Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain – Territorial expansion'
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Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain – Territorial expansion"
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany: on the Way to June 22, 1941." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020202213.
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The article deals with the Soviet-German relations in the period of 1939‒1941. It is shoun that after signing of the Munich agreements in September, 1938, Germany generally defined its strategy of pressure on countries that fit into the Hitler’s concept of "Push to the East". Its victims in 1935 were Czechoslovakia and Poland. After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain and France sought to review the "policy of appeasement" of Hitler and were ready to join the USSR in the search for ways to prevent Hitler's expansion. However, the inconsistency and contradictoriness of this "change of milestones" strengthened the position of the Soviet leadership in favour of reaching agreements with Germany. The summer of 1939 was the apotheosis of fruitless negotiations between the "Troika" (the USSR, Great Britain and France), which objectively prompted Moscow to accept the German proposal for fundamentally new bilateral agreements (the Pact of August 23, 1939). Subsequent events up to June 22, 1941 showed the unreliability of agreements with Nazism, facilitated the fleeting victory of Germany over Poland and France, and the actual isolation of Great Britain. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union did not remove from the Soviet leadership the historical guilt of being unprepared for war with fascism, for the colossal human and territorial losses of the first stage of the Great Patriotic War
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Pryakhin, V. F. "Soviet Diplomatic Efforts to Prevent Hungary’s Alignment with Germany in World War II (1939– 1941)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 6 (January 16, 2024): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-69-91.
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The history of Soviet-Hungarian interactions from the establishment of diplomatic relations until Hungary joined World War II alongside the Axis powers offers valuable insights into the dynamics between small and great powers, as well as the efforts of small European states, particularly Hungary, to navigate their national interests in foreign policy amidst Nazi Germany's encroachments. This period was defined by two primary factors: the Hungarian political elite, led by Miklós Horthy, sought to join a quasi-"crusade" against Comintern Soviet Russia, while simultaneously striving to avoid deep involvement in major conflicts between the great powers. This dual approach aligned with the policies of Hitler's Western appeasers, who aimed to redirect German expansion eastward. In this geopolitical scenario, American and Western European actors (including Great Britain and France) were relegated to the role of observers, anticipating a prolonged conflict between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union that would drain both. Hungary, as strategized by Budapest, hoped to secure a position among these observers, avoiding direct conflict participation, and to later engage in territorial reconfiguration post-World War II. However, the reality in Europe by the early 1940s diverged significantly, with Western powers (the USA and Great Britain) unable to redirect Hitler's global domination ambitions eastward. Facing an existential threat, these powers were compelled to enter the war. Against this backdrop, Soviet diplomacy endeavored to deter Hungary's alliance with Nazi Germany. Although ultimately unsuccessful, examining these diplomatic efforts offers valuable lessons in the context of the current evolution towards a multipolar world.
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Bredikhin, A. V., and A. O. Babik. "THE “FOLKLAND ISSUE” EVOLUTION: FROM THE ORIGINS TOWARD BRITISH COLONIZATION (1740s - 1843)." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-1-93-100.
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The article is devoted to the origins and evolution of the “Falkland issue” in the system of international relations, which is discussion about the nationality of the eponymous archipelago, as well as the islands of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands with adjacent marine areas. According to the study, the “Falkland issue” is a term of the equation, where the numerator contains the territorial ambitions of Great Britain and Argentina, and the denominator shows the value of the resources access to which is represented by the archipelago of the same name. It is argued that the foundation for the “Falkland issue” was laid half a century before the appearance of Argentina on the political map of the world- in the 1740s, when the creators of British foreign policy for the first time in practical terms raised the question of creating a military base in the Southern Atlantic. The British Empire, which had the imperative of constant territorial expansion, needed a bridgehead to strengthen its influence in the Latin American region, which was subordinate to the Spanish and Portuguese crowns competing with the Windsor.
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Gajic, Aleksandar. "Тhe impact of Werner Sombart`s Merchants and Heroes on the conception of geopolitical dualism of tellurocracy and thalassocracy." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 171 (2019): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1971423g.
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This paper examines the connection between the war pamphlet ?Merchants and Heroes? (1915) of Werner Sombart, one of the greatest European sociologists of the 20th century, and geopolitical theories about the conflict between land and sea powers. Although Sombart?s pamphlet emphasizes the spiritual-moral and cultural-sociological dualism between Germany and England in the First World War, where the first represents the characteristics of heroes and idealists and the other of merchants and opportunists, the paper shows that this conflict was primarily a war for the territories - a geopolitical conflict, and, only secondary, a cultural-normative conflict. Historical anal?ysis shows that German geostrategic actions before the Great War (in their colonial policy) and during the Great War were not in opposition, but very similar to Great Britain`s policies. Therefore, it can be assumed that the war between Germany and Great Britain 435 broke out because of the rivalries based on their similarities, both in actions and pretensions. Moreover, Wilhelmine Germany was almost copying Britain?s colonial expansion, so it became the greatest threat to Great Britain`s geostrategic interest. Further, the research established the links between the views of Sombart and Karl Schmitt and, later, with the oversized opposition between land and sea powers as ?the second law of geopolitics? in the views of some geopolitical thinkers during the 20th century. The paper shows that the sources of both views are the same and that they lie in the German romantic-idealistic youth subculture movements at the turn of the 20th century adopted in academic circles before the Great War, primarily in the philosophy of Kurt Hiller and sociology of George Simmel, from which they were accepted by Werner Sombart.
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Kutepova, Maryna. "Preconditions and stages of devolution in the UK." Acta de Historia & Politica: Saeculum XXI, no. 03 (May 28, 2022): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/ahpsxxi2021-2022.03.022.
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The article analyses preconditions and stages of devolution in the UK. It is shown, that the decentralization of public administration in the UK means the devolution of central government and increasing the responsibility of local government in the expansion and development of various forms of interaction between state and society. In this context, devolution is primarily a process of transferring power from the central to the lower level. Devolution has become the most important event of recent decades in the political and socio-economic development of Great Britain. In contrast to decentralization, devolution aims at a more substantial transformation of the territorial system of government – the transfer of not only executive powers but also some legislative ones.
Thus, the decentralization of power, which has signs of devolution in Britain, is complex and ambiguous process. The process of devolution in the UK is characterized by asymmetry, as evidenced by the lack of legislative powers of England. In this context, it is stated that the procedure of interaction between public authorities at different levels is not well established. Today, there are a significant number of control functions, levers of administrative and financial pressure on central offices, as well as the lack of clear recommendations by which local authorities could determine what is within their competence and address urgent issues more effectively.
