Dissertations / Theses: 'Great Britain – Social policy'

1

Paris, Chris. "Social theory and housing policy." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130120.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Jian, Ke Yue. "Historical analysis of British welfare system :origin, development, and prospect." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953425.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Román, Zozaya Carolyn. "Participant ideology : the case of New Labour social policy, 1997-2001." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d4d4cfe0-2798-498a-9395-0085cbe514a1.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis examines the relationship of ideology to policy-making on two levels: on the theoretical level, it advances a distinction between philosophical, commentative and participant ideology; on the policy level, it takes as its major case study the reforms initiated by New Labour in the Departments of Social Security, Health and Education and Employment between 1997 and 2001. The thesis pays particular attention to the deployment of morphological analysis as a means to interpret and decode New Labour's policy practices and thereby opens up new areas for research on the role of ideas in politics. It also delineates the conceptual formulae for the core concepts of New Labour's ideology, stressing conceptual interconnections and contributing to interpretative and normative political theory. Using these to frame the analysis, it presents an account of New Labour's conceptual patterns easily accessible to political philosophers. Finally, the thesis counters the dominant modes of analysing ideology in social policy and shows the strong similarities between the morphological conception of ideology and standard forms of institutional and social policy analysis. New Labour is shown to create the following patterns: Individuals have rights to the conditions of freedom as self-development, which generate duties sanctionable by legal and direct socioeconomic penalties on others. Where rights do not apply, individuals have personal responsibilities that are presented as supererogatory expectations. The conditions of freedom are to be distributed equally in a manner consistent with progress and social justice for all members of a community who, relating to each other ultimately on the basis of enlightened self-interest, are interdependent and working together across the spheres of a social conception of civil society, a strongly representative and government-dominated conception of democracy and a capitalist market conceived of as a common good. By so doing, each enjoys the freedom of self-development.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Doherty, Robert Anthony. "New Labour : governmentality, social exclusion and education policy." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2667/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis critically explores the broad relationship between New Labour’s adoption of social exclusion as a policy concept and the outworking of this commitment within instances of policy directed at compulsory education. It presents and deploys Foucault’s idea of governmentality as a perspective from which to undertake critical policy analysis. It considers approaches to policy analysis and posits a layered model that looks to explicate levels and forms of power within the policy system; including a concern to integrate the place and function of policy texts. An account of the main dimensions of New Labour’s Third Way politics is developed, together with a broad account of New Labour’s attempts to govern compulsory education. Critical Discourse Analysis is applied to interpret and explain two texts posited as capturing a particular historical moment in New Labour’s adoption and commitment to a recognisable conceptualisation of social exclusion. A governmentality perspective is employed to analyse policy around social exclusion within the Third Way politics of New Labour following 1997. This analysis has a particular focus on how this social exclusion dimension was accommodated within the broader schematic of Third Way governmentality and how it interacted with and emerged within policy around compulsory education in the early years of New Labour. The analysis concludes that the social exclusion dimension of New Labour’s policy ambitions was present, but sublimated within the conflicted policy climate of compulsory education arising from New Labour’s distinctive governmentality.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

McLaughlin, Janice. "Discursive strategies within Thatcherism : family and market representations in its rhetoric and Community Care Documents /." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06302009-040329/.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Whitworth, Adam. "Work, care and social inclusion : lone motherhood under New Labour." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670080.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Tabet, Marie-Christine. "Household labour supply in Great Britain : can policy-makers rely on neoclassical models?" Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2358/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis empirically examines whether the neoclassical economic model provides an adequate framework to analyse a couple's labour supply behaviour in Britain using recent data from the British Household Panel Survey. The thesis comprises three empirical chapters. The first chapter uses the instrumental variable (IV) estimation procedure to model the hours of work of married couples. This approach allows us to test whether some of the assumptions of the neoclassical model (e.g., income pooling and Slutsky properties) are satisfied by the data. In addition, further variables that have been identified as distribution factors in the literature are introduced to the empirical model to assess whether they play a role in explaining a couple's hours of work. The first chapter only considers couples in which both spouses work. In the second chapter, the sample is amended to include all couples (i.e., those that work and those that do not) and the analysis conducted models a couple's labour market participation decisions rather than their hours of work. After testing for income pooling and the impact of distribution factors, a further variable, the wife's mother-in-law work status when the male spouse was aged 14, is introduced into the model. This is done to determine the effect of 'cultural' variables on labour market decisions. In the last chapter, this issue is explored further by explicitly modelling attitudes to a woman's role in the labour market. This approach uses a bivariate ordered probit model given the ordinal nature of responses to the attitudinal questions and again restricts the analysis to couples only. Finally, gender-role attitudes are introduced to the labour supply framework used in the second chapter in order to evaluate whether beliefs regarding women's role impact on a couple's labour market decisions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Mioni, Michele. "Towards a New “Social Pact” : World War II and Social Policy in Great Britain, Italy and Vichy France." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H031.

