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Academic literature on the topic 'Greece Foreign relations Turkey'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Greece Foreign relations Turkey"

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Kiratli, Osman Sabri. "Greece." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534027.

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This paper investigates the change in the Greek position from an ardent critic to an enthusiastic supporter of supranational cooperation in the Common Foreign and Security Policies of the European Union (EU) during the negotiation process (2003–2004) for the Constitutional Treaty. It proposes that the change was largely due to the imminent security threat perceived from its neighbour, Turkey. As unilateralist, confrontational responses, which had been in effect since Turkey’s Cyprus intervention in 1974, had largely failed to curb the level of threats perceived from the eastern side of the Aegean, Greek policy-makers started to develop a radically new security strategy based on a cooperative and integrationist partnership with the EU.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The legacy of the Treaty of Lausanne in the light of Greek-Turkish relations in the twentieth century: Greek perceptions of the Treaty of Lausanne." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546195s.

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The Treaty of Lausanne and the compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey became the basis both for the reorientation of their foreign policies and for the establishment of close relations of friendship and cooperation between the two countries. But the Cyprus question and the Aegean conflict affected bilateral relations. It had a negative impact on the Treaty of Lausanne.
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Tasoulas, Argyrios. "Decolonization of Cyprus and position of the Soviet Union (1953-1959(." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33136.

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This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members – Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.
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Kvashnin, Y. "Western Vector of Greece's Foreign Policy (Late 2010s – Early 2020s)." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-45-56.

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One of the main features of Greek diplomacy is the combination of pro-Western orientation and the desire to act independently in a number of key issues, firmly defending national interests. In recent years, however, the western vector began to prevail. In ideology, this manifested itself in the positioning of the country as an outpost of Western civilization in the East, a defender of democratic values, operating in accordance with the interests of collective West. In security policy, the main efforts were aimed at creating a counterbalance to Greece's existential rival – Turkey. Not having sufficient resources for an ‘arms race’ with the eastern neighbour, the Greek authorities have shifted their focus to closer cooperation with major powers, as well as with regional actors seeking to curb Turkish ambitions. The idea of confronting ‘geopolitical revisionism’ has taken a prominent place in the political rhetoric of the conservative government, especially since the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine. In economic sphere, Greece continues its policy aimed at becoming a key transit hub for transporting energy resources to Europe. Despite the fact that there are good reasons for strengthening ties with the West, the ultimate success of this strategy is not evident. In the Greek media, there is an increasing opinion that such a course will narrow the room for diplomatic maneuver. At the same time, the main task – to isolate Turkey – will not be implemented. In the future, imbalances in foreign policy may hinder the development of economic ties between Greece and non-Western countries (in the case of Russian-Greek relations, this is already happening), and this in turn will undermine the country's resilience to crisis processes in the world economy and politics.
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Türkeş-Kılıç, Selin, and Gizem Cakmak. "Turkey and Greece as frenemies: discourse-historical approach to foreign policy repertoires of the leaders." Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, no. 33 (December 19, 2022): 225–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/reim2022.33.009.

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This paper analyzes Turkish-Greek relations during the contentious period of July 2019-2022, when tensions between the two countries have risen due to domestic and conjunctural factors. The study employs a Discourse Historical Approach to reveal the processes of identity construction in Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdo?an and Greece’s Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ political statements. The analysis suggests that the two leaders have developed discursive repertoires of frenemies, which represent interactive processes of logics and practices of amity and enmity between Turkey and Greece, in which they are competitive and mistrustful, but also convinced that collaboration advances their respective and often conflicting interests.
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Andreopoulos, George J. "The International Financial Commission and Anglo-Greek Relations (1928–1933)." Historical Journal 31, no. 2 (June 1988): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012917.

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The final phase of Venizelism (1928–1933) has traditionally been considered as a period of considerable foreign policy accomplishments (e.g. friendship treaties with Italy, Yugoslavia and Turkey). Yet despite the attention which has been paid to these agreements, the period was clearly marked by the government's drive towards internal infrastructural changes via its commitment to extensive public works programmes. This effort necessitated a huge influx of capital from abroad; in fact, in the period between 1924 and 1931 more money entered the country than at any time since 1875–90. In this context, Britain's influential role was further enhanced as a result of the indispensability of the London credit market, and her financial presence in Greece was to set the tone and pace of Anglo-Greek relations. Probably no institution reflected this uneven relation more accurately than the International Financial Commission (I.F.C).
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Kvashnin, Yu D. "Russian-Greek Relations: Is There a Light at the End of the Tunnel?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-9.