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Nurislamov, Ruslan R. "INTERNAL POLITICAL SITUATION IN GREAT BRITAIN IN THE MIDDLE OF 1937 AND THE PROSPECTS OF NAZI TERRITORIAL EXPANSION (ON THE REPORTS OF ECONOMIC INFORMATION BUREAU “HAMBURG-BREMEN”)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 1 (2018): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2018-1-22-29.
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Sergeev, E. Yu. "British Edition of the Monroe Doctrine versus ‘Com- munist Militarism’: Collisions between the USSR and the UK in Eastern Countries in the mid-1920s." Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, no. 3 (December 4, 2023): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-125-159.
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The new US foreign policy concept in the Western hemisphere introduced by the American President J. Monroe in December 1823 has become a milestone both in the country’s history and in the theory and practice of international relations in general. For Great Britain, the principles of the Monroe Doctrine acquired new relevance after the end of the First World War. The prospect of unfettered Bolshevik expansion into British colonies and dependent territories in Asia and Africa became a matter of particular concern for the UK ruling circles. It was this threat that forced the military and political elites of Great Britain to turn to the experience of their overseas counterparts and develop a set of measures that can be described as the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine. These measures were directed right against the Bolsheviks’ attempts to revolutionize the national liberation movement and to use it to undermine the ‘colonial rear’ of the imperialist powers. British decision-makers interpreted these attempts as a Bolsheviks’ endeavor to revive the foreign policy practices of the Russian Empire and denoted them as ‘communist militarism’. It is through the lens of the collision of the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine and the concept of ‘communist militarism’ that this study examines the dynamics of the Soviet-British confrontation in Central Asia in the mid-1920s. Special attention is paid to the struggle that took place between the two countries in Iran (Persia), Afghanistan, northwest India, Xinjiang and Tibet. This competition for influence over local rulers took a variety of forms: from information and propaganda campaigns to rivalry in the field of infrastructure and logistics projects. At the same time, it was accompanied by a constant clash of interests of various factions within the USSR and Great Britain, which prevented them from pursuing a coherent policy in the region. Together, these circumstances endowed the Soviet-British rivalry in Central Asia in the 1920s with a number of unique features that does not allow it to be interpreted as just yet another round of the ‘Great Game’.
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ADAMOVA, N. E. "PERCEPTION OF RUSSIAN PANSLAVISM IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES N THE BEGINNING OF THE EASTERN CRISIS OF THE 1870S." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, no. 2023, №5 (May 16, 2024): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-5-49-71.
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During the Eastern Crisis of the 1870s, the British political elites followed with particular attention the Panslavic ideas expressed in Russia and often perceived them as a threat of the Russian Empire’s expansion into the Balkan Peninsula. However, at the very beginning of the Eastern Crisis, the British Parliament’s attitude to the Russian Panslavism was neutral or even positive and it had a considerable impact on British-Russian relations. Britain’s perception of Russian Panslavism during this short but significant period has not been researched yet. This article uses the materials of parliamentary debates to trace the transformation of images of Russian Panslavism in the British political discourse in 1876 and to analyze the mechanisms of their construction. The author identifies three models of interpretation of Russia’s “Slavic interests”, first, as “Slavic sympathies” of the Russian population, second, as Russia’s “territorial ambitions”, and third, as “Russian intrigues”, which allegedly instigated Slav uprisings against the Ottoman Empire. In the summer of 1876, the interpretation of Panslavism as sincere sympathies of Russian society for its Slavic brothers received the greatest weight in the British political discourse. This interpretation contributed to the formation of a more positive image of Russia and even a temporary change in the pro-Turkish policy of the British government. However, by the late 1876, British politicians increasingly began to suspect the Russian government of “subversive Panslavism”. The formation of images of Russian Panslavism in the political discourse of Great Britain was influenced not only the traditional patterns of British foreign policy, but also by the internal political struggle that escalated during the “Bulgarian agitation”. Panslavism was also interpreted ambiguously due to the lack of information, so politicians often based their judgments on stereotypes about Russia, the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan peoples. Finally, parliamentarians’ views were also affected by a rethinking of their own British identity. British politicians revisited issues of relevance to Britain’s own attitudes to the sovereignty of empires, the uprisings of colonized peoples, moral responsibility and Britain’s international mission.
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Petrov, Alexander. "Aggravation of the Colonial Struggle in the Pacific Ocean in 1760—1770s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028746-9.
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The article is devoted to the struggle for colonies in the North Pacific in the context of the interaction between Russia, Great Britain and Spain in the second half of the 18th century, with an emphasis on the voyage of J. Cook to the coast of Alaska. The activity of Russia and the Western European powers related to the intensification of efforts in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean is considered. The article notes that the region studied by us has long attracted the attention of European countries. The factors that contributed to the development of the North-West of America are revealed. The authors show that it was a very complex and multifaceted process, in which various levels of state power, up to the emperors, participated. The importance of the initiative of private commercial companies in the colonization of territories is noted. The authors of the article draw attention to the fact that the expansion of the Spanish Empire became possible due to Madrid’s fears about the strengthening of Russia in the North Pacific. In turn, Great Britain carried out active intelligence activities, which resulted in a phase of military conflict at the end of the 18th century. On the basis of Russian and foreign documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the authors of the article try to show the validity of the fears of the Madrid court regarding Russian colonization, as well as the ambitions of London in this region. Promotion of Russia to the northwest of America was due to economic and political reasons. The access to the Pacific Ocean of Russian private structures was caused by the desire to collect yasak from the indigenous peoples, as well as to obtain furs, which were highly valued in world markets. The article notes the changes in the position of Great Britain, Spain and Russia in relation to the colonies in the 18th century. It is concluded that, in general, the policy of Spain and Great Britain was aimed at curbing the Russian advance in the Pacific Ocean. Russian-Anglo-Spanish relations in the Northwest Pacific at the end of the 17th century and the first half of the 18th century made a significant contribution to the subsequent active colonization of the North Pacific. The article was written using an interdisciplinary approach based on a wide range of sources from domestic and foreign archives.
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Arabadzhyan, Zaven A. "Eastern Persia as an Arena of Rivalry and Possible Cooperation between Russia and the United Kingdom in the Late 19th – early 20th Centuries." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2023): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310029242-4.
