contribution to Cold War scholarship regarding bilateral relations within the West during the era of détente. Scholars has largely overlooked the US’s relationships with Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus even though the Eastern Mediterranean region dominated the foreign policy agendas of both Ford and Carter administrations. This study argues that President Ford’s handling of relations with Greece was focused on crisis management rather than crisis solving. More significantly, although unrecognised at the time, President Carter’s relations with Greece were a significant success. Ford and Carter responded to the Eastern Mediterranean questions in ways that reflect significant continuities in their approaches. Ford and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger developed the concept of a ‘balanced approach’ towards Athens and Ankara in political, economic, and military terms that aimed at ensuring close ties with both. Carter followed the same policy concept. Carter succeeded in seeing Greece’s return to full NATO membership while resisting being dragged into the centre of Greek-NATO negotiations. During these years the Greek government also scored significant successes. Greek pressure ensured that Washington devoted equal attention to Greece and Turkey, a much more powerful regional power. Similarly, Greece received significant US economic aid while Turkey faced a strict US arms embargo. By 1980, however, the implications of the Iranian Revolution and the end of détente mandated that Turkey had to take precedence over Greece in the US’s policy considerations.
24
Erdemir, Halil. "The westernization of Turkey and Turkish migration to the Federal Republic of Germany." Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546059.
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Clary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
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In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
26
Gulen, Berkay. "The Two U.s. Think Tanks On Turkey: The Brookings Institution And The Council On Foreign Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613438/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines perspectives of the two influential U.S. think tanks, the
Brookings Institution and the Council on Foreign Relations, on Turkish foreign
policy under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) from 2002
to 2010. It attempts to analyze the perceptions of the noted institutions about the
JDP&rsquos foreign policy by referencing their reports, articles, interviews and seminars. The study had four aims. First, it aims to analyze the JDP&rsquo
s foreign policy in the eyes of the two think tanks. Second, it shows the objective of the two institutions for shaping the framework of the discussions on the United States-Turkey relations and Turkish foreign policy by emphasizing the epistemic community. Third, this thesis intends to clarify divergences and convergences in the perceptions of the two think tanks. Fourth, it indicates the continuity, change and rupture in the JDP&rsquo
s foreign policy choices from the viewpoint of the Brookings Institution and the Council on Foreign Relations. Consequently, the thesis states that &ldquo
the given framework&rdquo
in the relations between the United States and Turkey has been largely determined by the U.S.&rsquo
activities.
27
Unal, Kemal. "Is There Any Security Preference For Turkey Between The Eu And The U.s.?" Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606659/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The recent global security challenges such as terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction etc. have altered the security perceptions of the countries. For opposing those new security threats the U.S. and the EU generated their own security discourses. Accordingly, they tackle the issues with diverging perceptions. This diversion paves the way for a debate between two sides. In the mean time, Turkey has established her security architecture in accordance with the Western international community. Nevertheless, the ongoing debate between the EU and the U.S. leaves Turkey in an uncomfortable situation. On the grounds that, the future tendency of Turkey will be dependent on the policies of the U.S. and the EU as well as Turkey's own progress. On the one hand the U.S. can present multilateral or unilateral solutions to the problems. On the other hand the EU can show an inward-looking or an outward-looking policy in international relations. The results of those policy options will be the answer of Turkey'
s probable security preference between the U.S. and the EU.
28
Eruysal, Esra. "Economic Relations Between Turkey And Iran From 1990 To 2010: A Turkish Perspective." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613959/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to analyze the transformation of Turkey&rsquos relations with Iran in the 1990s and 2000s from the perspective of &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in a historical framework. In this context, the political and economic relations between Turkey and Iran are discussed by taking into consideration the internal transformation of Turkish economy. This thesis argued that the course of Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 1990s is mainly shaped by the military-political considerations. Not only political but also economic relations between Turkey and Iran were negatively affected by tensions and rivalry between the parties during the 1990s. Despite the counter-efforts of some of the business circles and the political parties, neither the economic nor the political relations did improve. Unlike the 1990s, Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 2000s are largely shaped by economic and commercial considerations. Increasing dialogue and developing cooperation at the political level are positively reflected in the economic relations. As a result of the eagerness of Turkish businessmen towards the development of economic relations with Iran and the intensive support of the political elites, economic relations substantially improved in the 2000s. However, rising foreign trade relations between the parties created an asymmetric dependence to the detriment of Turkey, rather than mutual interdependence as Iran benefits more from this relationship due to its oil and natural gas exports. The increasing relationship between Turkey and Iran supports the argument that Turkey is emerging as a &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in the 2000s.