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At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, relations between Russia and Greece entered a protracted period of stagnation, which continues to this day, despite numerous attempts by both countries to intensify political dialogue. One of the reasons is the general degradation of Russia’s relations with the Western countries, which intensified in the middle of the last decade against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. At the same time, the “sanctions wars” have become an important, but not the only reason for the reduction in bilateral contacts. There were other factors as well: Greece’s dissatisfaction with the excessively close cooperation between Russia and Turkey, different views on NATO’s Eastern enlargement, as well as interchurch disagreements.On the economic plane, Russian-Greek cooperation was hampered by the desire of Greece to diversify its energy supplies, the food embargo regime introduced by Russia against the EU countries, as well as the policy of investment protectionism pursued by Greece towards Russian companies.The greatest success has been achieved in the humanitarian field. Due to the cultural and historical closeness of the two peoples, as well as due to the disappointment of the Greeks in the results of European integration, Greece remains one of the few countries where most people treat Russia with sympathy. At the same time, the perception of Russia by the Greeks is distorted and often fragmentary. The positive effect of Russian-Greek humanitarian cooperation is often overshadowed by negative coverage of Russian foreign policy in the Greek media.
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SEZER, DUYGU B. "Peaceful Coexistence: Turkey and the Near East in Soviet Foreign Policy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001011.

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This article focuses on Soviet interests in the Near East, Soviet policy toward Turkey, Soviet-Greek relations, and the Cyprus conflict. The Near East is important to the Soviet Union for geographic, strategic-security, and ideological reasons. Soviet policy can be characterized as one of continuity, stability, and peaceful coexistence—resourceful and responsive at the same time. Moscow has been tolerant of a range of political regimes in Turkey, to which it has offered extensive economic aid, and it has welcomed Greece's new independent foreign policy.
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Kirişçi, Kemal. "The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005203.

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AbstractRecently, Turkish foreign policy, compared to the 1990s, has manifested a number of puzzlements. They range from the rapprochement with Greece, the turnabout over Cyprus, mediation efforts involving a series of regional conflicts to a policy seeking an improvement in relations with Armenia and Kurds of Northern Iraq. These puzzlements have increasingly transformed Turkey from being cited as a “post-Cold War warrior” or a “regional coercive power” to a “benign” if not “soft” power. Academic literature has tried to account for these puzzlements and the accompanying transformation in Turkish foreign policy from a wide range of theoretical perspectives. This literature has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of what drives Turkish foreign policy. At the same time, this literature has not paid adequate attention to the role of economic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy as we approach the end of the first decade of the new century. This article aims to highlight this gap and at the same time offer a preliminary conceptual framework based on Richard Rosecrance's notion of the “trading state” and Robert Putnam's idea of “two-level diplomatic games” to explore the impact of economic considerations on Turkish foreign policy.
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Labrecque, Georges. "STEARNS, Monteagle. Entangled Allies. U.S. Policy Toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. New York, Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992, 201 p." Études internationales 24, no. 2 (1993): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703203ar.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Greece Foreign relations Turkey"

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Naoum, Michael. "The Greek-Turkish rapprochement process, 1999-2004 : paradigm shift or EPI-phenomenon /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FNaoum.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-101). Also available online.
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Guzer, Osman Cenk. "Greek Foreign Policy : The Case Study of Greco-Turkish Relations under the two consecutive Kostas Simitis Premierships (1996-2000) and (2000-2004)." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4555.

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The relations between Greece and Turkey have developed at an unprecedented level in recent years. Behind this development lay certain factors notably the Simitis Governments’ strategy of redefining the parameters of Greek national interests in foreign policy and the Turkish Governments’ subsequent positive responses to this favorable atmosphere. It is thus possible to use the term ‘détente’ to refer to the period which dates back to 1996, the rise of Simitis to the Greek premiership. Some observers on Greco-Turkish Relations tend to trace the origins of Greco-Turkish détente to the devastating 17 August earthquake in Turkey. Some others try to find the origin of détente in the 1999 Helsinki Summit where Turkey was offered the candidacy status for the EU membership. This thesis proposes an alternative approach by defending the view that the rise of Simitis to the prime ministry itself heralded the chain of events which would later pave the road to the relaxation of Greco-Turkish Relations.