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In the 19th century after the end of the Napoleonic wars, the contradictions between Russia and the United Kingdom gradually increased both in Europe and in Asia. In Asia, the possessions of both empires gradually approached each other. This happened as the territory of British India grew in the direction of the North-West and the territorial formations in Central Asia joined the Russian Empire. It was about a possible large-scale clash between the two powers, the main theater of which was supposed to be Afghanistan. However, according to the existing plans, the eastern part of Persia (Iran) could become the scene of hostilities, and both sides tried to strengthen their positions in this area. In this regard, Russian military and diplomatic representatives in Khorasan (the northeastern province of Persia) and Central Asia reported on the extraordinary activity of the British in this part of the country, directed against Russian interests. The government was asked to take measures to counter the British expansion, but these calls did not receive support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire. At the same time, Russia had plans to build a railway line to Persian ports in the Persian and Oman Gulfs. Several routes were worked out along which the road could be laid. This would make it possible to take control of a significant part of the trade between Europe and India. The construction of such a route would undermine the monopoly of Great Britain, which owned the Suez Canal, to control the trade of Europe and India, and depreciate the German plan to create a Berlin-Istanbul-Baghdad railway.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain – Territorial expansion"
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Finck, William Macy Ekelund Robert B. "English Seventeenth century colonial expansion as a form of rent-seeking." Auburn, Ala., 2007. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/2007%20Fall%20Dissertations/Finck_William_20.pdf.
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Jones, Alexander David. "Pinchbeck regulars? : the role and organisation of the Territorial Army, 1919-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38dc5164-f858-4bba-9bfb-a1c4b4a59550.
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This thesis examines how Britain's government and military establishment conceptualised the role of the voluntary Territorial Army (TA) between the World Wars, and explores the relationship with British defence policy during the period. It also evaluates whether or not the TA was capable of carrying out its ascribed role, through a balanced assessment of its organisation, training and military efficiency. It posits that the TA was integral to British defence planning and played a key part in the Army's mobilisation plans, although the priority given to its role shifted throughout the period in accordance with the direction of Britain's strategic focus. Additionally, this thesis will emphasise that the Territorial Army had not one purpose but several. Alongside its central function as the framework for a conscript National Army it held key responsibilities for both home and imperial defence. This thesis examines the TA's role and organisation in a thematic and broadly chronological manner. Part I deals with the TA's expeditionary role and its function as the framework for all future military expansion, as well as its role as a voluntary imperial reserve for any medium scale wars conducted without resorting to conscription. Part II focuses on the Territorial Army's home defence responsibilities, in particular its domestic role in aiding the civil power and its contribution to Britain's increasingly important air defence capabilities.
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Balduff, Rebecca Marie. "The Economist and the Continuity of British Imperial Expansion: 1843-1860." Connect to this document online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1122559740.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2005.Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], ii, 75 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-75).
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Gregson, Adrian S. "The 1/7th Battalion King's Liverpool Regiment and the Great War : the experience of a territorial battalion and its home towns." Thesis, Coventry University, 2004. http://eprints.worc.ac.uk/384/.
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This is a study of the importance and significance of community identity to a fighting unit in the First World War. It is an analysis of the relevance of the local communities to the unit and its combat effectiveness; the role played by the unit in the local communities’ involvement in the War; and the post-War ramifications of this relationship. In focusing on 1/7th Battalion Kings Liverpool Regiment, a Territorial battalion based in Bootle, Southport and the surrounding area of south west Lancashire, the thesis follows a typical Territorial unit and its home towns from recruitment and establishment to demobilisation and beyond. A wide range of primary sources have been examined including local newspapers, local Council records, official War Diaries of the various units, battle reports and private papers of several of the combatants. In developing existing historiography the study is also believed to present new perspectives on several aspects of the War including the Lusitania riots; the battles of Festubert, 1915, and Givenchy, 1918; and the role of charities in post-War reconstruction work. It also raises general issues about the role of the Territorial Force and draws attention to several gaps in the social and military historiography of the War. The thesis concludes that local and community identity contributed significantly towards the 1/7th Kings’ morale, organisation and hence battle effectiveness. This contribution initially stemmed from the local recruits themselves but was actively nurtured and encouraged by commanders at Battalion, Brigade and Divisional level throughout the War. It also establishes that by putting the local Battalion at the centre of its concerns, the rather disparate communities were able to organise, coalesce and maximise their War effort and support. Finally, it demonstrates in the post-War years, that, despite the fluctuations in this mutually important relationship, the local identification with the Battalion was maintained in memorialisation, remembrance and reconstruction.
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Hodacs, Hanna. "Converging world views : the European expansion and early-nineteenth-century Anglo-Swedish contacts /." Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb399622233.
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宋家璿. "A Comparative Study on Russian Territorial Expansion under Peter the Great and Catherine the Great." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/10712597204598004041.
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碩士國立政治大學
俄羅斯研究所
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Russia was an inner-continental country before Peter I’s reign. With its own history and culture context, the empire lacked both operation and maintenance of external relations. From 1689, Peter the Great was formally on the throne, soon he started to westernize his fatherland by any means, and attained fruitful achievements in the beginning of 18th century. It wasn’t until the reign of Catherine the Great in the mid-1700s that Russia was finally able to inaugurate a new policy of Russian southward expansion directly targeting Crimea. Russo-Turkish wars for twice, the partitions of Poland for three times boosted her fame while in reign. The empress also adopted the rule of Enlightenment from France as her main characteristic in domination. This thesis gives a thoroughly introduction to Peter the Great and Catherine the Great as its first part; in the second, there is one comparative study targeting to several fields- from background and personal traits, internal reform, international situation and external relation, to territorial expansion. In sum, what matters are what the Tsars achieved during their regimes respectively, and what they left for posterity.
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TOUBEAU, Simon. "The accommodation of nationalism : regional nationalist parties and territorial restructuring in Great Britain, Spain and Belgium." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14183.
