Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Great Britain vs. United States'
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Cassidy, Robert M. "The uptonian paradox and the Cardwellian conundrum : a comparison of U.S. and British military-strategic cultures and peace operations doctrine, 1990-1995." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2000.
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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2000.Typescript. Vita. Adviser: Dick Shultz. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 403-422). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Heiss, Mary Ann. "The United States, Great Britain, and Iranian Oil, 1950-1954 /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487758680161025.
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Negus, Samuel David. "Render unto Caesar sovereignty, the obligations of citizenship, and the diplomatic history of the American Civil War /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11222005-125257/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.Title from title screen. Glenn T. Eskew, committee chair; Wendy Venet, committee member. Electronic text (164 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 2, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-164).
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Busse, Michele Conrady Chet Guy. "Got silk? buying, selling, and advertising British luxury imports during the Stamp Act Crisis /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3993.
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Long, Shi Ruey Joey. "Containment and decolonisation : the United States, Great Britain, and Singapore 1953-1961." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614275.
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Jenkins, Ellen Janet. ""Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.
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This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.
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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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Peterson, Jody L. "Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.
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This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.
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Rafferty, S. J. "Legislative reform of the telecommunications industry : United States and Great Britain 1981-1985." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371721.
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Napier, Steven. "Political Development of Subaltern Education in Great Britain, the United States, and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1337718264.
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Wittekind, Paul J. "The United States, Great Britain, and the treaties of Rome, 1955 to 1957 /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487940665434782.
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Hancock, Rosemary Joy. "Muslims Going Green: Islamic Environmental Activism in the United States and Great Britain." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14655.
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This thesis examines Muslim environmental activism in the United States and Great Britain, utilising a theoretical framework of social movement theory. Through interviews with Muslim environmentalists, supported by textual data produced by Islamic environmental organisations, the thesis analyses the way Muslim environmentalists frame environmental crises, how they motivate and sustain their activism through emotion and identity work, and their use of ‘moderate’ forms of activism. Islamic environmentalism has not received due academic attention from social movement theorists or Islamic studies scholars. The thesis contributes to the literature on social movements by testing the theory in new ground: Islamic environmental activism is simultaneously a religious movement and a secular movement, and this offers interesting avenues for theorising on the role of religion in social movements. The thesis also contributes to Islamic studies literature: although there is a very small body of academic work on Islamic environmentalism, none apply social movement theory to this area. The thesis argues Muslim environmentalists are drawn into activism through (i) affective ties to friends, romantic partners, and charismatic leaders, and (ii) due to a strong sense of religious duty that stems from a very particular, environmental understanding of Islamic scripture and practice. Secondly, the thesis demonstrates the importance of ‘group culture’ for attracting and retaining committed activists. Finally, the thesis contends that Muslim environmentalists demonstrate a synthesis of political activism and religious practice. Religious ritual, symbolism, and narrative are incorporated into political action in such a way that activism becomes religious practice.
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Wald, Ellen R. "The United States, Great Britain and the middle-eastern oil industry, 1945-1960." Thesis, Boston University, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12874.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.In 1943, the U.S. government tried to purchase the controlling share of an American oil company with holdings in Saudi Arabia. Owning an oil company would ensure future access to petroleum resources in the Middle East when domestic stores inevitably proved inadequate to meet demand. When this endeavor failed and the oil company instead sold those shares to two other major American oil companies, the government was left to forge a new foreign oil policy that relied on private oil companies to extract, refine and transport petroleum products from the Middle East to satisfy U .S. and Allied needs. This policy coincided neatly with the interests of American oil companies keen to exploit recently discovered deposits in the Middle East. Both the United States and the oil companies faced risks associated with an area as politically unstable and technologically backward as the Middle East. To mitigate these risks, the government helped secure and maintain the companies' legal, financial, political and diplomatic positions. On the other side, the oil companies provided access to stable, ample and additional supplies of petroleum in support of U.S. economic, political and foreign policies. The relationship between public and private that emerged, termed "mutual insurance," was of a symbiotic, rather than exploitative nature. This affiliation grew organically, based on the convergent goal of accessing Middle East oil, even though each side maintained its own, discrete objectives. The dissertation explores the development, creation, implementation and eventual termination of this distinct relationship between 1945 and 1960. It utilizes the records of the administrative bureaucracies tasked with designing and implementing U.S. foreign oil policy, the U.S. State Department, the British Foreign Office and the American and British oil companies involved in the Middle East. These sources reveal the government and corporate motivations that shaped this relationship in the Middle East during the early Cold War. Ultimately, this model of mutual insurance led to American economic and political ascendancy over the British in the Middle East, providing fuel for the American century.
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Hodges, Sushmita. "Women and education : social feminism and intellectual emancipation in England and America." Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720136.