29
Hoback, Elizabeth Anne. "The past, present, and future of U.S. foreign policy in the states of Iran and Turkey." Thesis, Boston University, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27674.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (B.A.)--Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
30
Zadah, Sherin. "Money Talks: Turkey, The Kurdish Regional Government, and the Shaping of a Future Kurdish State." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1566.
Full textAbstract:
In “Money Talks: Turkey, The Kurdish Regional Government, and the Shaping of a Future Kurdish State”, I aim to explore the puzzle of why Turkey is establishing economic and diplomatic relations with the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) considering its violent conflict with its Kurdish population. I was able to solve this puzzle by collecting and analyzing various works of literature surrounding Turkish foreign policy towards the KRG. Through my research, I learned about the complex and nuanced partnership between the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and Ankara, and the potential effect this partnership will have on Kurdish statehood. This issue is important because it highlights a controversial debate surrounding minority groups’ right to statehood in the Middle East and points to shifting economic and political dynamics in the Middle East.
31
Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
Full textAbstract:
Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
32
Eroglu, Zehra. "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards The Balkans In The Post Cold War Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606028/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Turkey&rsquos Balkan policy in the Post-Cold War Era with regard to changing parameters in this region. Every crisis and conflicts in the Balkans affects not only Turkey but also all international actors. For this reason, it is argued that external dynamics rather than internal ones largely affected the change in Turkish foreign policy. It is pointed out that the policy maintained by Turkey during the wars and crisis in the Balkans, was harmonious with its power and capacity in international arena. After Bosnian War and Kosovo crisis the European Union (EU) policy towards the Balkans gained impetus. Turkey attempts to participate in both North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the EU initiatives in the Balkans for the sake of balancing Greece. Besides, Turkey encouraged and took an active role in the process of the Balkan countries to NATO and the EU for the sake of following the regulations being made for Turkish minority. Then, this thesis argues that the neo-Ottomanist ideas lost its significance as the process of EU&rsquo
s incorporation of the Balkans gains impetus.
33
Talbot, Michael. "British diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire during the long eighteenth century." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.645966.
Full text
34
Psellas, Jimmie. "Greece and the European Economic Community: Relations During the Panhellenic Socialist Movement's First Term of Office, October 1981--June 1985." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500743/.
Full textAbstract:
A nation's foreign policy is often subject to change. This change may occur in its relations with other nationstates or with international organizations such as the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). Greece became a full E.E.C. member in January, 1980, when the conservative Nea Democratia was in power. The Nea Democratia, both in government from 1974 to 1981 and in opposition since 1981, has been consistent in its support for the E.E.C.; in contrast, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) has not. PASOK, in opposition from 1974 to 1 981 , was against Greek membership in the European communities. PASOK, in its first term in office from 1981 to 1985, reversed itself on the issue. During this period, PASOK made no effort to withdraw Greece from the E.E.C. This study examines PASOK's reversal of policy. Two domestic factors are examined in detail: the general economic difficulties of Greece during PASOK's first term, and the role of the powerful agrarian interests.
35
Hill, Maria Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Australian's in Greece and Crete : a study of an intimate wartime relationship." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40076.
Full textAbstract:
Historians have largely ignored the importance of relationships in war, particularly at a grass roots level. Examining the past from a relational point of view provides a new perspective on war not accessible through other forms of analysis. A relational approach to a study of the campaigns in Greece and Crete helps to explain, amongst other issues, why so many Australian lives were saved. Australians entered Greece with little background knowledge of the country and the people they were required to defend. There was no serious consultation with the Australian government apart from the cursory briefing of its Prime Minister. Although Britain had numerous intelligence officers operating on the ground in Greece prior and during the campaign, little information about the true political situation in the country had filtered through to the Australian high command. This placed the troops in a very vulnerable position on the Greek frontier and, later, on Crete. Military interaction with the Greeks proved difficult, as key officers from the Greek General Staff and senior government ministers did not intend to fight the Germans. As a result, little coordination took place between the Australian and Greek forces hindering the development of a successful working relationship. Conversely, relations with the Greek people were very amicable with many Greeks risking their lives to help Australian troops. The altruism of the Greeks was one of the most striking features of the Greek and Crete campaigns. Unlike Egypt, where the Australians felt alienated by the values and customs of the Egyptian people, in Greece they warmed to the behaviour of the Greeks. Although they did not speak the same language nor share a similar culture, they had many characteristics in common with the Greeks whose strong sense of loyalty to their allies really impressed the Australians. On their part, the Australians displayed respect for the values and customs of the Greek people. Through their interaction during the war, the Greeks came to regard the Australians, not only as friends, but also as brothers, forging an intimate relationship that has been incorporated in the social memory of both countries.