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Defense date: 22 June 2010Examining Board: Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Univ. Brussel), Charlie Jeffery (Univ. Edinburgh), Michael Keating (formerly EUI/Univ. Aberdeen) (Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI)
The aim of this thesis is to investigate the relationship between the claims advanced by regional nationalist parties for the re-organisation of state structures based on the recognition of their distinct national groups and the process of territorial restructuring in Great Britain, Spain and Belgium. The objectives are to examine the conditions under which regional nationalist parties have influenced the reform of state structures and to assess the factors that condition the relation between their electoral and policy success. The thrust of the argument advanced is that the influence of regional nationalist parties on the reform of state structures can be understood as the result of processes that take place during the agenda-setting and the decision-making phases. To provoke institutional change, regional nationalist parties must firstly set the political agenda by exerting pressures on mainstream parties in the electoral, parliamentary and governmental arenas. Secondly, institutional change is likely to occur, if nationality claims are accommodated by mainstream parties that are ideologically open to political decentralisation and the recognition of regional nationalism and if the question of territorial autonomy has a broader resonance for political competition between mainstream parties. Finally, institutional change is likely to occur, if the government undertaking reforms is cohesive and there is no ideological opposition by any partisan veto players to those reforms. These arguments are examined through a comparative-historical analysis of political decentralisation in Great Britain, Spain and Belgium, over a time period spanning the late 1960s to the late 1990s. Each case study is disaggregated into time periods that represent moments in the process of territorial restructuring, bounded by significant changes in the assertiveness of regional nationalist parties and the occurrence of territorial reform. Within each period, the process tying the claims of regional nationalist parties to institutional change is examined. Theses different observations are used as evidence for undertaking a comparison of the accommodation of nationalism across space and time. The thesis finds that regional nationalist parties exert a strong influence on the creation of decentralised state structures when they can set the political agenda. It is also necessary for nationality claims to be accommodated by mainstream parties that are open to the accommodation of nationalism and for them to feature as a salient issue of party competition, and for constitutional reforms to be undertaken by a cohesive centre-left government. The ideological opposition of a partisan veto player in government to institutional change is sufficient for bringing about the failure of reform. The second finding is that the configuration of factors producing reforms tends to diversify with the development of restructuring. During the empowerment of regional governments, regional nationalist parties can set the political agenda and their claims may feature as an issue of party competition, but the reforms must be undertaken by centre-left governments. The subsequent deepening of territorial autonomy is stimulated by regional nationalist demands but undertaken by governments of different ideological persuasions whose mainstream parties may compete on the territorial dimension.
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VAMPA, Davide. "The regional politics of welfare in Italy, Spain, and Great Britain : assessing the impact of territorial and left-wing mobilisations on the development of 'sub-state' social systems." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37642.
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Defence date: 30 September 2015Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI (Supervisor); Professor László Bruszt, EUI; Professor Maurizio Ferrera, Università degli Studi di Milano; Professor Jonathan Hopkin, London School of Economics and Political Science.
In recent years, a number of European countries have undergone important processes of territorial reconfiguration in the administration and delivery of social services. This has produced substantial divergences in the levels and types of welfare development across regions belonging to the same country. As a result, it has become increasingly difficult to talk about 'national welfare systems' or 'national social models' – although most of the mainstream welfare literature continues to do so. The aim of this study is to explore the political factors that explain cross-regional variation in the development of health care and social assistance policies in three countries that have witnessed the gradual strengthening of regions as arenas of social policy making: Italy, Spain and Great Britain. The research focus is on the effects of two political cleavages, centre-periphery and left-right, on sub-national social policy. The findings of the quantitative and qualitative analyses presented throughout this research suggest that the main driving force in the construction of sub-state welfare systems is the political mobilisation of territorial identities through the creation and electoral consolidation of regionalist parties. Indeed, such parties may use regional social policy to reinforce the sense of distinctiveness and territorial solidarity that exists in the communities they represent, thus further strengthening and legitimising their political role. Additionally, the centre-periphery cleavage may also affect relations across different organisational levels of 'statewide' parties and further increase the relevance of territoriality in welfare politics at the regional level. On the other hand, traditional left-right politics does not seem to play the central role that welfare theories focusing on 'nation-states' might lead us to expect. For left-wing parties, the regionalisation of social governance may present either an opportunity or a challenge depending on the role they play in national politics and on the characteristics of sub-national electoral competitors. Generally, mainstream centre-left parties are torn by the dilemma of maintaining uniformity and cohesion in social protection across the national territory and addressing the demands for more extensive and distinctive social services coming from specific regional communities.
Books on the topic "Great Britain – Territorial expansion"
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David, Day. The great betrayal: Britain, Australia & the onset of the Pacific War, 1939-42. New York: Norton, 1989.
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David, Day. The great betrayal: Britain, Australia & the onset of the Pacific War, 1939-42. North Ryde, NSW, Australia: Angus & Robertson Publishers, 1988.
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Day, David. The great betrayal: Britain, Australia and the onset of the Pacific War, 1939-42. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1992.
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1943-, MacKenzie John M., ed. Imperialism and popular culture. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1992.
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Thomson, Gladys Scott. Catherine the Great and theexpansion of Russia. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1985.
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Kastor, Peter J. The great acquisition: An introduction to the Louisiana Purchase. Great Falls, Mont: Lewis and Clark Interpretive Association, 2003.
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Westlake, Ray. The Territorial Force 1914. Newport: Ray Westlake Military Books, 1988.
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Seymour, Mavis. The business expansion scheme. London: Butterworths, 1992.
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Peter, Dennis. The Territorial Army, 1906-1940. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Royal Historical Society, 1987.
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G, Hopkins A., ed. The imperialism of the great powers: Six studies. Geneve: Institut universitaire de hautes etudes internationales, Graduate Institute of International Studies, 1991.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Great Britain – Territorial expansion"
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Rudlin, W. A. "The End of Expansion." In The Growth of Fascism in Great Britain, 13–27. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032676814-1.
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Vampa, Davide. "Scotland: Where Territorial Politics and Social Democracy Meet." In The Regional Politics of Welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain, 169–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39007-9_10.
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Vampa, Davide. "Wales: Moderate Territorial Mobilisation in a Context of Social Democratic Consensus." In The Regional Politics of Welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain, 189–204. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39007-9_11.
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Vampa, Davide. "Spain: Finding a Balance Between Territorial Equality and Strong Regional Identities." In The Regional Politics of Welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain, 95–113. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39007-9_6.
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Vampa, Davide. "Adding a Territorial Perspective to the Study of Welfare Politics: Theories, Hypotheses and Case Studies." In The Regional Politics of Welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain, 5–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39007-9_2.
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Vampa, Davide. "Territorial Mobilisation and Left-Wing Partisanship: The Two (Parallel) Paths to Welfare Building in the Italian Regions." In The Regional Politics of Welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain, 37–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39007-9_3.
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Larsen, Henrik Gutzon, and Carl Marklund. "Sublimated Expansionism? Living Space Ideas in Nordic Small-State Geopolitics." In Socio-Spatial Theory in Nordic Geography, 15–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04234-8_2.
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AbstractIn intellectual histories of geography as well as in international relations, geopolitics is usually the business of great powers, understood as the expansion of hard power through territorial control. However, the existence of a ‘Geopolitik of the weak’ has also been theorised, premised on the ability of smaller states – such as the Nordic countries – to secure their survival through a wider range of policy instruments. In this chapter, we analyse key themes in the work of two Nordic geographical thinkers deeply concerned with the place and status of their home countries in the era of high modernity – Rudolf Kjellén and Gudmund Hatt. Relying upon their scholarly works as well as relevant public debates circa 1905–1945, we trace the ‘small-state geopoliticking’ of Hatt and Kjellén, identifying three key characteristics of their style of small-state geopolitics: (1) determinism is qualified by voluntarism; (2) space is complemented by future; and (3) external expansion is sublimated into internal progress. In its reconceptualisation of living space as primarily concerned with existential survival as premised upon future progress, rather than outward-oriented territorial expansion, small-state geopolitics emerges as a highly situated, somewhat quaint but nonetheless significant element in Nordic theorising of geography.