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Social Feminism, as influenced by the Enlightenment, manifested itself between 1780 and 1860. An important aspect of social feminism was intellectual emancipation for women. Such intellectual emancipation came about through the blending of ideas emanating from prominent cultural and social centers in the western world. Women had been absorbing the reformist ideas of the Enlightenment philosophies, incorporating them into their own lines of thinking, and producing a social theory aiming at educational freedom for women. The individual efforts to initiate change in time reached beyond national boundaries through the pioneer social feminists' literary works and word of mouth. It is the intent of this dissertation to examine and analyze the linkage between the concept of social feminism and educational emancipation.The purpose of this research is to establish the significance of education as a major branch of social feminism within the context of the women's movement. To overcome language barriers that prevented research into other countries' women's movements, I have restricted this study to England and America and developed the concept of transatlantic feminism.Between 1780 and 1860 the women's "question" in England and America gained its theoretical foundations. Although there was no organized feminist movement, societies in both countries were being made conscious of the problems stemming from the subordinate status of women. This social awareness resulted from the tracts and discussions of certain male philosophers and of various exceptional females who focused on the question of women's rights and other related issues.The major emphasis during this early stage of the women's "question" was the issue of education as a vehicle for elevating the position of women. The education of available to women at that time was limited in nature. Training caring mothers was what social feminists protested against in their writings and discourses. Yet they understandably differed in their aims and formulas for change. Some spokeswomen, while accepting the societal status quo, promoted education as a means for women to recognize their moral superiority. There were yet others who demanded a "separate but equal" education so that women could exploit their full potential and, in some cases, assert their economic independence. All these social reformers, through their own unique experiences, also set examples for their contemporaries and future generations to follow.Despite some inconsistencies in their approaches to educational reform for women, almost all of the individual feminists discussed in this dissertation felt that intellectual emancipation would pave the way for improved social standing for women.Department of History
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Duke, Simon. "United States defence bases in the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.
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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.
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Juhasz-Nagy, Monika. "The Statue of Liberty is under attack derogation of human rights in the age of terrorism /." Thesis, Available online, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2004:, 2004. http://etd.gatech.edu/theses/available/etd-06072004-131218/unrestricted/juhasz%5Fnagy%5Fmonika%5F200405%5Fms.pdf.
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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Morris, Katherine-Anne. "Oil, power, and global hegemony." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97090.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact of primary energy on the measurement of state power and hegemony. Through an examination of British and American hegemonies, the role of coal, oil and petroleum on the hegemonic cycle is assessed, and the argument is presented for the inclusion of energy as a primary element underpinning the state power base. Utilising the Hegemonic Stability Theory approach to the study of global hegemony, a framework for the assessment of the role of energy on international hegemony is constructed. The Hegemonic Stability Theory approach employed in this study is augmented through the incorporation of several complimentary theoretical approaches, in order to improve the theory’s applicability to multiple cases. Through an examination of the economic, financial, and military/naval ‘pillars’ of the respective hegemonic powers, the study determines that energy has had a marked impact on both British and American hegemonies. Technological developments, notably the steam engine, and the subsequent conversion of the Royal Navy, the cornerstone of British hegemony, from sail to steam, made coal vital to the British Empire. In contrast, the use of oil and petroleum during the United States hegemonic reign indicate that access to oil and petroleum not only benefitted the United States material power base, but has become vital to sustaining American hegemony. This study makes a plausible case for the inclusion of energy as a factor in the assessment of state power, and draws attention to the importance of ensuring energy security and maintaining technological leads.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die impak wat grond-energie het as maatstaf op staatsmag en hegemonie. Na afleiding van ‘n gevalle studie van beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies - die rol wat steenkool, olie en petroleum speel op die hegemoniese siklus – stel hierdie navorsingstuk voor dat grond-energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n kriterium van hoe staatsmag gemeet word. Hierdie tesis wend Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aan om internasionale hegemonie te ondersoek. ‘n Raamwerk om die belang van energie te meet in internasionale hegemonie word opgestel. Die Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aanslag word aangepas deur verskeie komplimentêre teoretiese benaderings te inkorporeer en sodoende die teorie meer toepaslik te maak op verskeie gevallestudies. Deur die ekonomiese, finansiële en militêle/vloot ‘pilare’ van die onderskeie hegemoniese magte te ondersoek, bevind hierdie verhandeling dat energie ‘n bepalende invloed gehad het op beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies. Tegnologiese ontwikkelings, mees opmerklik die stoomenjin en die gevolglike oorgang van die Koninklike Vloot (die hoeksteun van Britse hegemonie) van seil- na stoomenjins, was die gevolg dat steenkool van uiterse belang geword het vir die Britse Ryk. In kontras word aangedui dat die gebruik van en toegang tot olie en petroleum tydens die hegemoniese bewind van die Verenigde State van Amerika nie net die materiële magsbasis bevoordeel het nie, maar asook bepalend geword het om Amerikaanse hegemonie te handhaaf. Hierdie verhandeling maak die aanneemlike voorstelling dat energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n faktor om staatsmag te meet, en dui die belang daarvan aan om tegnologiese vooruitgang te onderhou en sodoende energie sekuriteit te verseker.