This thesis is a modest attempt to understand the anatomy of Simitis Leadership and its reflections on Greco-Turkish Relations. On the basis of certain turning points in a chronological fashion, it will uncover the background of an eight-year ruling term with its ups and downs. There is an irony in Greco-Turkish Relations: Outbreak of crises between the two neighbors led both the Greek and the Turkish political actors to re-examine their attitude in the following phase of their relationship. In the Simitis Era, the tensions created opportunities for building up networks of cooperation initiatives to a certain extent. I also argue here that spillover logic in Greco-Turkish Relations has started working- albeit cautiously- and that this spirit could be sustainable if managed by both sides wisely. Continuation of the Greco-Turkish détente even after the governmental change in Athens in April 2004 demonstrates that the Simitis Leadership has determined a new framework for Greco- Turkish Relations. This framework has been set through pushing Turkey to the future EU membership orientation and setting mechanisms of reward/punishment (or carrot/stick) policy on Turkey’s route to Brussels through the EU.

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Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.

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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Kilic, Gulay. "Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613194/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to examine the basic factors that motivate Turkey&rsquo
foreign aid policy towards Central Asia from a comparative perspective. Generally, the development aid aims eliminating the problems that have arisen from underdevelopment and contributing to regional and universal peace. In addition to this holistic goal, there are several other motivating factors. This thesis explores the reasons behind the foreign assistance programs of Turkey, the United States, Japan, and Russia towards Central Asia which ensure the development of the Central Asian countries and their integration within the international system. From a comparative perspective of the development aid provided by Turkey to the region and the aid provided by the other donor countries will also be presented. This thesis, argues that Turkey does not provide development assistance to the Central Asian countries merely as a result of its foreign policy interests, but also it aims to integrate these countries with the international system. This thesis consists of four chapters other than introduction and conclusion chapter. The second chapter examines relationship between foreign aid and foreign policy. The third chapter explores general characteristics of post- Soviet Central Asia. The forth chapter discuses Turkey&rsquo
s foreign aid policy towards Central Asia and the fifth chapter examines other donors&rsquo
foreign aid policy towards Central Asia.
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Liaras, Evangelos. "Politicized armies, militarized politics : civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46631.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 55-60).
Despite their common Ottoman heritage, Greece and Turkey have diverged widely in their modem history of civil-military relations. The armed forces have a long record of intervention in both countries, but there is a crucial difference: the military emerged as a roughly unitary, independent political actor in Turkey, whereas in Greece it remained divided into factions aligned with civilian political parties through patronage relationships. This empirical observation is then used as a basis for an attempt at theory building. Several countries exhibit a pattern of military interventions more similar to Turkey and others to those found in Greece. Societies which developed a strong parliamentary tradition early in the modernization process also acquired organized civilian political groups with clientelist networks extending into the armed forces. On the contrary, in countries with limited or weak parliamentary development and strong security pressures, political activism was often channeled through the military, which emerged as a hotbed of political thinking, predating and pre-empting any civilian party tradition. The former type of civil-military relations was more commonly found in Southern European and Latin American countries while the latter was predominant in non-Western societies that resisted Western colonization.
by Evangelos Liaras.
S.M.
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Bullen, William Joseph. "The dynamic between national identity and foreign policy inTurkey." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FBullen.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Baylouny, Anne M. Second Reader: Clement, Victoria S. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Turkey, national identity, foreign policy, Neo-Ottoman, Recip Tayyip Erdogan, Turgut Ozal, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, political Islam, Justice and Development Party (AKP). Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83). Also available in print.
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Demirci, Berat. "Impact Of European Unioin On Civil - Military Relations In Greece And Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611433/index.pdf.