Full text

Abstract:

Cette thèse concerne les politiques sociales en Grande-Bretagne, dans l'État français, ainsi que dans l'Italie fasciste pendant la Deuxième guerre mondiale. Mon approche ne se borne pas aux années de guerre. Il tient en compte la dépendance des précédentes politiques dans les trois Pays, et elle est ouverte aux développements de l'après-guerre. J'ai réparti ce travail en trois parties, en poursuivant des critères méthodologiques et thématiques. Dans la première partie, j'ai donné un aperçu des politiques sociales dans les trois Pays de la fin du 19e siècle jusqu'au déclenchement de la guerre. Dans cette section, j'ai analysé la nature incrémentielle des politiques sociales, en retraçant les héritages en matière de politique sociale dans chaque Pays. De toute manière, les autres deuxième et troisièmes parties constituent le cœur de la recherche. La deuxième partie est une analyse comparée des politiques mises en place pendant la guerre, ainsi que des projets formulés pour l'après-guerre. Elle est divisée en trois chapitres qui correspondent à chaque Pays examiné, avec un chapitre conclusif où les résultats de la recherche sont croisés, afin de renforcer la compréhension comparative du sujet. La troisième partie porte sur un examen comparé/transnational de l'exploitation politique des reformes sociales. D'un côté, la politique sociale a été utilisée pour renforcer le front intérieur gagner le consensus. De l'autre côté, la diffusion des informations et de la propagande sur les projets de réforme pour l'après-guerre devait jouer le rôle primaire dans la reconstruction des relations internationales après la guerre
My dissertation concerns the social politics in Great Britain, in the Vichy regime, and in Fascist Italy during World War II. My approach to the topic, however, is not narrowly limited to the war years. It takes into account the path dependence of the previous policies in the three countries, and is open to the further developments of the immediate postwar years. I split my work in three parts, according to methodological and thematic criteria. ln a first part, I provided the overview of the social politics enacted in the three countries from the end of the 19th Century to the outbreak of the war. ln this section, I captured the incremental nature of the social policies, also retracing the specific policy legacy in each country. The very cure of my research, however, dwells in the other two parts. ln section two, I carried out a comparative analysis of the policies implemented during the war, and the draft projects for after the war. This section is split in three chapters, where I scrutinized the social politics in each country, and a conclusive chapter where I crossed the results of my investigation, strengthening its comparative aspects. The third part is a comparative/transnational exploration on the political use of social policy. On the one hand, social policy was exploited to strengthen the home front and gamer domestic political consensus. On the other, the dissemination of information and the propaganda of the postwar social project was also expected to play a not secondary role in the resettlement of the international relations after the war

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

McCall, Vikki. "The 'chalkface' of cultural services : exploring museum workers' perspectives on policy." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/9798.

Full text

Abstract:

