Academic literature on the topic 'Greece Foreign elations United States'
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Journal articles on the topic "Greece Foreign elations United States"
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Draenos, Stan. "United States Foreign Policy and the Liberal Awakening in Greece, 1958-1967." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 5 (January 13, 2009): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.224.
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<p>This paper traces the evolution and outcome of the US opening to the Greek Center triggered by the May 1958 parliamentary elections. It focuses on the role which that opening played in the liberal awakening that took shape under the banner of the Center Union (CU) party, founded in September 1961. After John F. Kennedy assumed the US presidency (January 1961), New Frontier liberals, including Andreas Papandreou, son of CU leader George Papandreou, pushed more aggressively for this opening, which was validated by the Center Union's rise to power in November 1963, the same month as the Kennedy assassination. During the Johnson Administration, US liberal policies in Greece were tested and found wanting, as Cold War fears trumped the US embrace of reform and change in Greece. The American retreat drove US policies towards bankruptcy, culminating in an uneasy acceptance<em> </em>of the 1967 Greek military dictatorship, wreaking permanent damage on Greek-US relations.</p>
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Yuzlikeev, Philip Viktorovich. "Relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople in the territory of the United States in the early XX century." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 1 (January 2021): 118–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.1.31992.
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Due to the fact that the tradition of close relation between the Orthodox Church and the state has formed since the time of the Byzantine Empire, the reflection of foreign policy ambitions of the Greek government on the foreign activity of the Patriarchate of Constantinople seems absolutely justifiable. In the early XX century, North America was a center of Greek migration, and simultaneously, the territory of proliferation of the authority of the Russian Orthodox Church; therefore, the United States spark particular interest in this case. The Patriarch of Constantinople attempted to dispute the jurisdictional affiliation of the United States by issuing the corresponding tomos. This article is dedicated to interaction between the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Russian Orthodox Church in the territory of the United States during the 1908 – 1924. The author explores the influence of Greece upon the relationship between the two Orthodox jurisdictions in North America. The activity of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the United States is compared to political events of Greece. The history of Orthodoxy in the United States in the first quarter of the XX century is highly researched however, the actions of church organizations are not always viewed from the perspective of the foreign policy of the countries involved. The conclusion is made on the possible influence of the Greek governmental forces on the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which in turn, stepped into the jurisdictional conflict with the Russian Orthodox Church.
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ATKINSON, DAVID C. "The International Consequences of American National Origins Quotas: The Australian Case." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 2 (February 17, 2016): 377–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581600044x.
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This article examines Australian responses to the imposition of stringent national origins quotas in the United States during the 1920s. Following the introduction of the American quota system, many Australians worried that large numbers of undesirable southern and eastern European migrants would make their way toward Australian ports. Widespread calls for preemptive restrictions forced the Australian government to finally implement a range of measures designed to limit immigration from Italy, Greece, Albania, Yugoslavia, and Malta. More broadly, this article argues that American quotas often inadvertently engendered a wide range of indirect and unintentional consequences around the world that scholars of migration and American foreign relations might explore in greater depth. It concludes by suggesting some opportunities for individual and collaborative research into the international effects of the United States’ notorious national origins quota system.
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Newsinger, John. "War, Empire and the Attlee government 1945–1951." Race & Class 60, no. 1 (June 29, 2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818779864.
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In this article, adapted from a speech delivered at a conference on reparative history, the author challenges the dominant view of the progressive radicalism of the postwar Attlee government by exposing the brutality of its imperial adventures. Examining British involvement in Vietnam, Indonesia, Greece, Malaya, Kenya, India, Palestine, Iran and Korea, the piece paints a very different and bloody historical narrative from the dominant one. It argues that the welfare state was accompanied by the creation of the warfare state and that it was the Labour Party which cemented the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, which today the vast majority of the parliamentary Labour Party would still like to see hold sway in terms of foreign policy and questionable foreign interventions.
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Sahatjian, Laurie Crick. "Uniformity: The Role of States (U.S. and Foreign) in Environmental Protection Post-Intertanko and Erika." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2001, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2001-1-149.