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Kuchciak, Christopher. "The behavior of prices under changing monetary regimes: The United States and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/4464.
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This paper is an empirical investigation of the behaviour of prices in the United States (U.S.) and Great Britain (U.K.) over the last two and a half centuries. The objective is to determine if price stability was attained during the classical gold standard regime, Bretton Woods system and a flexible exchange rate regime using unit root testing procedures. This paper explores some of the theory and techniques involved in unit root testing. These tests are then utilized to determine if the price level was stationary during and after the gold standard period.
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Kuchciak, Christopher. "The behaviour of prices under changing monetary regimes, the United States and Great Britain." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq21996.pdf.
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Kelly, Saul Mark Barrett. "Great Britain, the United States and the question of the Italian colonies, 1940-1952." Thesis, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283688.
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Powell, Mary Ann. "Family and Schooling Effects on Educational Attainment: Great Britain and the United States Compared." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1364298770.
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Royed, Terry J. "Policy promises and policy action in the United States and Great Britain, 1979-1988 /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487780865407853.
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Njaka, Chinelo. "Constructing mixed race : racial formation in the United States of America and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/constructing-mixed-race-racial-formation-in-the-united-states-of-america-and-great-britain(de67baa1-d2a5-440d-adc7-3ddf3463be0a).html.
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The aim of the thesis is to examine contemporary constructions of mixed race in the United States and Britain through the examination of two types of racial projects: the national census and voluntary and community organisations focused on mixed race. Using a combination of critical discourse analysis and qualitative interviews, the research analyses the ways in which mixed race is being described, conceptualised, and constructed through macro- and meso-level racial projects in each nation, in order to compare the racial formation processes that are occurring in the early twenty-first century's "mixed race moment". The thesis builds upon racial formation theory, which argues that the concept of "race" is never fully fixed, but rather is made through socio-historical processes that create, inhabit, transform, and destroy racialised notions over time and context (Omi and Winant 1986, 1994, 2015). The theory examines the struggles over racialised meanings that occur between macro-level and micro-level racial projects. This thesis aims to fill the gap left by this focus through examining racial projects that occupy the socio-political "middle ground" between macro- and micro-level projects: the "meso-level."The research examines the ways in which the state constructs mixed race in the United States and Britain. Each nation's census allowed for mixed race self identification in 2000 and 2001, respectively. The thesis examines the social, historical, and political processes that led to mixed race options at that particular time. It argues that the ways in which the census organisations report upon mixed race functions as a discursive practice that provides an official construction of mixed race through simultaneously reflecting and shaping racialised descriptions and narratives within each nation. The thesis examines the usefulness of "meso-level" projects by exploring the role of mixed race organisations in racial formation processes through the examination of six meso-level mechanisms of racialisation: social identity, social capital, collective action, idioculture, extended networks, and civil society (Fine 2012). Incorporating Michel Foucault's notion of "governmentality" (Gordon 1991), the thesis highlights the ways that mixed race organisations have interacted directly and indirectly with macro-level bodies during and after the addition of the mixed race census options as well as other routes of interaction specific to each national context. The thesis argues that the racialisation that occurs at the macro-level holds a "default" role with which mixed race organisations then engage. This highlights the relative roles of power the institutions have in each national context and the ways they are managed through relations fostered through governmentality. The thesis also examines the discourses used by mixed race organisations in the US and Britain as meso-level racial projects and poses the argument that the varied usage of multiple racialised paradigms leads to an increased relative fluidity in the constructions of mixed race than their respective macro-level projects. The systematic cross-national comparison of the ways mixed race is constructed in the US and Britain highlights the ways in which both macro-level and meso-level organisations articulate and promote racialised ideology through their relative levels of power in society. By analysing and comparing these racial projects and their interactions, the paradigms and discourses used reveal the particularities and overlaps by these organisations as they contest, negotiate, and accept formations of mixed race.
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Law, Yuk-fun. "Delayed accommodation : United States policies towards Hong Kong, 1949-60 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25205869.
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Busse, Michele Conrady. "Got silk? : buying, selling, and advertising British luxury imports during the Stamp Act Crisis /." Ann Arbor, Mich. : UMI, 2008. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3993.
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Cheng, Yuan. "Education and class : Chinese in Britain and the U.S.A." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d1f57235-50b0-4277-be5f-7859e1228b46.