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Studying on civil-military relations requires a multi-dimensional approach that analyzes both domestic and external factors. In this study which aims to compare the civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey and to indicate how European Union re-shapes the nature of these relations, the emphasis will be given to two important factors. The domestic factor is democratization processes of the states in question, that depend not only on domestic politics, but also the international environment. The other factor is an external one: the EU as a promoter of democracy through civilianization in politics. The general picture of the nature of civil-military relations in Greece and Turkey indicates a parallelism during 1950s and 60s. However, the 1970s, characterized by centrifugal tendencies of states in Cold War conditions as well as the EU accession perspective, has brought about an alteration in the role of military in politics in Greece, whereas Turkey did not do much towards reducing the role of army. Since late 1990s, EU has been the prominent goal in Turkish Foreign Policy. The conditions for membership include democratization through civilianization and declination of military&rsquo
s role in policy making. Making a projection of how EU will influence civil-military relations in Turkey might be possible in the light of the outcome of this study that utilizes the Greek case as an example.
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Karabelias, Gerasimos. "Civil military relations : comparative analysis of military interventions in postwar Turkey and Greece." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283684.

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Ioannidis, Eudoxia. "British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.

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The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.
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Vuorelma, Johanna. "Losing Turkey? : narrative traditions in Western foreign policy analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91976/.

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This thesis is about Western foreign policy analysis on Turkey as a second-order representation that is narratively constructed. The thesis argues that the scholarly field contains ideological antagonisms related to the West and is influenced by narrative traditions that offer apt metaphors and cultural resources to turn random foreign policy events into meaningful narratives. The thesis examines how Turkey is narrated in Western foreign policy analysis and how these narratives impact on debates over the idea of the West with the use of three theoretical approaches: the aesthetic approach is about representation, the narrative approach about the method of representation, and the interpretative approach about the relationship between representation and reality. There are two methodological foundations upon which the thesis is built: Hayden White’s tropology and the interpretative approach of Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes that focuses on beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas. The thesis also employs Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical tools as well as George Lakoff’s seminal work on foreign policy metaphors. In the thesis, White’s four master tropes are teased out with the use of three organising metaphors – the ‘losing Turkey’ metaphor, the ‘Turkey at a crossroads’ metaphor, and the ‘Erdogan-for-Turkey’ metaphor – that have been deduced from the data set using qualititative text analysis. Employing a paradigmatic method, the thesis identifies manifestations of the debate on the West in the data set, which includes over one hundred foreign policy analysis articles especially in Foreign Affairs, The National Interest and Foreign Policy but also in other journals, blogs, and books. The thesis follows the debate on Turkey to wherever it is taking place with the condition that the narrator speaks from a Western perspective, is familiar with the scholarly tradition of studying Turkey, and puts forward interpretations that resonate so widely that they have turned foreign policy imagination into facts and common sense.
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Books on the topic "Greece Foreign relations Turkey"

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Israel, Turkey, and Greece: Uneasy relations in the East Mediterranean. London: F. Cass, 1987.

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Demirgil, Demir. Prospects for closer economic relations between Turkey and Greece. Beyoğlu, İstanbul: Foreign Economic Relations Board, 1988.

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Stearns, Monteagle. Entangled allies: U.S. policy toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992.

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Lesser, Ian O. Turkey, Greece, and the U.S. in a changing strategic environment. Santa Monica, Calif: Rand, 2001.

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Lesser, Ian O. Turkey, Greece, and the U.S. in a changing strategic environment. Santa Monica, Calif: Rand, 2001.

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Lesser, Ian O. Turkey, Greece, and the U.S. in a changing strategic environment. Santa Monica, Calif: Rand, 2001.

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Greece & Turkey: Economic and geopolitical perspectives. New York: Praeger, 1988.

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Ker-Lindsay, James. Crisis and conciliation: A year of rapprochement between Greece and Turkey. London: I. B. Tauris, 2007.

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Nedeva, Ivanka. Bulgaria's relations with Greece and Turkey and the idea of trilateral cooperation. Sofia: Free Initiative Foundation, 1993.

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Greek-Turkish relations since 1955. Boulder: Westview Press, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Greece Foreign relations Turkey"

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Woodwell, Douglas. "Greece and Turkey." In Nationalism in International Relations, 157–86. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_8.

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Mango, Andrew, and Matthias Esche. "Relations between Greece and Turkey." In Turkey and the European Community, 95–116. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-01422-5_7.

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Torun, Zerrin. "From Convergence to Divergence: The Compatibility of Turkish and EU Foreign Policy." In EU-Turkey Relations, 323–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_13.