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ABSTRACT On March 2, 2000, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously rejected certain Washington State regulations of oil tankers, clarified the federal interest in regulating interstate navigation, and remanded to lower courts certain other state regulations for a determination of their validity in light of the “considerable federal interest at stake.” On December 12, 1999, the oil tanker Erika broke up and caused over 10,000 tons of oil to wash up on France's coast. The ultimate impact of this incident, and the extent of the reaction of the European Community (EU), remains to be seen. These two events epitomize the ongoing international struggle between the benefits of uniformity and the political imperatives brought on by maritime casualties. This paper will discuss the impact of both. The Intertanko decision clarified that the United States is to speak with one voice on matters of foreign affairs and foreign policy, including international maritime affairs. The international implications of the case were of such great importance that fourteen foreign governments, including the United Kingdom, Norway, Greece, and Japan, filed an amicus brief urging the Supreme Court to overturn Washington State regulations on the grounds that the regulations at issue were incompatible with the principles of uniformity and reciprocity that have long been agreed by the United States and other maritime nations as key to adopting, implementing, and enforcing effective international standards and regulations for ships, including shipboard measures for protecting the marine environment. This paper will first discuss the impact of the Intertanko decision on the role of individual states. It will then address the participation of foreign governments in the legal system of the United States to further international goals, including issues considered significant enough to compel fourteen governments to participate as amici in the Supreme Court's consideration of the case. It will also address the continuing threat to uniformity resulting from notorious spills, including the Erika disaster and the EU reaction thereto. Finally, the paper will suggest steps that must be taken at the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and other international bodies to ensure continuing preservation of uniform international regulation of shipping.
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Tasoulas, Argyrios. "The Role of the Cyprus Issue in the Greek-Soviet Relations (1956-1960)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-1-148-156.
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The article examines the role of the Cyprus issue in the bilateral relations between Greece and the USSR in 1956-1960. It is based on primal archival research realised at the Constantine Karamanlis Archive (AKK) and at the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Foreign Ministry (DIAYE) in Athens. The analysis of the recently declassified documents relate to the events which took place in 1954, when the Soviet Union supported the Greek claims for self-determination of the Cypriot people in the United Nations on the basis of the anti-colonial principles. This contributed to the impressive increase in trade between Greece and the USSR, especially after the unofficial visit of the Soviet Foreign Minister D.T. Shepilov to Athens in 1956. Against the backdrop of the deterioration of the international situation in 1957, Kremlin heavily criticized NATOs decision to deploy the US Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) in Europe and applied diplomatic pressures to NATO member-states including Greece. The shift from tensions to a peaceful offensive strategy, characteristic of the Soviet diplomacy towards Greece, proved to be a double-edged sword for Moscow in the long term. The author concludes that both countries exploited the Cyprus issue for their benefit. Thus, Moscow managed to take advantage of the Greek discontent with the NATO allies as a means of increasing its own prestige in the region, while the Greek governments capitalized on the Soviet tactics in order to increase its political leverage in confronting NATO on Cyprus.
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Kosygina, L. V., and V. E. Kosygin. "Criminal-Legal Counteraction of Corruption in the Sphere of Sports: Foreign Experience (by the Example of the USA and Germany)." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)) 1, no. 10 (January 10, 2023): 206–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2022.98.10.206-213.
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Corruption as a threat to national security has already penetrated into almost all the most important spheres of life. The sports sector is no exception. The first evidence of corruption in the field of sports dates back to three hundred years before our era, when the athletes of Ancient Greece, at the behest of coaches, awarded the victory for the appropriate fee. The sport has evolved over the years. At present, it is difficult to imagine life without sports in general and sports competitions in particular. With the development of sports, corruption has also developed in it. This circumstance provoked a reaction from the international community and individual states. Thus, various international legal acts were adopted, and articles aimed at combating corruption in the field of sports were supplemented by the criminal legislation of a number of countries. The United States of America was one of the first to establish responsibility for corruption in the sports sector (§ 224 of section 18 of the Code of Laws, criminal codes of the states). In 2017, the Penal Code of the Federal Republic of Germany was supplemented with paragraphs 265c “Fraud in sports betting” and 265d “Manipulation of professional sports competitions”.