The difficulties faced by services in the cultural sector have been immediate and challenging. Public services that are cultural in nature have faced funding cuts, closures and redundancies. Museum services are low in political importance and unable to provide clear evidence of their policy impact. Despite these challenges, there has been limited evidence about the policy process at ground-level. This thesis builds on theoretical and empirical ideas in social and cultural policy to present museum workers’ perspectives within a cultural theory framework. Following Lipsky’s (1980) work on street-level bureaucrats, this thesis presents an analysis of street-level workers’ roles in delivering social and cultural policy. Museum workers’ perspectives are presented through a series of case studies (drawing on qualitative interviews and observations) from three local-authority museum services in England, Scotland and Wales. The findings showed evidence that top-down cultural and social policies have had an influence on workers actions, but service-level workers’ understandings were central to the policy process. Museum workers actively shaped museum policy through ground-level interactions with visitors and groups. Workers experienced policy in the cultural sector as fragmented, vague and difficult to engage with at the ground-level. Workers mainly viewed policy as meaningless rhetoric. Despite this, those working at ground-level often utilised policy rhetoric effectively to gain funding and manipulate activities towards their own needs and interpretations. Policy evaluation was also fragmented and underdeveloped within the services studied. Workers found themselves under pressure to fulfil policy objectives but were unable to show how they did this. Furthermore, there was a perceived distance from managers and local authority structures. This allowed a space for workers to implement and shape policy towards their own professional and personal ideals. Vague policies and a lack of formal mechanisms for evaluation led to high levels of worker discretion at ground-level. Economic policy expectations were resisted by workers, who tended to have more egalitarian views. Museum workers effectively managed policy expectations through a mixture of discretion and policy manipulation. Delivery at the ground-level was seen as effective – despite, not because of, cultural sector policies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Monahan, Martin. "The Conservative Party and social justice policy 1997-2010 : an historical institutionalist analysis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4033/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis uses Historical Institutionalism (HI) to explain why social justice policy became an important focus for change in the 1997-2010 Conservative Party, how this policy changed, and why radical ideological change did not take place. Utilising interviews with mid- and elite-level Party actors, and analysis of policy publications, this thesis maps the restrictive and enabling effect of material and ideational institutional structures. It introduces new HI theoretical mechanisms of path tendency within path dependency, and confluence junctures, as key processes; neutral and mimicry invasion as key sources of new policy; and policy and institutional entrepreneurs as key types of actor. It couples these newly defined terms to present mechanisms in HI to offer an explanation that down-plays Cameron as a significant break from past ideological practice: rather there has been broad continuity throughout the opposition period, which, rather than being restrictive, has facilitated incremental policy change, largely emerging slowly from mid-level actors in the Party. The thesis contributes to debates in the study of British politics by offering a theoretical and institutionally focused explanation rather than prioritising more descriptive and personality focused work. It also develops HI and improves its explanation of incremental change in a non-crisis institutional environment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Redman, Lydia Catherine. "Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Richards, Benjamin. "National identity and social cohesion : theory and evidence for British social policy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/910/.

Full text

Abstract:

Arguments that a national identity could create a sense of social unity, solidarity and cohesion in a national group have a long tradition in social and political theory. J. S. Mill, for instance, argued that “the boundaries of governments should coincide in the main with those of nationalities” because a state with several nationalities is one in which members are “artificially tied together” (2001, 288). In Britain in the 2000s these arguments resurfaced in public and political discourse through a distancing from multiculturalism, which was increasingly seen as divisive, and a new emphasis on national unity and social cohesion through the promotion of British identity. There is, however, a lack of empirical research in Britain on what the relationship between national identity and social cohesion might actually be, and the strength of the relationship as compared with other issues that might also be important for social cohesion. This mixed-methods thesis attempts to address the research gap both through analysis of the Citizenship Survey covering England and Wales, and through semi-structured interviews with respondents of Black-African and Black-Caribbean ethnicity in an area of London. I argue first that the type of national identity in question is of crucial importance; a distinction between constitutional patriotism, civic national identity, and ethnic national identity is helpful, and evidence suggests the latter form may in fact be detrimental to some aspects of social cohesion. Second, I argue that social cohesion might be better broken up into two separate concepts – one referring to a commitment to certain of the state’s institutions (termed ‘institutional cohesion’), and the other to associational types of behaviour (termed ‘associational cohesion’) – since the correlates of each of the two concepts are rather different and their separation would resolve many of the confusions in academic and public discussions of social cohesion. Third, I find evidence to suggest that British identity may be of more relevance for the associational type of cohesion than the institutional type, but overall both British and English identity are of marginal relevance for social cohesion as compared to education, deprivation, and perceptions of discrimination. This suggests that attempts to use British identity as a tool to create unity and cohesion in the context of increasing diversity may not work or even be counterproductive; issues of inequality and discrimination may be much more important to address. Fourth, I reflect on the extent to which issues of unity and cohesion at the level of the nation-state are still relevant in the context of identity politics on the one hand, and processes of globalisation on the other. I argue that nation-states, for the time being, remain important sites of redistribution and reference points for perceptions of equality; to the extent that these issues are important for social cohesion, nation-states are therefore important too.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Elliot-Cooper, Adam. "The struggle that has no name : race, space and policing in post-Duggan Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7efad2ea-75e2-4a54-a479-b3b2b265e827.