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Milev, George, Amin Al-Habaibeh, and Daniel Shin. "Impact of Replacing Conventional Cars with Electric Vehicles on UK Electricity Grid and Carbon Emissions." In Springer Proceedings in Energy, 199–206. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63916-7_25.
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AbstractThis paper estimated the effect of electric vehicle transition on UK road and how it impacts on electricity supply and the reduction of carbon emissions. It used a scenario in which all cars that utilise internal combustion engines will be replaced by EVs in the UK. The methodology is based on speculating the future number of EVs in Great Britain, which helped in estimating the amount of additional electricity usage that would be required for the scenario. The results revealed that approximately 81 TWh of additional electricity must be produced annually to compensate for such expansion of EV. With that increase in electricity generation, the levels of carbon emissions from the electrical grid will rise slightly, by about 8.6 million tonnes of carbon dioxide per year. Given that combustion vehicles contribute to about 42% of the carbon emissions from the transport sector in the UK, it is concluded that the total amount of CO2 in the country will decrease by approximately 12% of all cars with internal combustion engines are replaced by electric vehicles.
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Zeuske, Michael. "The Second Slavery in the Americas." In The Palgrave Handbook of Global Slavery throughout History, 429–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13260-5_24.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the era of “second slavery” from roughly 1800 to 1888. The second slavery in the Atlantic world refers to the renewed expansion and the creation of new frontiers of slavery, with modern capitalist characteristics, especially (but not exclusively) in the nineteenth-century slaveholding societies of the US South, Brazil, and the Spanish Caribbean (especially Cuba). It began during the Age of Revolutions and mirrored the piecemeal abolition of slavery in other parts of the Americas. The chapter starts with the rise of the second slavery in the wake of the Atlantic revolutions, including the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade by the US and Great Britain in 1808. It then discusses the intensification and modernization of plantation agriculture in the main regions of the second slavery, supplemented by the rise of slave trading in the hiddenAtlantic (the Atlantic after the formal abolition of the Atlantic slave trade with its contraband economies) as well as internally within slaveholding societies (especially in the US South and Brazil).
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Salway, Peter. "Hadrianic Britain." In A History of Roman Britain, 127–46. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192801388.003.0007.
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Abstract The death of Trajan in n7 marks a turning-point m Roman, indeed European, history. In Britain Trajan’s reign had been a period of military withdrawal and consolidation, in sharp contrast to his expansion of the empire elsewhere. In Dacia and Mesopotamia his campaigns won whole new regions, and that alone is enough to explain why no forward policy was adopted in Britain. In many ways, Trajanic Britain foreshadows the general imperial strategy of Hadrian, who gave up the expansionist policy and abandoned Trajan’s new territories in the east. In the military sphere, Hadrian concentrated on restoring order in the various parts of the empire where there was disaffection, and in consolidating the frontiers. A great part of his reign was spent in personal tours of inspection in the provinces. The renewed respect for the Principate that had been won by Nerva and Trajan permitted the new emperor to direct his energies away from Roman politics and towards the largest schemes of civil and military reconstruction. His constant presence among the frontier armies encouraged their loyalty. His keen interest in the provinces underlined the fact that he was the second provincial to come to the throne (from the same city as Trajan), and emphasized the oneness of the empire-or at least of its communities of Roman citizens, wherever they might be located within its territories. Italy was no longer to be regarded as mistress of the Roman world, with the provinces as her inferiors, and, though she always retained a special social status, she gradually lost her political privileges.
Conference papers on the topic "Great Britain – Territorial expansion"
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Fuchs, I., S. Voller, and T. Gjengedal. "Ant colony based transmission expansion developed for the Nordic Area and Great Britain." In 2011 IEEE PES PowerTech - Trondheim. IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ptc.2011.6019370.
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Jovanovic, Slobodan. "Climate change and fl ood insurance in Germany, Great Britain and Serbia." In MODERNE TEHNOLOGIJE, NOVI I TRADICIONALNI RIZICI U OSIGURANjU. Association for Insurance Law of Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxsav21.006j.
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In this paper, the author analyzes the organization of fl ood risk insurance, the risk which signifi cantly deteriorates due to climate change in Germany, the United Kingdom and Serbia. Th e author used selected studies and works, national legislation, insurance conditions and materials of specialized organizations. Climate change signifi cantly aff ects the frequency and severity of the harmful consequences of fl ood risks, which, due to their catastrophic consequences and territorial exposure, require more effi cient prevention measures and the design of their insurance. Floods are increasingly occurring as a result of heavy rainfall and high winds that simultaneously enhance their harmful potential. Th erefore, insurers cannot ignore the impact of climate change on the conditions for taking risks, determining the insurance premium, excesses and all other aspects related to these risks. From the point of view of risk assessment and selection techniques, the principle of fl ood insurability will certainly be applied in the future. Th erefore, refraining insurers from insuring those risks where the recurrence of fl oods is more frequent than a certain number of years (fi ve or ten years), based on the historical development of claims or classifi cation of zones into the danger class with increased frequency, will certainly pose a problem for policyholders. In Germany, fl ood risk cover is provided similarly to a number of Serbian insurers, ie. as an additional risk to basic property risks. However, the German insurance practice provides an opportunity to insure a number of other natural risks as a supplementary risk in the form of a natural risk package. It should be pointed out that there are also insurers in Serbia, whose policy terms regarding the cover scope more or less coincide with the insurance of named risks in Great Britain. Th ese are insurance conditions that represent an extension of the so-called traditional insurance of named fi re risks, which certainly represents a good step in the direction of modernizing the household insurance conditions in Serbia.
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Dušek, Jiří, and Štěpán Kavan. "Management a implementace programů územní spolupráce na příkladu ESÚS." In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-26.