36
Mathews, Julie. "Mediating academic literacy practices in a second language : portraits of Turkish scholars of international relations." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84530.
Full textAbstract:
This longitudinal inquiry into the academic literacy practices of ten Turkish scholars of International Relations (IR) attempts to answer three broad questions: what factors have affected the participants' acquisition and maintenance of academic reading and writing skills; what patterns of similarities and differences can be found among their literacy practices; and what relationships might be discovered between the various factors and the scholars' literacy practices. Data for the study were collected through observations, autobiographical accounts of the participants' literacy practices via interviews, and textual analysis of the participants' published works.The theoretical framework for the study draws on neo-Vygotskian Activity Theory and Bakhtinian Dialogic Theory, to create a model for uncovering and understanding the contextual factors mediating scholars' academic literacy practices. The model begins with the assumption that scholars operate within multiple "activity systems" (Engstrom, 1990), in this case: (1) the core American IR discipline; (2) the local Turkish IR discipline/particular Turkish IR departments; and (3) Turkish society. The model reconceptualizes the idea of activity systems as "filters," which mediate individuals' production and reception of texts, i.e. their literacy practices. Conflicts may arise according to the "thickness" of a filter and depending on the "operational means" acceptable within it.
By contributing to a deeper understanding of how people acquire and maintain academic literacy skills in a second language the study ultimately aims to aid in the construction of pedagogical models and approaches that reflect the complex nature of these multi-lingual literacy practices.
37
Saunders, Liane. "The motives, pattern and form of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations, c. 1580-1661." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c01bfd84-f68e-43a3-90fa-79b9fda8c5b1.
Full textAbstract:
My study covers the period from the initial establishment of English representation at the Ottoman Porte with the capitulations of 1580 which established trading and diplomatic rights for English merchants, and the formal establishment of an embassy in 1583. I explore the development of the English embassy at Constantinople from its vulnerable first years through its growth in prestige during the 1620s and 1630s, to the zenith of its influence in the 1660s before the French began to dominate diplomatic business at the Porte. I examine English policy at the Porte from its first tentative attempts to secure a strategic alliance against the Spanish with the Ottomans in the Mediterranean, through the Thirty Years War in which both Ottoman and English authorities found themselves reluctantly embroiled and the domestic troubles which both suffered in the 1640s, culminating with the execution of Ibrahim I in 1648 and Charles I in 1649. I conclude with the period of stabilization in the 1650s when the English authorities reasserted coherent policies at home and abroad during the Protectorate and the Restoration. This was mirrored by a stabilisation of the Ottoman Empire after the first of the Köprülü Grand Viziers took the reins of power in 1656 and reasserted central control over the provinces and over Ottoman vassals on the peripheries of Ottoman territory. The thesis builds on work done on the English commercial expansion in the Levant and the commercial role of the embassy in the Constantinople. I seek to complement existing studies of particular embassies and personalities and to give a broader over-view of the development of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. I intend to open debate on the development of Ottoman foreign policy and the implementation of Ottoman diplomacy during the seventeenth century well before the Ottoman bureaucracy underwent the westernization which led to it being absorbed into the European diplomatic system during the late eighteenth century. In the introductory chapters I explore the development of diplomacy during this period to establish the different attitudes of the English governments who conducted a largely adhoc diplomacy until the late sixteenth century when they began to open a few key residences abroad, and the Ottoman authorities who maintained a strictly non-reciprocal form of policy with western nations which lay outside the Dar al-Islam or Muslim lands. I discuss the question of the duality of the embassy at Constantinople as both a commercial agency and a state department and examine the potential for conflict between the controlling interests of the Crown and the Levant Company. In two chapters on the domestic situations in England and the Ottoman Empire I assess the priorities of policy and the domestic and financial constraints on an active foreign policy. Both the Ottoman Empire and the English sought to secure their own state through internal stability and external alliances. Both states faced the same problems of hostility from their neighbours, internal