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This thesis aims to compare the relative chances of occupational success of Chinese in Great Britain and the United States. The study uses data from British national Labour Force Surveys (1983 to 1989) and American Census of Population and Housing Public Use Microdata Samples (1980). Using various methods of statistical analysis, mainly logit modelling, the thesis looks at three aspects of the research question. First, analysis is conducted on the relative level of occupational attainment (in access to the service class and avoidance of unemployment) of Chinese immigrants in Britain through comparisons with whites, Indians, Pakistanis, African Asians, West Indians and Irish. Secondly, similar analysis is done for foreign-born and native-born Chinese in the U.S. through comparisons with whites, Blacks, Hispanics, Japanese, Filipinos, Koreans, Indians and Vietnamese. Thirdly, comparisons are made directly on the relative chances of occupational success for being Chinese in Britain versus being Chinese in the U.S.A. In the thesis, specific attempts are made to bring out the effects of education in determining occupational success for Chinese as well as other ethnic groups in the two countries.
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Gioe, David Vincent. "The Anglo-American special intelligence relationship : wartime causes and Cold War consequences, 1940-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708484.
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Walker, Nancy J. "Gender and politics : political attitudes and voting in contemporary Great Britain and the United States." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235723.
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Rezazadeh-Khamnei, Fariba. "The administration of the arts in Great Britain, the United States of America and Italy." Thesis, City University London, 1990. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/7764/.
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The following discourse takes three countries, each well known in its for its artistic treasury and arts, looks at the way each handles the administration of its arts, and tries to draw lines of similitude as well as disparity between each and the other two. Reference has been made to as many works of research as available to the writer, but a considerable amount of field work has also been undertaken to find facts and examples at first hand. In the case of each country, specific attention has been paid - in the area of supporting, maintaining and providing for the arts - to the public sector with its various tentacles and the private sector in its different forms and with itsdifferent motives. This has been done in such a manner as to make an overall comparison possible and, where applicable, to show where one country could benefit from a practice prevalent in another or how one country's meat could turn out to be another's poison. The ultimate purpose behind the study is not, however, merely to document statistical facts and figures or to look at the business of administering the arts as a rigid set of rules, regulations or even requirements, but to use the facts and figures obtained in the study and the practical applications observed in the three countries studied to investigate the nature of the quandary in which many seem to find the arts, and to examine the possibility of yet another attempt at resolving it. History is for others to write after the fact; any one generation's contribution to - it can at best be the notation of instances and a description of influences brought to bear upon them. The present work is not trying even to do that. To the writer, the arts are a world unto themselves and even though they have to be made to face. Economic reality and suffer administrative discipline, this should be done in such a manner as not to curb the artist himself; for as Keynes said, the true artist 'walks where the breath of the spirit blows him: he cannot be told his direction.' It is with that attitude that the writer looks at the subject of arts administration and tries to assess its possibilities, and impossibilities.
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Holzman, Stacy, and Daniel F. Musser. "Homeownership and housing affordability in Great Britain, Japan, Canada, West Germany, and the United States." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/76020.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1989.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-97).
by Stacy Holzman and Daniel F. Musser.
M.S.
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Blake, Timothy R. "British foreign relations with the United States during Lord Curzon's tenure as Foreign Secretary." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84477.
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This thesis is an attempt to examine Anglo-American relations at the end of World War One, when Great Britain was no longer preeminent in world affairs and the United States was as yet unwilling to continue the responsibilities that it had taken during the war. Lloyd George who sought to keep the threads of power in his hands appointed Auckland Geddes as Ambassador to the United States, a man who was personally loyal to him, thus seeking to bypass Lord Curzon's authority as Foreign Secretary. Matters were complicated by the declining influence of President Wilson and the growth of isolationist sentiment in the United States. The advent of the Harding administration created further difficulties as Harding felt compelled to yield to the influence of public opinion which rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.Various issues had to be resolved, the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the war debt, differences over the mandate of Yap, and the question of oil from the Middle East. Here the dealings of Anglo-American relations during Curzon's tenure at the Foreign Office are examined. Curzon took a conventional approach to Anglo-American negotiations. While Great Britain struggled to improve conditions with the United States, the outcome was nothing like the special relationship that manifested itself after 1945. Curzon's conventional view of foreign policy clashed with Lloyd George's essentially personal approach to foreign affairs. Geddes who was intended to be the Prime Minister's confidential agent proved, except on the question of the war debt, inadequate to the task.
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Thompson, David Scott. "This Crying Enormity: Impressment as a Factor in Anglo-American Foreign Relations." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4677.