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European Groupings of Territorial Cooperation (EGTCs) were set up to facilitate cross-border, transnational and interregional cooperation between Member States or their regional and local authorities. EGTCs enable these partners to implement joint projects, share expertise and improve coordination of spatial planning. Unlike the older cooperation structures which governed cross-border, transnational and interregional cooperation before 2007, the European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation is a legal entity and as such, will enable regional and local authorities from different European states, to set up cooperation groupings with a legal personality. The contribution deals with an analysis of European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation, new form of cross-border cooperation in the European Union. The main objective of the submitted contribution is to analyse historical development of this cooperation between years 2008–2022, based on own research and study of relevant Committee of Regions documents (for example EGTC Monitoring Report). The assessment of the EGTC can be described as a comparative time and space analysis, because different units are being compared not just in time, but also from the point of view of their geographical location. The contribution discussed the growing relevance of the EGTC as instrument of regional development, uneven development in individual countries (Hungary, France, Slovakia x Scandinavia, the Baltic States, Great Britain and Ireland), terminological problems and validity of EGTC databases.
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Шацилло, В. К. "The British Empire and the USA: From Imperial Ambitions to Strategic Alliance." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.025.
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В статье представлен анализ геополитических последствий международных кризисов в Латинской Америке конца XIX – начала XX в. Первый венесуэльский кризис, в основе которого лежал территориальный спор между Венесуэлой и Британской империи, обострил отношения между Вашингтоном и Лондоном. Американское правительство посчитало, что территориальные претензии Великобритании к одной из латиноамериканских стран угрожают жизненным интересам США и находятся в противоречии с принципами доктрины Монро. Исходя из этого, Белый дом потребовал созыва международного трибунала для решения этого территориального спора. Британское правительство сначала отказалось принимать американское предложение, а затем под давлением международных обстоятельств согласилось на арбитраж и признало доктрину Монро. После этого начался процесс сближения двух стран, ускорившийся после Англо-бурской и Испано-американской войн. В ходе второго венесуэльского кризиса, связанного с финансовыми претензиями ряда европейских стран к венесуэльскому правительству, главным оппонентом США выступила Германская империя, попыталась укрепить свои финансовые и военные позиции в Латинской Америке. Это ухудшило отношения между Вашингтоном и Берлином и привело к ещё более тесному англо-американскому сотрудничеству. The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of the international crises in the end of XIXth – beginning of the XXth century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsen also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatend the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to the closer Anglo-American cooperation.
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Deltoro, Julia, Carmen Blasco Sánchez, and Francisco Martínez Pérez. "Evolution of the Urban Form in the British New Towns." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6484.
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Even if the urban experience of the British New Towns, created after the New Towns Act of 1945 as a solution to the problems derived from the superpopulation of great cities such as London, is already far in time it can still offer us some lessons. Lessons which could help us when intervening in current process of development and transformation of the urban form. This article analyses these experiences from its morphology, studying their formal characteristics and the organization of the several uses of the city, as well as the diachronic evolution of their criteria of spatial composition. The First New Towns mainly followed the characteristics stated in the Reith Report [HMSO, 1946 a] and the consequent New Towns Act [HMSO, 1946 b], which defined the scale of the new cities, their uses and zoning, location, areas, distances, social structure or landscape among other. Their urban forms evolved with time and were the result of many strategic and design decisions taken which determined and transformed their spatial and physical profiles. According to the Town and Country Planning Association [TCPA, 2014] New Towns can be classified in three Marks as for their chronology and the laws that helped to create them. But if we focus in their urban form, we can find another classification by Ali Madani-Pour, [1993] who divides them into four design phases, which give answer to different social needs and mobility. The analysis of the essential characteristics and strategies of each of the phases of the New Towns, applied to the configuration of the urban form of some of the New Towns, the ones which gather better the approach in each of the phases, will allow us to make a propositional diagnose of their different forms of development, the advances and setbacks; a comparative analysis of different aspects such as mobility and zoning, local and territorial relations, structure or composition. The conclusions of the article pretend to recognize the contributions, which come from their urban form and have them as a reference for new urban interventions in the current context, with new challenges to be faced from the integral definition of the city. References DCLG. (2006). Transferable Lessons from the New Towns. (http://www.futurecommunities.net/files/images/Transferable_lessons_from_new_towns_0.pdf.) Accessed: 14 january 2015. Gaborit, P. (2010). European New Towns: Image, Identities, Future Perspectives. (PIE-Peter Lang SA., Brussels) HMSO. Great Britain. New Towns Committee. (1946 a). Final Report of the New Towns Committee. London HMSO. Great Britain. New Towns Act. (1946 b). London Madani-Pour, Ali. (1993). `Urban Design in the British New Towns´. Open House International, vol. 18. TCPA. (2014). New Towns and Garden Cities – Lessons for Tomorrow. Stage 1: An Introduction to the UK’s New Towns and Garden Cities. (Town and Country Planning Association, London) Accessed: 15 december 2016. (https://www.tcpa.org.uk/Handlers/Download.ashx?IDMF=1bcdbbe3-f4c9-49b4-892e-2d85b5be6b87). TCPA. (2015). New Towns and Garden Cities – Lessons for Tomorrow. Stage 2: Lessons for Delivering a New Generation of Garden Cities. (Town and Country Planning Association, London) Accessed: 15 december 2016. (https://www.tcpa.org.uk/Handlers/Download.ashx?IDMF=62a09e12-6a24-4de3-973f-f4062e561e0a)
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KRIAUČIŪNAITĖ-NEKLEJONOVIENĖ, Vilma, Donatas REKUS, Mindaugas DAUKŠYS, and Aistė KURTINAITYTĖ. "STATE AND CONDITIONS OF THE AMATEUR GARDEN TERRITORIES: LAND USAGE AND MANAGEMENT TENDENCIES IN LITHUANIA." In Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.056.
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The article presents the analysis of the Associations of Gardeners of Lithuania, the undergoing changes in their territories. Since the establishment of the amateur gardening comprising 56 associations, there has been a tendency of privatizing a great number of agricultural land parcels owned by the amateur gardeners; the traditional gardening tends to be substituted for a single family housing. The objective of the article is to discuss the current situation in the territories allocated for the amateur gardens, to point out the tendencies of their future development taking into consideration different regions of the country and to assess the problems concerning land usage and management. The associations of gardeners comprise 216932 individual gardeners; they manage 228673 land parcels owned by them, which totally occupy 20714 ha. The major part of the land allocated for the associations of gardeners is the privatized land by the members of the associations, i.e. the territory makes 70.4 %. The survey of the experts of the municipalities on the current state of the territories of the amateur gardens and the assessment of the particular locations of gardens, presented the results, which confirm that the majority of the associations of gardeners failed their main purpose and new development tendencies appeared depending on their geographical location. The associations of gardeners has come across with a great number of problems on territorial planning, engineering communication services, and services maintaining the needs of the associations, the expansion as well as development of these areas.