rebellion and the need to provide for growing government expenditure. However, England and the Ottoman Empire differed in the way they approached their problems and had different resources to help them carry their policies through. The most notable contrast was that the Ottomans possessed a growing standing army while England relied on ad hoc levies until Cromwell's new model army. These chapters are intended to open the subject to two audiences: the Ottomanist and the Early Modern European/English Historian, and to place the Anglo-Ottoman relationship within a broader diplomatic context. I have divided the thesis into three parts, each exploring a different aspect of diplomatic relations between Whitehall and the Porte, centring on the role of the embassy at Constantinople. The opening of direct diplomatic relations with the Porte was the first sustained diplomatic contact the English had established with a non-Christian nation and formed the model for later diplomatic contacts with non-European nations. As a whole, my study contributes to an understanding of how England adapted to the non-reciprocal diplomacy of the Ottoman Porte and to the operation of diplomacy by a Christian nation in a non-Christian state. I also explore the development of English policy in the Mediterranean and place the Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relationship in its European context. In part one I examine the function of the etiquette system at the Ottoman Porte and assess the importance of protocol conventions and the extent to which they affected the status of the ambassador and the progress of negotiations. I explore the status of western ambassadors within the Ottoman system and illustrate the adaptability and sophistication of the Forte's ceremonial system. I address the problem of the Forte's attitude to western states, recognising that there was ambiguity over whether such states were treated as representatives of tributary states or as honoured guests. I also explore the role which gift-giving, both official and unofficial, played in assessments of status and the complicated issue of diplomatic precedent, where western ambassadors attempted to assert their own concepts of status on the Ottoman system. In a further chapter I demonstrate how the English ambassador fitted into the English Court system and contrast English diplomatic ceremonial with that of the Porte. I provide an outline of the development of the conflict between the Crown, which endorsed the ambassador, and the Levant Company, which paid for him, to resolve the question of whether the embassy in Constantinople was indeed an embassy in the true sense. In this chapter I also explore the position of the few quasi-official Ottoman representatives who attended the English Court despite the official non-reciprocal diplomatic stance of the Porte. I examine the ceremonial which was provided for them and illustrate how the English system adapted to deal with this new phenomenon. This first part does not stand in isolation from the sections dealing with actual negotiations at the Porte but I intend it to place the diplomatic representatives in the framework in which they operated and establish the principles of status through which they proceeded to negotiations. In part two I consider the development of the administrative structure of the embassy in Constantinople. I include an assessment of both English and local staff, and attempt to resolve questions of the experience and efficiency of administrative personnel and of the ambassadors whom they served. I also explore the function of the embassy and establish the chains of command and channels of communication which the embassy involves. I explore the development of chancery practice during this period and give an outline of the Ottoman petition system through which all negotiations were initiated. I confront the problem of prompt authorization of documents and examine the use of a possible 'deputed Great Seal' by the embassy. The roles of Ottoman officials, especially the role of the Grand Vizier and the developing role of the Reisūlkūttab (Chief Scribe to the Divan) in foreign affairs are also discussed. Finally, in this section I consider the problems of security and communications within the region and examines the importance of the English consular network. The purpose of this section is to build up a picture of the operation of the embassy on a day to day basis to from a background to the various negotiations discussed in the final section. The final section forms the bulk of the thesis where I assess policy development in Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. In the chapters of this section I explore the various types of negotiations conducted at the Porte by English ambassadors.
38
Yilmaz, Ömer [Verfasser]. "A constructivist analysis of Turkish foreign policy in 1980s and 2000s : the example of Turkey-U.S. relations / Ömer Yilmaz." Siegen : Universitätsbibliothek der Universität Siegen, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1068362820/34.
Full text
39
Helicke, James C. ""Armed Minorities": The Cold War, Human Rights, and Ethnicity in U.S.-Turkish Relations." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1420159586.