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As an issue affecting the foreign relations of the United States and Britain, impressment has been given varying emphasis by different authors. This thesis is first a chronological outline of the events and correspondence that trace the subject. Beyond this basic delineation I will consider exactly how important impressment was to the two countries. James F. Zimmerman, in Impressment of American Seamen, posits that impressment was of paramount significance while other authors have attempted to down grade it into a status of utter inconsequence. This paper will show that the actual influence of impressment varied from one time, one set of circumstances, to another. Finally, my thesis will attempt to show more of the British side of the question, heretofore primarily ignored. It will be shown that members of the British government had what they felt to be perfectly valid reasons for continuing the practice, even though it eventually led to war. Chapter one serves as an introduction and explanation of the legal and historical backgrounds of impressment. The chapter also covers the first difficulties the two countries had over the issue, when England and France nearly went to war in 1787. These would serve as a model for the problems to come. Chapter two looks into the reasons behind the need for impressment and America's argument against it. Britain needed men to man the navy, America needed these same men for its merchant marine, out of this the basic conflict was born. Chapter three deals with American efforts to contain or eliminate impressment, mostly through acts of Congress to protect United States sailors. The problem America had with issuing proofs of citizenship and Britain's requirement that America issue them began to bring impressment to the fore. James Monroe was sent to London for talks of which impressment was to be a major topic. Chapter four covers the parallel careers of Monroe, United States envoy to London, and Anthony Merry, British minister to America. Both men had troubles dealing with what they felt were obstinate foreign governments and both mens' missions were, in the end, failures. Merry, feeling America to be inflating the reaction against impressment, paid little attention to the complaints and ended up having to deal with harsh anti-British legislation. Monroe's lack of success took longer and forms the basis of chapter five. This chapter details how the Jefferson administration and Monroe were incapable of getting Britain to give an inch on the subject. This culminated in the Treaty of 1806, which was silent on impressment. Chapter six shows how this lack of action set the stage for the encounter between the Chesapeake and the Leopard. This skirmish almost led to war and represents the peak of impressment's importance as an issue in foreign affairs. Chapter seven details other differences between the two countries as they slid toward the War of 1812. Impressment was but one of many causes of the conflict, though one which both sides contributed to keeping alive. Finally, chapter eight covers war-time diplomacy and shows how impressment quickly became the only subject the two countries were fighting over. Later actions on America's part reveal that impressment, as a single complaint, was no longer considered a war-worthy topic, or even much of a cause for complaint.
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Clegg, Mark. "The relationship between strategic culture and force protection : a study of the UK and US during the period 1999-2010." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=206989.
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Protecting deployed servicemen makes sound military sense. For as long as war has been around, commanders and comrades have had a vested interest in preserving their own side's fighting power in order to defeat their enemies. As such, they have drawn upon technological developments and tactical agility to reduce the vulnerabilities of their own troops whilst aiming to exploit the weaknesses of adversaries. This activity, labelled force protection in common military parlance, has often been overlooked by commentators in favour of other fields of war and warfare. However, attitudes which influence each state's individual approach towards force protection stem from extremely diverse groups. Force protection transcends the traditional notions of levels of war possibly as much as any other military activity. As a function during warfare it has the potential to trouble individuals at the lowest and the highest levels of a state. Depending on one's point of view, force protection can be perceived as a purely military function or as a political imperative of paramount importance. Either view garners the attention of the domestic population which also has potential to impact on the approach to protecting deployed servicemen. Combined, the sub-cultures of the government, the military and the people form a state's strategic culture. However, these sub-cultures are often at odds and view similar problems through different lenses resulting in tensions which create a difficult backdrop for military commanders to assess. Since strategic culture is the key origin of influence for approaches to force protection, it is the natural extension that each state approaches this activity in different ways. Moreover, just as strategic culture evolves in reaction to perceptions and events, so does a state's attitude towards force protection. This study traces the period 1999 to 2010 from UK and US perspectives. It finds that both states evolved in their attitudes and approaches to force protection and indeed approached this element of war in strikingly different ways. The British approached Operation Allied Force in 1999 with a confident attitude towards force protection. UK politicians and senior commanders, backed up by a public that appeared at ease with sending British servicemen into danger, favoured tactical prowess as the means to achieve the conditions for force protection. However, this hubris was out of context as the sensitive political conditions of the US-led NATO operation demanded a 2 more technological approach; an approach which the British military struggled to match. Despite this very public experience, British strategic culture maintained its viewpoint in the early stages of the Iraq war. As UK troops set out to war in 2003, once again tactical superiority was the prescription for force protection. However, insurgent tactics, mismatched force ratios and inferior equipment all tested the UK approach. Domestic sensitivity increased during the course of this commitment and by 2006 UK politicians became more involved in the force protection dimension. As the second half of the decade progressed, with a combative domestic political landscape and UK servicemen involved in wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, political micromanagement came to characterise the British approach to force protection. This was consistent with the reports of senior UK military leaders who acknowledged the political nature of this most sensitive element of war. Nevertheless, despite such a tense domestic backdrop, British strategic culture remained unchanged as the evolving attitudes failed to manifest in shifts in behaviour. UK force protection remained the domain of military professional and tactical prowess was the favoured method of achieving it. The US journey highlights the political imperative which was placed upon force protection during the build-up and execution of Operation Allied Force. Despite widespread criticism this approach, which in practise involved politicians dictating the conduct of tactical activity, resulted in no US losses and thereby achieved one of the stated measures of success. Nevertheless, such an approach was found to be wholly unsuitable for the early stages of the Iraq war. The US initial approach to force protection was the traditional one of relying on armour, firepower and distance to remain out of the reach of one's adversaries. Insurgents were challenged to develop new munitions and tactics in order to outwit the superpower as onlookers anticipated that the US strategic community would balk in the face of rising casualties. Meanwhile, Iraqi civilians were caught in the middle of a seemingly unending fire fight as the US, tasked with providing security for Iraqis, appeared to be more concerned with their own welfare. In many ways this period confirmed the traditional narrative of US strategic culture as well as US force protection. However, as the second half of the decade unfolded, the work of figures including General David Petraeus served to turn around this losing battle. The widely-acknowledged Surge of US troops, resolute political backing by President Bush and steady support of the US public provided the conditions for US forces, armed with a fundamentally new doctrinal approach to conduct a significant shift in their approach to force protection. Although some in the US strategic community remained culturally attuned to their old ways, most acknowledged that recent successes in Iraq and Afghanistan were inextricably linked to the US approach to force protection. The year 2009 brought a change of Administration in the White House and a change of senior military commander at the helm of US and NATO forces in Afghanistan. However, despite a certain amount of domestic political turbulence and a seemingly unstoppable escalation in US casualties there appeared no signs of an alteration to the recent evolutions in the US strategic cultural approach to force protection. Force protectionism had been substituted for risk acceptance and courageous restraint.