Full text

Abstract:

State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Davidson, Paul. "Metaphor in contemporary British social-policy. A Cognitive Critical Study Of Governmental Discourses On Social Exclusion." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5348.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis explores the ideological role of metaphor in British governmental discourses on ¿social exclusion¿. A hybrid methodology, combining approaches from Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and cognitive theories of metaphor, is used to address how social exclusion and other metaphors are deployed to create an ideologically vested representation of society. The data consists of linguistic metaphors identified from a 400,000+ word machine-readable corpus of British governmental texts on social exclusion covering a ten year period (1997- 2007). From these surface level features of text, underlying systematic and conceptual metaphors are then inferred. The analysis reveals how the interrelation between social exclusion and a range of other metaphors creates a dichotomous representation of society in which social problems are discursively placed outside society, glossing inequalities within the included mainstream and placing the blame for exclusion on the cultural deficiencies of the excluded. The solution to the problem of exclusion is implicit within the logic of its conceptual structure and involves moving the excluded across the ¿boundary¿ to join the ¿insiders¿. The welfare state has a key role to play in this and is underpinned by a range of metaphors which anticipate movement on the part of the excluded away from a position of dependence on the state. This expectation of movement is itself metaphorically structured by the notion of a social contract in which the socially excluded have a responsibility to try and include themselves in society in return for the right of (temporary) state support. Key systematic metaphors are explained by reference to a discourse-historical view of ideological change in processes of political party transformation.
BISA and CSV

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Paul, Davidson. "Metaphor in contemporary British social-policy : a cognitive critical study of governmental discourses on social exclusion." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5348.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis explores the ideological role of metaphor in British governmental discourses on 'social exclusion'. A hybrid methodology, combining approaches from Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and cognitive theories of metaphor, is used to address how social exclusion and other metaphors are deployed to create an ideologically vested representation of society. The data consists of linguistic metaphors identified from a 400,000+ word machine-readable corpus of British governmental texts on social exclusion covering a ten year period (1997- 2007). From these surface level features of text, underlying systematic and conceptual metaphors are then inferred. The analysis reveals how the interrelation between social exclusion and a range of other metaphors creates a dichotomous representation of society in which social problems are discursively placed outside society, glossing inequalities within the included mainstream and placing the blame for exclusion on the cultural deficiencies of the excluded. The solution to the problem of exclusion is implicit within the logic of its conceptual structure and involves moving the excluded across the 'boundary' to join the 'insiders'. The welfare state has a key role to play in this and is underpinned by a range of metaphors which anticipate movement on the part of the excluded away from a position of dependence on the state. This expectation of movement is itself metaphorically structured by the notion of a social contract in which the socially excluded have a responsibility to try and include themselves in society in return for the right of (temporary) state support. Key systematic metaphors are explained by reference to a discourse-historical view of ideological change in processes of political party transformation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Langlois, Thomas. "European Security and Foreign Policy in a post-Cold War era. A study of France, Germany and Great Britain." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4314.

Full text

Abstract:

During the Cold War era, the edifice of the world configuration was built on a bipolar structure. The security of west European countries was not only important in the eyes of the Europeans but also in the American ones. But the end of this era in 1989-91 also put an end to this world structure and brought it into a unipolar one. The US became the world hegemon and Europe started to fear that US security priority would not remain Europe in the awakening of this structure. Therefore, some improvements occurred in terms of EU cooperation security in the framework of the conflict in Kuwait, but the main change happened because of the conflict in Ex-Yugoslavia. Especially Great Britain and France became aware of the need to develop an EU military capability in order to handle autonomous peace-keeping operations, outside of the NATO framework. The EU understood that any action developed by NATO was reliant on the US and without the support of the US the possibility to operate was restrained.

The move towards a more autonomous European security from the cooperation within NATO created a fear of loss of American influence over European politics. However, when the EU stated that NATO would remain the primary organisation to handle European security matters and that the CFSP would only reinforce the European pillar of NATO, the US appeared to support the cementation of this pillar.