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Rutsinskaya, Irina, and Galina Smirnova. "VISUALIZATION OF EVERYDAY SOCIAL AND CULTURAL PRACTICES: VICTORIAN PAINTING AS A MIRROR OF THE ENGLISH TEA PARTY TRADITION." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/37.
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"Throughout the second half of the seventeen and the eighteenth centuries, tea remained an expensive exotic drink for Britain that “preserved” its overseas nature. It was only in the Victorian era (1837-1903) that tea became the English national drink. The process attracts the attention of academics from various humanities. Despite an impressive amount of research in the UK, in Russia for a long time (in the Soviet years) the English tradition of tea drinking was considered a philistine curiosity unworthy of academic analysis. Accordingly, the English tea party in Russia has become a leader in the number of stereotypes. The issue became important for academics only at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Currently, we can observe significant growth of interest in this area in Russia and an expansion of research into tea drinking with regard to the history of society, philosophy and culture. Despite this fact, there are still serious lacunas in the research of English tea parties in the Victorian era. One of them is related to the analysis of visualization of this practice in Victorian painting. It is a proven fact that tea parties are one of the most popular topics in English arts of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. No other art school in the world referred to the topic so frequently: painting formed the visual image of the English tea party, consolidated, propagandized and spread ideas of the national tea tradition. However, this aspect has been reflected neither in British nor Russian studies. Being descriptive and analytical, the present research refers to the principles of historicism, academic reliability and objectivity, helping to determine the principal trends and social and cultural features and models in Britain during the period. The present research is based on the analysis of more than one hundred genre paintings by British artists of the period. The paintings reflect the process of creating a special “truly English” material and visual context of tea drinking, which displaced all “oriental allusions” from this ceremony, to create a specific entourage and etiquette of tea consumption, and set nationally determined patterns of behavior at the tea table. The analysis shows the presence of English traditions of tea drinking visualization. The canvases of British artists, unlike the Russian ones, never reflect social problems: tea parties take place against the background of either well-furnished interiors or beautiful landscapes, being a visual embodiment of Great Britain as a “paradise of the prosperous bourgeoisie”, manifesting the bourgeois virtues. Special attention is paid to the role of the women in this ritual, the theme of the relationship between mothers and children. A unique English painting theme, which has not been manifested in any other art school in the world, is a children’s tea party. Victorian paintings reflect the processes of democratization of society: representatives of the lower classes appear on canvases. Paintings do not only reflect the norms and ideals that existed in the society, but also provide the set patterns for it."
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Станков, К. Н. "Russia at the Brunswick Congress (in the First Half of 1714)." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.010.
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Брауншвейгский конгресс был широким европейским дипломатическим форумом, на котором была предпринята попытка закончить Северную войну, заключив мир между Россией и Швецией. В конгрессе принимали участие представители Австрии, Дании, Польши-Саксонии, Пруссии, Ганновера и России. Последняя фактически впервые заявила о себе как о новой империи на евразийском пространстве. Ее главной задачей было заключение мира со Швецией на условиях всех территориальных приобретений, достигнутых в ходе Северной войны. Представителем России на Брауншвейгском конгрессе в январе 1714 г. царским указом был назначен один из ведущих русских дипломатов, посол в Гааге – князь Б. И. Куракин. Ему были даны широкие полномочия. В частности, они предполагали возможность заключения мира со Швецией независимо от того, прибудут ли представители от короля Карла XII, пребывавшего в то время в Османской империи, или от шведского правительства в Стокгольме. Кроме того, Б. И. Куракин должен был вести переговоры с императора Священной Римской империи о возможности последнего принудить Швецию к заключению мирного договора. Россией была предложена программа мирного урегулирования со Швецией. В случае невозможности заключения мира официальный Петербург ставил перед собой следующие задачи. Прежде всего, было необходимо укрепить Северный союз, не допустив сепаратного мира саксонского курфюрста и польского короля Августа II и датского монарха Фредерика IV со Швецией. Петр I также стремился расширить ряды своих союзников, присоединив к ним Пруссию и Ганновер. Наконец, русские дипломаты стремились нейтрализовать морские державы (Великобританию и Нидерланды), поскольку к 1714 г. сложилась опасная ситуация возможности их вступления в Северную войну на стороне Швеции. The Brunswick Congress was a broad European diplomatic forum during which an attempt was made to end the Great Northern War by making peace between Russia and Sweden. The congress was attended by representatives of Austria, Denmark, Poland-Saxony, Prussia, Hanover and Russia. The latter actually declared itself for the first time as a new empire in the Eurasian space. Its main task was to conclude peace with Sweden on the terms of preserving all territorial acquisitions achieved in the Great Northern War. In January 1714 one of the leading Russian diplomats, the ambassador in the Hague, prince B. I. Kurakin was appointed as a representative of Russia. He was given broad powers. In particular, they assumed the possibility of concluding peace with Sweden, regardless of whether representatives would come from king Charles XII, who was then in the Ottoman empire, or from the Sweden government in Stockholm. In addition, B. I. Kurakin was supposed to negotiate with the Emperor about the possibility of the latter to force Sweden to conclude a peace treaty. Russia proposed a program for a peace settlement with Sweden. In the event that it was impossible to conclude peace, official Saint Petersburgh set itself the following tasks. First, it was necessary to strengthen the Northern Alliance, preventing the separate peace of the Saxon elector and the Polish king Augustus II and the Danish monarch Frederick IV with Sweden. Peter I also sought to expand the ranks of his allies by adding Prussia and Hanover to them. Finally Russian diplomats sought to neutralize the maritime powers (Great Britain and Netherlands) as by 1714 there was a dangerous situation that they could enter the Great Northern war on the side of Sweden.
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Klohr, M., J. Schmidtke, S. Tschirren, and P. Rihak. "Initial Operating Experience and Test Results of ABB’s Gas Turbine GT13E2." In ASME 1995 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/95-gt-248.
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On 20 October 1993, the first ABB GT13E2 gas turbine was put into operation. This 165 MW class gas turbine achieves 35,7% thermal efficiency in single cycle application and up to 54,3% (according ISO standard 3977, Annexe F) in a three pressure system. An optimised turbine and compressor design along with the increased turbine inlet temperature, lead to improved efficiency and electrical output. A new concept for the combustor aimed at meeting the increasing demands on gas turbine emissions. The GT13E2 is equipped with the new single annular combustor and 72 of the ABB EV double cone burners. The commissioning and testing of the first GT13E2 was carried out at the Kawasaki Gas Turbine Research Center (KGRC) in Sodegaura City near Tokyo, Japan. The gas turbine was assembled with various measurement systems to monitor static and dynamic pressure, gas and metal temperature, expansion, vibration, velocity and emissions. The facility will be used during a 15 year joint test program by ABB and Kawasaki Heavy Industries (KHI) to obtain a sound database of operating experience for further improvements of the GT13E2 gas turbine. Therefore, mid 1994 a second test phase was conducted and early 1995 a third test period is scheduled. In parallel, the 2nd and 3rd GT13E2’s were commissioned and tested at the Deeside Combined Cycle Power Plant near Chester, Great Britain. In November 1994, the 4th GT13E2 at Lage Weide was successfully commissioned. This paper describes the operating experience with the GT13E2 during the first commissioning and test phases at KGRC and Deeside. The design features, the test facility, the instrumentation, the commissioning and test results are presented and discussed.