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Montgomery, Mary E. "The eyes of the world were watching Ghana, Great Britain, and the United States, 1957-1966 /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/155.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Anderson, Alan Marshall. "The laws of war and naval strategy in Great Britain and the United States, 1899-1909." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-laws-of-war-and-naval-strategy-in-great-britain-and-the-united-states(89eca736-f4d2-4df6-a181-497d0648bf22).html.
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The decade from 1899 to 1909 was a critical period in the development of naval strategy. The 1899 and 1907 Peace Conferences and the 1909 London Conference debated, drafted, and formally imposed the laws of war on naval warfare. Consideration of the issues raised by the laws of naval warfare were vitally important for the Royal Navy – the acknowledged leading naval power in the world – and the US Navy – a small but ambitious force stepping onto the world stage following the Spanish-American War. Both navies were concerned about the impact of the laws of naval warfare on their strategic naval planning and sought to mould them to suit their own situations. The historiography of the pre-First World War era, however, has generally disregarded or minimized the significance of the laws of naval warfare for the navies of Great Britain and the United States. The numerous analyses by modern historians of naval strategy before the First World War ignore the 1899 Peace Conference and at best only tangentially consider the laws naval warfare from about 1905 onward. This thesis fills this lacuna in the research and returns the laws of naval warfare to their proper place as an important factor in naval planning in both countries. It establishes the foundational nature of the long-ignored 1899 Peace Conference, and reveals the significant planning and discussions in Great Britain and the United States with respect to the laws of naval warfare, the internal debates and conflicts that arose between the views and objectives of the naval leadership and their respective civilian authorities, and the conflicts that surfaced between the two countries, particularly at the 1907 Peace Conference. This thesis thereby provides new insights and adds to the vibrant discussion of naval history prior to the First World War.
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Ferrari, Darren Anthony. "In pursuit of peace : the Russian Provisional Government's relationship with Great Britain and the United States /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arf375.pdf.
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Stefanidis, Ioannis. "United States, Great Britain and Greece, 1949-1952 : the problem of Greek security and internal stability." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244192.
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Madzivhandila, Lusani T. "The higher civil service and bureaucracy: A comparative analysis of Great Britain and the' United States." University of the Western Cape, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7858.
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Magister Artium - MAThis thesis is a comparative study of the higher civil service and bureaucracy of Great Britain and the United States. The study analyzes the political framework of the British and the United States systems of governance, examples of administrative reforms in the two systems, and the impact of education, socialization, recruitment, and civil servants as policy-makers. The methodology used in this study involves longitudinal as well as cross-national comparison. In dealing with differences between Great Britain and the United States, the study concentrates on the antecedent variables (constitution, political framework, cultural and administrative reform), intermediate variables (education, socialization and recruitment procedures), and the dependant variables (status of senior civil servants as policy- makers)In the first part of the study, the constitutional allocations of political power, history and the political system in which the higher civil service and bureaucracy operate are analyzed. The purpose here is to show that the bureaucracy and the civil service do not exist in a vacuum, they are influenced by constitutional, political and cultural constraints. The second part of the thesis deals with the education, socialization and the recruitment of the higher civil servants of Great Britain and the United States. This section points to the disproportionate representation of educated, high-status officials at the top of the political and administrative hierarchy of both countries. In Britain, however, there are social traditions built into the education system. The education and recruitment process concentrates on a general approach. In the United States, on the other hand, the specialist tradition dominates the civil service. Thus, United States higher civil servants are essentially specialists. The third part of the study analyzes the impact of education, socialization and recruitment processes on the role and performance of senior civil servants as policy-makers, in both societies. It is evident that civil servants are involved in the process of policy-making and, therefore, have a political role. This is due to the intricacies of bureaucracy and the fact that civil servants relative permanency, experience and expertise gives them a vast amount of knowledge that is relevant to policy-making. The conclusions suggest that the generalist approach applied in Great Britain hampers the capability of senior civil servants when it comes to negotiating with interest groups involved in policymaking. A specialist approach applied in the United Sates should be followed .