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Skorospelov, Petr P. "“A Special Form of Making Foreign Policy by the Threat of War to Imperialists”. A Case Study of Military-Political Activity of Central Committee Presidium under N.S. Khrushchev, 1953–1964. Part 2." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020574-8.
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The results of Khrushchev's foreign policy can be considered, albeit not in everything and even more modest than planned, on the whole quite successful. To resolve the 2nd Berlin crisis (1958–1963), Khrushchev in 1960 reduced the Soviet ground forces by a third, thereby trying to encourage the United States to reduce its military presence in Europe. However, at the Paris Summit of the heads of the 4 powers (1960), due to the active opposition of France and Germany, he failed to push through an agreement on West Berlin on Soviet terms. Mao Zedong, who himself dreamed of leadership among socialist countries after Stalin's death, took advantage of the convenient situation to start a conflict with Moscow. In such an environment, Khrushchev escalated the Berlin crisis by threatening to conclude a peace treaty with the GDR and block Western powers' access to West Berlin (at the same time he conducts command and staff exercises “Storm”, 5–15.10.1961, together with the armies of the ATS countries). He hoped that the United States would not dare to start a war because of West Berlin, and this, in turn, would help to break off Western European states from NATO, showing them that the United States is not a reliable defender for them. His plan partially succeeded: in 1966, France will withdraw from NATO. In order to divert the attention and forces of the United States from West Berlin, the USSR has been actively creating distracting situations around the world since 1961. One of these situations was the Caribbean crisis, which almost led to a nuclear war (1962) and was a heavy defeat for the USSR, which had to fulfill all the conditions of the United States, but in return received Kennedy's promise to remove missile bases from Turkey. It will be possible to remove them only in 1963 in exchange for Turkey's support in its war with Greece over Cyprus. From Iran, due to the harsh Anglo-American pressure on the Shah, the USSR was able to achieve only an obligation not to deploy foreign missiles on its territory, but not to withdraw from the Baghdad Pact, nevertheless, the latter's activities were paralyzed. Under Brezhnev, despite the rejection of Khrushchev's tactics of nuclear bluff, the main directions and strategic goals of foreign policy remained the same as under Khrushchev: ensuring security on the western and southern borders of the USSR by splitting the opposing military blocs and establishing ties with Western European countries, especially France, improving relations with Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, linking them economically. The program of naval construction and the permanent presence of the Soviet Navy in all oceans, begun in 1959, continued.
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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.
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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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Uliganets, S., S. Batychenko, L. Melnik, and Yu Sologub. "FEATURES DEVELOPMENT OF GASTRONOMIC TOURISM: FOREIGN EXPERIENCE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 78-79 (2021): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2021.78-79.7.
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In the modern world, gastronomic tourism is gaining popularity as an alternative to all the usual holidays. Gastronomic tourism is a type of tourism-related to acquaintance with the production, technology of preparation and tasting of national dishes and drinks, as well as with the culinary traditions of the peoples of the world. A gastronomic journey is a way of expressing a traveller’s understanding of a country. There are well-known gastronomic destinations in the world, including Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Belgium, Portugal, the United States (especially California in the Napa and Sonoma Valley), Brazil, Peru, Mexico, New Zealand, South Africa, Australia, Chile, Malaysia, Japan, Indonesia, Bali, China, or Singapore. Gastronomy tourists include the following categories: tourists who are tired of ordinary tourism; tourists who want to make a difference in their diet; gourmets; tourists whose work is related to cooking and eating; representatives of travel companies are interested in organizing their own gastronomy. The top 5 popular gourmet tours in the world are analyzed. Some popular destinations for tasty trips, namely, countries with specific national cuisine (Italy, France, Japan, China, Thailand); regions that are famous for their products (in France, for example, Bordeaux, Burgundy, Champagne, have become innovators in the wine industry); the most famous restaurants of the country that are famous for their cuisine, marked by Michelin stars and International ratings (in Italy – “La Pergola” (Rome), Japan – Koji (Tokyo), England – Fet Duck (Bray) and others); enterprises that have become world leaders in the production of various products (Swiss chocolate factory “Alprose”, German breweries “Ettal” and “Andeks”, Swiss cheese factory “Gruyere”). Top 10 countries by number of Michelin starred restaurants are highlighted. Current gastronomic tours abroad are characterized. The results of the Gastronomic Tourism Forum in Spain, which will positively influence the development of gastronomic tourism in the world, are analyzed.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Greece Foreign elations United States"
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Mavromichali, Iphigenia. "Cultural imperialism and United States television programming in Greece /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6201.