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AbstractThis chapter assesses the compatibility of Turkish and EU foreign policies between 1959 and 2020. Based on the analysis of key international developments and Turkey’s alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), the chapter identifies four periods that were characterized by different degrees of convergence and divergence. In the period between 1959 and 1998 compatibility was relatively high as Turkish foreign policy was guided by the goal of remaining part of the Western community of states throughout the Cold War and its immediate aftermath. Between 1999 and 2002, Turkish foreign policy became regionally more active, in a similar way to that of the EU, but produced few results. The period between 2003 and 2010, up to the Arab Spring, is identified as the ‘golden age’ of compatibility between Turkish and EU foreign policies. Turkey’s prevailing ethos of this period, i.e., relying on soft power and cooperation with neighbors, was generally in line with the EU’s foreign policy approach. Since 2011, divergences between the EU and Turkey have increased, in particular with regard to Syria, Cyprus, and the Eastern Mediterranean. As Turkey defined its norms and interests differently from the EU, its rate of alignment with the EU’s CFSP decreased remarkably. The chapter concludes by looking to the future, arguing that cooperation between the EU and Turkey is likely to focus on issues where there is strong compatibility in selected areas only, such as pandemics, counterterrorism, migration, and energy, and will be primarily based on ad hoc mechanisms.
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Çakmak, Gizem Alioğlu. "Turkish–Greek relations." In Greece and Turkey in Conflict and Cooperation, 13–21. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge advances in European politics: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203732151-2.

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Ata, Funda Keskin. "EU-Turkey Relations (1999–2016): Conditionality at Work?" In Turkish Foreign Policy, 105–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_6.

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Heraclides, Alexis. "Greek–Turkish relations and conflict." In Greece and Turkey in Conflict and Cooperation, 3–12. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge advances in European politics: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203732151-1.

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Kınacıoğlu, Müge. "NATO-Turkey Relations: From Collective Defence to Collective Security." In Turkish Foreign Policy, 83–103. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_5.

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Ekinci, Didem. "Russia-Turkey Relations (1991–2016): Diverging Interests and Compelling Realities." In Turkish Foreign Policy, 151–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_8.

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Samaan, Jean-Loup. "The enduring ambiguities of Turkey–Israel relations." In Israel’s Foreign Policy Beyond the Arab World, 47–68. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315103907-6.

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Bahcheli, Tozun. "1974 and After: New Realities for Cyprus, Greece, and Turkey." In Greek-Turkish Relations Since 1955, 95–128. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429040726-5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Greece Foreign relations Turkey"

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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.

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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Dhini, Harini Lukika, and Irfa Puspitasari. "International System and Foreign Policy: Turkey Closer Ties with the Middle East in 2007." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279405030509.

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Fynchina, Khicheza. "Development of Trade Relations of the Kyrgyz Republic with Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c12.02454.

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The progressive development of the economy of each country in the context of globalization is to a large extent determined by its foreign trade activities. Individual entrepreneurship of the Kyrgyz Republic was the locomotive for the development of trade cooperation with many countries of the far abroad, among which Turkey is one of the leaders. Sources of research: statistical data. The main methods of cognition: analysis, synthesis, logical sequence. Key findings: The participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) contributed to the revival of trade relations of the Kyrgyzstan with the EAEU members and other countries. The structure of foreign trade has improved: leading export growth compared to import growth. The pace of development of foreign trade relations shows that the participation of Kyrgyzstan in the EAEU is not a deterrent to its integration into the world trade community. The production orientation of imports from Turkey and China showed the basis for restoring the production potential of the light industry of Kyrgyzstan. An analysis of official data on foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and mirror statistics of key partner countries revealed the problem of the presence of inaccuracy in the statistics of foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and possible budget losses. The principles of building a new relationship between a man and society under the influence of the Covid-19 pandemic will be based on the rationalization of consumption and production. This will be the basis for the restoration and development of foreign trade of the Kyrgyz Republic.
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Özgün, Tevfik Orçun, and Onur Koçak. "Turkey-Macedonia Relations from Cultural and Historical Perspective." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00975.

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Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.
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Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.

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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region. The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Ebrem, İlker Salih. "Examination Relations of Turkey and Kazakhstan from the Perspective of Foreign Trade Datas and Organizations." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01330.