France, Germany and Great Britain are contributing actively to the development of this pillar and they have all their reasons to support it. Germany is self-committed to the European integration process and cooperation in order, on one hand, to inhibit the raise of nationalism into Germany and on the other hand, to use it as a mean to play a major role in the international arena. France is a medium size power trying to keep its voice in the world arena. Its presence in the EU is marked by its strong link with Germany to enhance its role internationally. France uses the EU in order to promote its national interests. Great Britain maintains special relations vis-à-vis of the US and has not the desire to commit to any European cooperation that could hurt or threaten this link. But Great Britain changed its attitude towards its foreign and security policy due to its new interpretation of the structure during the Ex-Yugoslavian conflict. Therefore, its policy shifted in the need to develop a closer EU cooperation within the security, even if they stated that NATO still remains the primary organisation to handle European Security. This change is also strategic because Great Britain is motivated to become a EU leader instead of a spoiler.

The EU has to face a number of issues in different areas before it will be able to implement an efficient CFSP. First of all, the military capability gap that has widened the dependence on NATO military assets. Secondly, the difficult decision making process that has to deal with the domestic demands of all MS generated by a reluctance in ceding sovereignty of security matters to a qualified majority vote.

The development of the CFSP has electrified the transatlantic relations creating tensions but nothing that will damage the transatlantic link between the EU and the US. The CFSP will become complementary of NATO and not a competitor at all. The military capabilities and the domestic demands of all EU MS will guarantee this statement. The US will remain an unenthusiastic global actor in a unipolar world, pushing the international agenda in favour of a unilateral approach.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Daniel, Lakshmi Kiran. "Privilege and policy : the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon 1912-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:652d093a-bcd6-49ca-aa17-787cd251e4c3.

Full text

Abstract:

The development of educational policies in colonial Ceylon has hitherto been examined from the perspective of either the government or missionary agencies. The role of the indigenous elite in this process has not received the attention it deserves, but merely treated as a peripheral theme. This thesis attempts to redress the imbalance by focusing on the interaction between elite initiatives and the growth of cultural nationalism as key factors in the formulation of educational policy. The many dimensions of the elite's concern with educational policy are explored. The nature of their involvement and their contribution over time are the central themes of the present study. Newspapers, contemporary journals, various school magazines, the writings of the elite themselves and transcripts of debates in the Legislative and State Councils provide an insight into the public and private opinion of the English educated Ceylonese. Chapter one sketches the social background of colonial Ceylon. It describes the plural composition of the population and highlights the importance of language and religion as components of plurality. It also identifies the economic and educational opportunities through which elite status could be acquired. The form and content of education are similarly discussed. Chapter two describes the formulation of government policy and the early contributions of the indigenous leaders. Particular attention is paid to two issues - language and the administration of schools - which emerged as problems crucial to Ceylon's educational structure under colonial rule. Chapter three traces the organizational and individual responses of the upper strata in local society to education as shaped by growing cultural nationalism. The issues of language and religion now assumed a greater degree of political significance. New techniques of opposition, including the establishment of schools and cultural associations on Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim denominational lines, are analyzed in this chapter. In chapter four the repercussions of universal franchise in the educational field are assessed. The increasing political and social aspirations of the masses became the catalyst for action on the part of the leaders, as did the ethnic and caste antagonisms that had surfaced as potentially powerful factors. In chapter five, further political developments that induced the leadership to take a bold step forward - the construction of a free and egalitarian system of education - are examined. How elite competition emerged as a determinant of policy implementation is also discussed. This thesis concludes that while knowledge of English remained the sine qua non for the acquisition and preservation of status, the response of the privileged social group to educational problems in the face of increasing political challenges was to ensure that the availability to the masses of an education, albeit a vernacular education remained secure.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Faber, Pierre Anthony. "Industrial relations, flexibility, and the EU social dimension : a comparative study of British and German employer response to the EU social dimension." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:959fa1ee-cd08-450b-8e94-68b9858dd9e3.