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Fayrweather, Ryan J. "Political impact of strategic basing decisions." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FFayrweather.pdf.
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Todd, Maurice L. "Rhetoric or reality : US counterinsurgency policy reconsidered." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6431.
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This study explores the foundations of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine in order to better understand the main historical influences on that policy and doctrine and how those influences have informed the current US approach to counterinsurgency. The results of this study indicate the US experience in counterinsurgency during the Greek Civil War and the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines had a significant influence on the development of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following World War II through the Kennedy presidency. In addition, despite a major diversion from the lessons of Greece and the Philippines during the Vietnam War, the lessons were re-institutionalized in US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following the war and continue to have significant influence today, though in a highly sanitized and, therefore, misleading form. As a result, a major disconnect has developed between the “rhetoric and reality” of US counterinsurgency policy. This disconnect has resulted from the fact that many references that provide a more complete and accurate picture of the actual policies and actions taken to successfully defeat the insurgencies have remained out of the reach of non-government researchers and the general public. Accordingly, many subsequent studies of counterinsurgency overlook, or only provide a cursory treatment of, aspects that may have had a critical impact on the success of past US counterinsurgency operations. One such aspect is the role of US direct intervention in the internal affairs of a supported country. Another is the role of covert action operations in support of counterinsurgency operations. As a result, the counterinsurgency policies and doctrines that have been developed over the years are largely based on false assumptions, a flawed understanding of the facts, and a misunderstanding of the contexts concerning the cases because of misleading, or at least seriously incomplete, portrayals of the counterinsurgency operations.
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Daniels, Barbara A. "Diplomacy and its discontents : nationalism, colonialism, imperialism and the Cyprus problem (1945-1960)." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3130.
Full textBooks on the topic "Greece Foreign elations United States"
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Haass, Richard. The United States and Greece: February 8, 1985. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.
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Haass, Richard N. The United States and Greece: February 8, 1985. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.
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Karalekas, Anne. Britain, the United States, and Greece, 1942-1945. New York: Garland Pub., 1988.
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The United States and the Greek War for Independence, 1821-1828. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1985.
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The United States and the making of modern Greece: History and power, 1950-1974. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009.
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Anglo-American relations with Greece: The coming of the Cold War, 1942-47. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.
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Greece. Defense, cooperation: Agreement between the United States of America and Greece, signed at Athens July 8, 1990. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1998.
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Greece. Defense, cooperation: Agreement between the United States of America and Greece, signed at Athens July 8, 1990. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1998.
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Greece. Defense, cooperation: Agreement between the United States of America and Greece, signed at Athens July 8, 1990. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1998.
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Greece. Defense, cooperation: Agreement between the United States of America and Greece, signed at Athens November 10, 1986 with exchange of letters. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Greece Foreign elations United States"
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Rieber, Alfred J. "Churchill." In Storms over the Balkans during the Second World War, 128–59. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858030.003.0005.
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Churchill pursued two traditional lines of British foreign policy. He sought to maintain British control over the Mediterranean as the vital connection with its imperial holdings in North Africa, the Middle and Far East. Equally, he opposed Hitler’s expansion as a threat to the balance of power on the continent. He negotiated with Stalin to secure British preponderance in Greece and supported Tito’s Partisans as the most effective resistance in Yugoslavia against the Axis. He aimed to restore constitutional monarchies in the region as the most effective means of checking Soviet penetration to the Mediterranean. Failing to persuade the United States to open a second front in the Balkans, he gained the acquiescence of Stalin and Roosevelt for a unilateral intervention to crush the communist led resistance in Greece, leading to civil war.