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Wiltshire, Imogen. "Therapeutic art concepts and practices in Britain and the United States (1937-1946)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7492/.
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This thesis provides the first analysis of occupational therapy and art therapy from an art historical viewpoint. Based on archival material, it examines how modern artists, art pedagogues, schools and museums theorised, implemented and publicised therapeutic art-making practices. It focuses on four case studies in Britain and the US (1937-1946): occupational therapy by László Moholy-Nagy at the School of Design, founded as the New Bauhaus (Chicago); art therapy by Arthur Segal (London and Oxford); Northfield Military Hospital (Birmingham); and The Arts in Therapy exhibition series at the Museum of Modern Art (New York). Elucidating the concepts, practices and display of therapeutic art across these institutions, this research presents new intersections between modern art and medicine. It contributes to the history of art, the history of healing, and the growing medical humanities concerned with their entanglement. Therapeutic approaches defined art as an experiential process, shifting emphasis away from objects, with focus on the psychological and physiological effects on makers rather than what they produced. Consequently, this thesis expands art historical remits by presenting narratives of art that are culturally, socially and politically situated but that predominantly concern ideas, processes and effects on individuals rather than objects, images and performances by them.
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Busch, Peter. "Britain and Kennedy's war in Vietnam, 1961-1963." Online version, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311592.
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Weinreis, Denise Ann. "Feminist intervention strategies : a comparison of reforms by women in the United States, Britain and Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1993. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26490.
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Like any other category used to denote a social phenomenon, that of 'feminism' is historically constituted and culturally specific; in other words there have been, and will continue to 1x3, many different feminisms. So 'feminism' is not an analytical category, for while it is grounded in the ideal of equality between men and women, the actual content of this ideal varies. The concept of what feminism is and how it is perceived varies not only between cultures but between individuals. Women have a common cause in the gender issue, but they are differentiat ed by culture, ethnicity and class, and by sexual and political orientation. So it has become apparent in) members of the women's movement that, a woman's situation is different not only from a nmn's but from other women's.
Women within the women's movement continue to re-define feminism in relationship to contemporary issues within their own societies. But regardless of which society it infiltrates, the feminist movement worldwide has a common transformati onal agenda. It aims to change the activities, behaviours, beliefs and identities that constitute the basis of social life organised around gender hierarchy (KatZenstein and Mueller 1987). What is crucial in the analysis and development of the movement is whether particular loyalties work for or against each another in relation to any individual's notion of feminism.
What makes the women's movement as social movement especially interesting and unique, is that its members have sought similar goals internationally and at times simultaneously across class and cultural divisions. Yet while this has occurred for the past few decades, little has been written that focuses on the feminist movement cross-nationally and that links the feminist movement to policy outcomes.
The path to the liberation of women has been blazed in many ways. Initially, second-wave feminists began by trying to institute and develop a feminist theory of the state. More recently the focus of feminist activism has been upon enhancing the power of women, with respect to both their private and public lives. Reforms affecting women in their private lives - in their relations to self, men, children and other' women - have brought changes to laws governing rape, abortion, family law, as well as the establishment of women's refuges, child care facilities, consciousness- raising groups and so on. Reforms affecting women's public life have included laws respecting equal employment opportunities, equal pay and, in the USA and Australia, affirmative action; increasingly women are selected as candidates for parliament, and for office in political parties and trade unions; there are continuing campaigns against pornography and sexual harassment; feminist journals and publishing houses have been established, as have women's studies courses in universities.
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Defty, A. "British anti-communist propaganda and cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951." Thesis, University of Salford, 2002. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26637/.
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This thesis will argue that from early in the Cold War Britain developed a propaganda apparatus designed to fight the Cold War on an ideological front, and that in the period from 1945 to 1951 the role of propaganda grew from being an adjunct to foreign policy to become an integral part of British Cold War strategy. Britain was the first country to formulate a coordinated response to communist propaganda. In January 1948, the Government launched a new propaganda policy designed to 'oppose the inroads of Communism, by taking the offensive against it. ' The development of this anti-communist propaganda policy will be the main focus of this thesis. It will also be shown that from the earliest stages in the development of Britain's response to communist propaganda, the degree to which such activities could be coordinated with United States Government was a primary consideration. It will be shown that cooperation and eventually coordination of propaganda activities with the United States Government became a defining feature of Britain's anticommunist propaganda policy. This was particularly the case following the launch of the American 'Campaign of Truth' in 1950. Faced with a formidable and highly organised communist propaganda machine officials in both Britain and America came to realise the value of a unified response. As both nations developed their own policies for offensive anti-communist propaganda, cooperation became an increasingly important element, as Britain and America sought to 'shoot at the same target from different angles. ' The thesis is comprised of an introduction and conclusion and four chapters covering: the origins of British and American anticommunist propaganda policies, 1945-1947; launching Britain's new propaganda policy, 1948; building a concerted counter-offensive, cooperation with other powers, 1948-1950; 'Close and continuous liaison. ' British and American cooperation, 1950-1951.