Full text
40
Tunnicliffe, John Neil. "The Italian involvement in Greece from the third century to 167 BC." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e5e90053-2a95-445a-bd58-2d535e5d090a.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis begins with the question of who were those who appealed to Rome in 230 to provide the pretext for the First Illyrian War. This is followed by an analysis of the mechanics of trade and travel to Greece, and the conditions to be encountered there; also of the honorific inscriptions which provide much of the evidence for the presence. This evidence is then assessed for Delphi, the sanctuaries of Asklepios, Aitolia and other less cohesive presences. The conclusions are in terms of Rome's dealings with Greece up to and including the First Illyrian War, as affected by her allies' presence in Greece. There follows an excursus on the development of early Latin literature, its motivations, themes and relevance in historical context. The period of the Second Punic War is then analysed to see if and how traffic continued to frequent Greece, and how Rome's policy developed from the stance which she had taken in 230. This leads to a consideration of the causes of the Second Makedonian War, and of the differing policies of Flamininus and Scipio Africanus as revealed by their honours, dedications and letters in Greece. The subsequent Italian presence in Delphi, Thessaly, Aitolia, Thrace, the Aigæian, Boiotia and elsewhere is then assessed in its historical context. There is then a broad overview of the presence on Delos throughout the period, with the emphasis on the Syro-Aitolian War and the freeing of the port in 166.
41
Gulseven, Enver. "Identity security and Turkish foreign policy in the post-cold war period : relations with the EU, Greece and the Middle East." Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5083.
Full textAbstract:
Since the establishment of the republic in 1923 there has never been a consensus over Turkey‘s national identity, either internally or externally. Westernization was a top-down project that fostered societal resistance from the outset and which received only partial recognition from the West itself. The end of the Cold War has further intensified the debates over Turkish identity both in Turkey itself and in the wider world. This thesis examines the implications of a complex and insecure identity for Turkey‘s political development and in particular its ability to develop an international role commensurate with its size and capabilities. In doing so, it demonstrates the connection between different notions of Turkish identity and foreign policy preferences whilst emphasising also the important role of the international institutional context (for example membership of NATO and the EU) in shaping the preferences of diverse state/societal actors within Turkey in the post-Cold War period. The focus in this regard is on the military, political parties and business/civil-society groups. The thesis engages recent debates between constructivists and rationalists and argues that a constructivist account of Turkish foreign policy is more helpful than a rationalist explanation, through the case studies of Turkey‘s relations with the EU, Greece and the Middle East in the post-Cold War period. It shows how rational actor assumptions operate within a constructivist context and aims to shed light on the relationship between identity, political interests and foreign policy. The thesis also demonstrates that an insecure identity is a barrier to pursue consistent foreign policy goals, thereby lending support to the view that a secure identity is a condition of developing a stable and influential role in the post-Cold War system.
42
Angliss, John. "Turkish-british Economic Relations 2002-2012: An Intensely Political Relationship." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615531/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last ten years Britain and Turkey have sustained an unusually harmonious
economic relationship. However, this has not been the outcome of undirected free
markets and the effective exploitation of comparative advantage. Instead, it has come
about as the result of a series of political compromises. This analysis looks at how
the relationship has evolved on a variety of political levels: through international
organisations, state-to-state diplomacy, the direct state sponsorship of British
business in Turkey and the varied political relations of British multinationals inside
Turkey. At each level, activist British governments have used political methods to
promote British business, even sometimes at the expense of their reputation or other
strategic interests. Complementing this is a structural power imbalance between the
two countries, which has helped open up Turkey&rsquos markets to British capital.
43
Scopelitis, Evangelos-Maximos A. "Identity, foreign policy and European integration : a contribution to the study of international relations, with special reference to the case of Greece." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288954.
Full text
44
Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
Full textAbstract:
Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
45
Atmaca, Ayse Omur. "Old Game In A New World: Turkey And The United States From Critical Perspective." Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613157/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze Turkish-American relationship from critical perspective. In this study critical geopolitics is used to examine the US policymakers&lsquodiscourses over representations of Turkey. Drawing on the theoretical literature, this dissertation took geopolitics as a deeply ideological concept and analyzed the ways in which US geopolitical discourse has shaped the Turkish-American relationship over time. The study outlined the historical evolution of the concept of the geopolitics since the end of the 19th century in order to reveal the limits of the classical geopolitical understanding, and to provide a theoretical framework against which the modern geopolitical imagination of the US has been formulated. Second, it revealed the ideological roots and the main characteristics of American geopolitical discourse. And third, the study applied critical geopolitics to the case of Turkish-American relations with respect to how the imagined geography of Turkey and the alliance have been shaped by the foreign and security policies of the US. Cold War, post-Cold War and post-September 11 periods are analyzed in separate chapters of this study. It is also argued in this dissertation that Turkey generally fits the geopolitical design of the United States and that these two countries have cooperated on numerous efforts in different parts of the world both during and after the Cold War. However, in this period the two allies also experienced several problems that display the limits of US geopolitical discourse.