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Baldwin, Peter. "Assimilation." In The Narcissism of Minor Differences. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195391206.003.0015.
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Let Us Move, now, from the otherworldly to the extraterritorial. Until recently, the assimilation of foreigners would not have been considered part of a comparison between Europe and America. America was a land of immigration; Europe was not. That is no longer the case. Overall levels of the foreign-born remain higher in the United States than in all European countries other than Switzerland and Luxembourg (figure 185). The difference is diminishing, however, as increasing numbers of foreigners make Europe their home. But the politics of counting foreigners is curious in Europe. In nations with virulent and powerful anti-foreigner political parties (Denmark, Austria, Norway, the Netherlands, France, and Switzerland) civil servants might wish to downplay the presence of those who could be regarded as an alien element. Bureaucracies in other countries might prefer to upscale the number of foreigners, perhaps to burnish their own multicultural qualifications. Consider the differences between two sets of OECD accounts of foreigners, from 2005 and 2007. The figures in these reports come respectively from 2003 and 2005, though numbers for a decade earlier, i.e., 1993 and 1995, are given as comparisons. As might be expected, in all European countries the number of foreigners increased between 2003 and 2005. But in some nations, the reported number of foreigners grew so startlingly over a two-year period that it must be due to a rejiggering of the figures rather than to any actual inflow. In many cases, too, the numbers for 1995 given in the later publication are higher than those given for 2003 in the earlier one. For example, the Austrian figures for the foreign part of the population in 1995 presented in 2007 are 11.2%, while those for 2003 presented in 2005 are only 9.4%. Similar discrepancies hold for Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, and several other nations. The mystery only deepens if we look at what precisely the OECD claims to measure. In 2005, it was Europe’s “foreign population.” Of the nations we are looking at, only the numbers from the United States are for “foreign-born.” In 2007, however, also the European figures are for “foreign-born,” except those for Greece, Italy, and Spain, which are for “foreign.” “Foreign-born” is, of course, a narrower and more precise category than “foreign.” Excepting only lapses of record keeping, “foreign-born” can be determined by standard-issue statistics.
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Abulafia, David. "A Fragmented Mediterranean, 1945–1990." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0048.
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The Allied victory over Germany in the Second World War, like that in the First, left the Mediterranean unsettled. After Greece emerged from its civil war with a pro-western government, there were ever louder rumbles in Cyprus, where the movement calling for enôsis, union with Greece, was gathering pace again. Precisely because the Greeks sided with the West, and because Turkey had kept out of the war, during the late 1940s the United States began to see the Mediterranean as an advance position in the new struggle against the expanding power of the Soviet Union. The explicit theme was the defence of democracy against Communist tyranny. Stalin’s realism had prevented him from supporting Communist insurgency in Greece, but he was keen to find ways of gaining free access to the Mediterranean through the Dardanelles. In London and Washington, the fear that Soviet allies would establish themselves on the shores of the Mediterranean remained real, since the partisan leader in Yugoslavia, Tito, had played the right cards during the last stages of the war, even winning support from the British. Moreover, the Italians had lost Zadar along with the naval base at Kotor and chunks of Dalmatia they had greedily acquired during the war, while Albania, after an agonizing period of first Italian and then German occupation, had recovered its independence under the Paris-educated Communist leader Enver Hoxha, whose uncompromising stance was to bring his country into ever-greater isolation. When he took power, Hoxha imagined that his country would form part of a brotherly band of socialist nations, alongside Tito’s renascent Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Close ties with the Yugoslavs were sealed by economic pacts which reveal Tito’s hope of drawing Albania into the Yugoslav federation. Hoxha had other aspirations, and in his view Albania’s right to defend every square inch of the national territory extended into the waters off the Albanian coast: the Corfu Channel, long used as a waterway linking Greece to the Adriatic, was mined to prevent foreign incursions. Britain decided to send warships through the channel, asserting its right to police the Mediterranean on behalf of the nations of the world.