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Maycotte Pansza, Elvira, and Erick Sánchez Flores. "Ciudades dispersas, viviendas abandonadas: la política de vivienda y su impacto territorial y social en las ciudades mexicanas." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.7569.
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La política de vivienda en México, implementada en el año 2002, otorgó un apoyo pleno a la iniciativa privada para participar en la producción de la vivienda social. La primera acción que el gobierno federal realizó fue la institución de la Comisión Nacional para el Fomento a la Vivienda, CONAFOVI (hoy CONAVI), órgano descentralizado de la Secretaría de Desarrollo Social, SEDESOL, creado por el Presidente de la República en el año 2001. Esta Comisión tiene como responsabilidad diseñar, promover, dirigir y coordinar la política nacional de vivienda. Aún cuando atiende a los diversos niveles, desde vivienda residencial hasta interés social, incide particularmente en esta última, vista ahora como un producto inmobiliario de muy alta rentabilidad, cuyo financiamiento está asegurado por los programas subsidiarios del gobierno, y es promovida, además, por el mismo sector público por considerarse un importante generador de actividad económica e impulsor del desarrollo del sector, creando un círculo virtuoso que inminentemente impacta los aspectos sociales y culturales aún en tiempos de recesión.
Si bien la producción de vivienda social se vio estimulada en todo el país, fue en la frontera norte, particularmente en Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, donde el eco de este programa tuvo mayor magnitud. En ella se produjo la mayor producción de vivienda económica en cuatro ocasiones consecutivas, de 2004 a 2007, a nivel a nivel nacional. Ciudad Juárez es una de las 52 zonas metropolitanas de México, el principal polo de desarrollo del Estado en donde se asienta el 40.52% de la población de la entidad y la sexta ciudad en el país en cuanto a tamaño de habitantes se refiere. Aproximadamente el 82% de la PEA tiene ingresos iguales o menores a 4 salarios mínimos, lo cual la hace potencialmente beneficiaria de créditos de vivienda económica.
Este hecho puede tener diversas lecturas, sin embargo, la que ahora merece nuestra atención es el impacto que este fenómeno ha tenido en el suelo de uso habitacional y la participación que han tenido el sector público y el privado en su ocupación durante el periodo 2001 a 2006, así como la presión inmobiliaria que se ha ejercido y derivado en la ampliación del fundo legal del municipio sin estar esto considerado en el Plan de Desarrollo del Municipio de Juárez.
Los diferentes porcentajes de participación en la producción de vivienda social del sector público y privado con su proyección en la utilización de suelo, la ubicación de los conjuntos habitacionales desarrollados así como el número de acciones de vivienda realizadas de acuerdo a sus diversos tipos: social, media y residencial, al sumarse constituyen un importante segmento de la panorámica que habrá de llevarnos a conocer el impacto que la política nacional de vivienda ha tenido en la ciudad que ha sido su mejor receptora, y por tanto, su mejor ejemplificación.
A siete años de distancia, tenemos una ciudad segregada, desarticulada y con grandes superficies vacías a su interior. El crecimiento disperso y la cuestionable “demanda de vivienda” han producido un paisaje en donde los barrios consolidados lucen abandonados. A la par, un alto porcentaje de viviendas emplazadas en los nuevos fraccionamientos ni siquiera han sido habitadas ante la falta de accesibilidad a equipamiento y servicios urbanos.
El aval de las políticas públicas para adquirir una segunda vivienda, aún de interés social, ha hecho que éstas de incorporen al mercado de vivienda en renta pese a que ello se contrapone a su carácter social. En síntesis, tenemos que el apoyo incondicional a la producción de vivienda social sin visualizar sus efectos colaterales, han sido la piedra angular para la expansión irracional de las ciudades mexicanas. Mexico's housing policy, created in the year 2002, gave the private sector whole support to participate in the production of social housing. The first action of the federal government was creating the National Commission for Housing Support, (CONAFOVI, later CONAVI), a decentralized organization of the Secretary of Social Development, SEDESOL, created by the President on 2001. This Commission has the responsibility to design, promote, direct and coordinate the national housing policy, which despite supporting different housing levels, from high income to social housing, now seen this last one as a highly profitable real state product, whose credit is insured by the government's subsidies. The social housing is promoted by the public sector itself since its considered an important source of economic activity even while in times of a recession and to economic development is granted and being a support for the sector development, creating a virtuous circle which imminently impacts on social and cultural aspects.
Though social housing development was stimulated in the whole country, it was in the northern border, particularly in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, where the echoes of this program had a greater magnitude; so much that it is responsible for the biggest production of economical housing on four consecutive years, from 2004 to 2007, in the whole country. Ciudad Juarez is the main pole of development in the state, where 40.52% of the state's population resides and proximately 82% of the PEA has an income equal or less than four minimal wages, which makes it a potentially beneficiary of economic housing credits.
This fact can have several different readings, nevertheless the one now deserves our attention is the impact this phenomenon has had in the residential land use and the participation that the public and private sector have had in its occupation during the 2001 to 2006 period, as well as the real state pressure that has been exerted and is responsible for increasing the city limits without taking into account the Municipal Development Plan of Juarez.
The different percentages of participation in the production of social housing by the public and private sectors with their projection in the land use, the location of developed housing sectors and the number of housing actions that have taken place according to their diverse levels: social, middle and high income, when added constitute an important segment of the panorama that will take us to know the impact that the national housing policy has had in the city, which has been its main receptor, thus, its best example.
Seven years in time, we have a city that suffers from segregation, disarticulation and with a great amount of inner empty spaces. Disperse growth and the questionable "housing demand" have produced a scenery in which consolidated neighborhoods look abandoned; along side, a high percentage of built homes in the new neighborhoods have not been inhabited because of the lack of equipment and urban services.
The ability to acquire a second house, even if it is social level, has caused them to be incorporated to the rental market even though this contradicts their social character. In conclusion, we have found that unconditional support to the production of social housing without foreseeing its collateral effects has been a key factor for the irrational expansion in Mexican cities.