46
Atan, Serap. "Turkish peak business organizations and the europeanization of domestic structures in Turkey: meeting the European Union membership conditions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210468.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.
We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.
We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
47
Grimsel, Naadirah. "Changing world order : the Republic of Turkey's rise as a middle power." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86391.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Changes in world order have caused major shifts in the global positioning of states at the international level. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new power structure that shifted from a bipolar arrangement to a multipolar disposition. The emergence of this new world order allowed for emerging and developing states, such as Turkey, the opportunity to fill gaps left by the power vacuum created by the new multipolar power arrangement. This led the Turkish state on its path to become a middle power within the new world order. To assess the impact of changing world orders in the promotion of Turkey as a middle power in the new order, this study uses Coxian Critical Theory and the social relations of forces framework to account for Turkey’s middle power ascent. The framework developed by Robert Cox consists of three aspects, namely world orders, forms of state and the social relations of production. The change in world order both in the post-Cold War and post-2001 era has caused fundamental shifts within the Turkish state, both in terms of forms of state and in the social relations of production. Changes in the forms of state of the Turkish Republic following the end of the Cold War allowed for the creation of more robust civil society organizations, and a state that was transformed by the spread of international norms that originated at the world order level. International norms at the world order level not only affected the forms of state, but also the social relations of production and the political economy of Turkey. As a result changes in the forms of state and social relations of production informed by changes at the world order level, influenced the creation and execution of a proactive autonomous and internationally geared Turkish foreign policy, which is indicative of a middle power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aanpassings in die wêreld orde het grootskaalse verskuiwings op internasionale vlak in die globale positionering van state te weeg gebring. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het ontwikkel in ‘n nuwe mag struktuur wat beweeg het van bipolêre magskikking tot multi-polêre ingesteldheid. Die opkoms van hierdie nuwe wêreld orde het vir opkomende en ontwikkelende state, soos Turkye, die geleentheid gebied om in rolle in te tree wat ontstaan het as gevolg van die magsleemte wat veroorsaak is deur die nuwe multi-polêre orde. Die faktore het daartoe bygedra dat Turkye ‘n nuwe rol as ‘n intermedïere moondheid (‘middle power’) begin aanneem het. Hierdie studie het die Kritiese Teorie van Robert Cox gebruik om te bepaal wat die impak is van die veranderende wêreld orde op die ontwikkeling van Turkye as ‘n intermedïere moondheid in die nuwe wêreld orde, asook die mag van sosiale verwantskappe (‘social relations of forces’) raamwerk om rekenskap te gee and Turkye se rol as intermedïere moondheid. Die raamwerk wat deur Robert Cox ontwikkel is bestaan uit drie aspekte; die wêreld ordes, staatsvorme, en die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. In beide die post- Koue Oorlog en die post-2001 era het die verandering in wêreld orde merkwaardige verskuiwings in die Turkse staat veroorsaak; beide in terme van die aard van die staat asook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog het die veranderinge in die aard van die staat van die Turkse Republiek toegelaat dat meer kragtige burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies kon bestaan, sowel as ‘n staat wat omskep was deur die verspreiding van internasionale norme, wat ontstaan het op wêreld orde vlak. Hierdie internasionale norme het nie net die forms of state vorm of aard van die staat beïnvloed nie, maar ook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie en die politieke ekonomie van Turkye. Uit die aard van die saak het veranderinge in die vorm van die staat en sosiale verwantskappe van produksie wat veroorsaak was deur die verandering op wêreld orde vlak, gelei tot die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van ‘n pro-aktiewe, selfstandige en internationaal gerigte Turkse buitelandse beleid. Die laasgenoemde dui aan op Turkye se ewolusie as ʼn intermedïere moondheid.
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Yuvaci, Abdullah. "International Politics, Special Interests and Foreign Trade Policy: A Study of Turkish-American Textile Trade Relations." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271800423.
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Garlitz, Richard P. "Academic Ambassadors in the Middle East: The University Contract Program in Turkey and Iran, 1950-1970." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1224727953.
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Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
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Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.