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Calnan, Scott Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "In the trenches: a comparative analysis of the nature and effectiveness of the mobilisation of law by domestic human rights NGOs in the United States, Britain and Germany." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/23951.
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This thesis critically compares how domestic human rights NGOs (DNGOs) in the United States, Britain and Germany use (or mobilise) law to enforce human rights standards and proposes a method to measure their effectiveness in doing so. To do this it draws upon both case studies and literature from many disciplines. On the basis of the data and the literature it finds that, despite their great diversity, DNGOs in each jurisdiction show general similarities in their ???styles??? of operation and use of the law. It also finds that their effectiveness in enforcing human rights can be ascertained with reasonable accuracy and that a DNGO???s size and access to resources does not necessarily correlate with its effectiveness. The context in which the above questions were investigated was one in which there existed very little literature that examined the work of DNGOs (as opposed to international NGOs) as well as few theoretical approaches that would allow their activities to be critically examined and compared. It was also a context in which there was a great deal of discussion in the literature about the crucial importance of DNGOs in human rights enforcement and a growing suspicion that Globalisation might be making their role even more important than it was in the past. To address these issues the author used case studies to supply the necessary detail and a method using ???ideal types??? to assess the data. He also proposed a method to measure DNGO effectiveness so that the case studies could be more thoroughly compared and their true success in human rights enforcement revealed. Despite the incredible diversity among DNGOs the author was able to draw a few useful conclusions about how successful DNGOs operate. In response to these conclusions the author proposed that one possible route by which DNGOs could improve their effectiveness was to transplant their characteristics between jurisdictions. The author also found some evidence that Globalisation was having an effect on DNGOs and proposed some ways in which individual case studies could take advantage of this.
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Varble, Derek. "The Atlantic partnership and Middle Eastern strategy in the early Cold War." Thesis, Search "ADA381603" in "Accession number" field, 2000. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.
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Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
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Engel, Purcell Caroline Marie. "Modern movement conservation : international principles and national policies in Great Britain and the United States of America." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23484.
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This thesis analyses the roles played by international, national, regional and local organisations and discourses in the heritage valorisation and conservation of modernist architecture – a process that has so far spanned some three decades. A leading role in this narrative has been played by international conservation organisations, which have acted as a unifying front for conservation advocacy and defined a conservation ideology that integrates the principles of both the modern movement and the conservation movement. Partly, this international emphasis has stemmed from the characteristics of the 20th century Modern Movement itself, including its strong strain of cosmopolitanism, as well as its still controversial reputation today at a local level. This initially gave the proselytising of modernist conservation a somewhat elite, trans-national character, exemplified by pioneering organisations such as DOCOMOMO. Yet the ‘internationalism’ of modernist conservation is only part of the story – for to establish this innovative new strand of heritage on a more entrenched basis, the familiar, more locally specific organisations and discourses that had supported previous phases of conservation growth were also increasingly applied to ‘MoMo’ heritage. This ‘on the ground’ involvement represented a convergence with more ‘traditional’ conservation practices, both in advocacy and campaigning, and in the research-led documentation required to document buildings’ significance and continued fitness for purpose. These geographically-specific forces operate at both a national level and also a regional or even local scale, as the thesis illustrates by the two national case studies of Great Britain and the United States of America. Although both countries shared numerous cultural similarities, especially the 19th century veneration of private property, the far more emphatic 20th century turn towards state interventionism in Britain led to a strong divergence regarding modernist heritage, both in the overall character of the modernist architecture built in the two countries (far more ‘capitalistic’ in the US) and in the approach to heritage conservation (more state-dominated in GB). In Great Britain, following on from the comprehensive post-WWII government ‘listing’ programme, the statutory heritage bodies – ‘regionally’ differentiated between England and Scotland - have maintained their leading role in the conservation of modern movement heritage through initiatives to identify buildings of significance, and powerful city planning authorities have provided co-ordinated enforcement. In the US, on the other hand, heritage protection has stayed faithful to its philanthropic roots and the onus of modern movement conservation is left to voluntary advocacy groups who then must campaign to have buildings protected piecemeal by local city or state preservation bodies.
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Hubert, Donald Arthur. "Risk, reflexivity and popular mobilization : the movement for nuclear disarmament in the United States and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.627528.
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Mohun, Arwen Palmer. "Women, work, and technology: The steam laundry industry in the United States and Great Britain, 1880-1920." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1056135864.
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Farley, Robert M. "Transnational determinants of military doctrine /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10753.
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