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Established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Turkic Republics has tried to improve its relations with Turkey but relations have not developed to the required level. Existing relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan which from one of these countries, is assessed, have been mentioned economic and political contributions of organizations such as Turkish Exim Bank, Turkish International Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Hoca Ahmet Yasawi University, which are effective in the development of bilateral relations. Turkey and Kazakhstan relations has reached a momentum in recent years. The development of bilateral relations have also reflected the economic figures but this level of development is not enough. Finally, by examining the trade volume between the two countries, import and export rates and which product mainly taken place in the foreign trade volume are examined and interpreted.
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Ersin, Özgür Ömer, and Mustafa Batuhan Tufaner. "An Econometric Analysis on the Relationship between Foreign Trade and Foreign Direct Investment in Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02163.

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The globalization process has accelerated the liberalization of foreign trade and capital movements. This acceleration is caused in widening and intensifying relations between foreign direct investment and foreign trade. This paper examines the foreign direct investments’ contribution to the foreign trade. The empirical study is based on time series analysis for Turkey and used monthly data over the period 1992-2017. Econometric techniques for time series are applied to test unit roots, Johansen cointegration test, ARDL bound model and Granger causality test. The test results indicate that there is a correlative relation between foreign trade and foreign direct investment. As a result foreign trade affects foreign direct investments.
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Sadeghzadeh Emsen, Hatıra, Ziya Çağlar Yurttançıkmaz, Murat Süslü, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Foreign Debt and Exchange Relations: Examinations on Turkey for the Period Between 1998-2021." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02697.

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The favor of domestic and foreign elements is an important factor in the rise of the stock market index, and in this context, it is expected that foreign capital coming to the country will play a role in increasing the stock market. Foreign capital investments, which come to the stock market in particular and to the country in general for investment purposes, lead to the concept of debt burden after a while and may cause that country to be considered risky. Problems in foreign debt and its solvency make the country risky, and when such a situation arises, it is possible that the country's stock market will be adversely affected. In other words, the hypothesis that foreign capital inflows affect the stock market positively up to a certain level and that it will affect the stock market negatively after a certain level is exceeded has been the subject of examination in the Turkish economy. For the period between 1998:1Q-2021:4Q, stock market and debt data were subjected to time series analysis. Since the series were stationary at the first difference, FMOLS regression analyzes were performed in order to clearly reveal the relationships between the variables considered. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the stock market index was positively affected by the increases in debt up to a certain level; However, when a certain debt threshold level is exceeded, it has been determined that debt negatively affects the stock market.
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Ganiev, Junus, and Damira Baigonushova. "Prospects for Exchange Rate Cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02266.

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Foreign exchange risk is one of the main factors affecting foreign trade and foreign investment activities. The exchange rate instability in the Eurasian Economic Union members and in Turkey, which is one of the Union’s major economic partners, constitutes one of the major economic problems. This situation inevitably affects the foreign economic relations of the countries. Therefore, the leaders of most countries such Turkey and Russia are encouraging to use national currencies in economic relations to reduce the dependence on the dollar, to provide stability in the foreign exchange market and to reduce the risk of exchange rate. One of the basic conditions for the success of these initiatives is the stability of exchange rates between national currencies. This study examines the fluctuations of exchange rates among national currencies of EAEU members and Turkey. The ERM implementation of the European Union and its applicability will be discussed as a solution.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.

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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Reports on the topic "Greece Foreign relations Turkey"

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Güder, Süleyman, Murat Çemrek, and M. Hüseyin Mercan. FOREIGN POLICY IN THE TURKEY OF THE FUTURE. İLKE İlim Kültür Eğitim Vakfı, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26414/gt012.

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The “Foreign Policy in the Turkey of the Future,” beyond providing a foreign policy vision for the future, intends to lay out a comprehensive, coherent, and practical framework of analysis for Turkish foreign policy (TFP). Firstly, report touches upon the critical junctures of basic foreign policy in the last century and evaluates Turkey’s position in the world while providing a general outlook on TFP. Secondly, it analyzes TFP’s relations with global and regional actors during the AK Party era. Thirdly, report is devoted to examining the principal parameters that will influence foreign policy in Turkey’s future. The final section of the report, has been prepared with the aims of determining the weaknesses in Turkish foreign policy and bringing principle-advocating suggestions regarding visions for both institutions and foreign policy as a result of the topics addressed in previous parts.
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