Full text

Abstract:

This study sets out to explore employer response to the EU social dimension, in answer to the question, "How are employers in the UK and Germany responding to the EU social dimension, and why?" Using case study evidence from nine large British and German engineering companies, as well as material from employers' associations at all levels, it is argued that there is little employer support for extending the social dimension. Focusing on micro-economic aspects of the debate, it is also argued that a common feature in both British and German employer opposition is a concern for the impact of EU industrial relations regulation on firm-level flexibility. This stands in direct contradiction of the EU Commission's own contentions about the flexibility-enhancing effects of its social policy measures, and appears paradoxical in light of earlier research findings of a German flexibility advantage over UK rivals on account of the country's well-structured regulatory framework for industrial relations. Evidence from participant companies, however, suggests that, in the global environment of the late 1990s, much of Germany's former flexibility advantage has been eroded, and the regulation-induced limitations on both the pace and scale of change are increasingly onerous to German companies. German managers perceive a need for targeted deregulatory reform of their industrial relations system; by strengthening (and often extending) existing industrial relations regulation, EU social policy measures meet with firm disapproval. In the UK, by contrast, the changed context has contributed to a significant increase in firm-level flexibility. British companies now operate to levels of flexibility often in advance of their German counterparts, at far lower 'cost' in terms of the time taken, and the extent to which change measures are compromised, to reach agreement. For British managers, EU social policy measures are perceived as a threat to these beneficial arrangements, and vigorously opposed. The thesis concludes by suggesting that such fixed opposition, in the face of Commission determination to extend the EU social dimension, points to an escalation of the controversy surrounding the social dimension.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Nicholds, Alyson. "Building capacity for regeneration : making sense of ambiguity in urban policy outcomes." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3495/.

Full text

Abstract:

UK regeneration exists amid a ‘burgeoning’ literature which states the ongoing desire to improve the outcomes of urban policy. However, concern about the symbolic nature of regeneration policy and its re-production in the form of ‘linguistic debates’, can latterly be witnessed in the context of more ‘discursive’ concerns rooted in shifting patterns of governance. Drawing empirically from research with fifty UK regeneration professionals and Laclau & Mouffe’s (2001) theory of socialist hegemony to explore reasons for the persistence of such ambiguity, three rival discourses emerge in the form of ‘Building City Regions’; ‘Narrowing the Gap’; and ‘Building Community Capacity’. What a critical analysis suggests is that by ‘deconstructing’ rather than ‘deciphering’ the goals of regeneration policy, a temporary ‘discursive’ form of regeneration emerges in which the contradictions and tensions within the discourse are represented in the form of ‘nodal points and floating signifiers’ and articulated through the notion of lack. This can be linked to the bureaucratic struggles which emerge as a result of a ‘new right’ hegemony, which commodifies all aspects of work and social life to bring market-informed ways of seeing and doing to every aspect of regeneration practice. Actors seek to manage such complexity through emotional investment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Gardner, Mark J. "Restructuring social bargains : the politics of trade and labor policy in the US Democrats and British Labour /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10770.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Szeto, Siu-wai Jerry, and 司徒紹威. "An examination of the social policy content considered in the urban regeneration policy for Hong Kong: lessonsfor urban planning." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43893715.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Weeks, Douglas M. "Radicals and reactionaries : the polarisation of community and government in the name of public safety and security." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3416.

Full text

Abstract:

The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Finkle, Clea T. "State, power, and police in colonial North India /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10697.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Mioni, Michele. "Towards a New “Social Pact”: World War II and Social Policy in Great Britain, Italy and Vichy France = Vers un nouveau « pacte social » : la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et les politiques sociales en Grande-Bretagne, Italie et dans l’État français." Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2018. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/241/1/Mioni_phdthesis.pdf.

Full text

Abstract:

The PhD dissertation concerns the social policies in Great Britain, Vichy France and Fascist Italy during World War II. This work, however, takes into account the path dependences and policy legacies, and opens up to the further developments of the immediate postwar years. The expansion of compulsory schemes, healthcare and other social provisions is an incremental process, but WWII provided the trigger for a qualitative leap in the political goals and extent of public social policy. The dissertation studies the policy convergences and the ideological divergences in tackling the issue of public social protection in the three countries. The British universalistic reforms reformulated the “social pact” around the enhancement of the rights of citizenship, strengthening the bonds of social solidarity thanks to the mediation of the State. The coeval proposals in Fascist Italy and in Vichy France opted for different approaches. In Italy, the regime tried to pass a set of provisions to redefine the industrial relations and the income distribution. The Vichy’s ruling classes, instead, tried to recast a corporative order, spreading “occupational solidarity” in each industrial branch. In all these countries there was no consensus on detailed policies, while the common ground was the strengthening of the compulsory insurances; the administrative unification and rationalization; the incorporation of the social welfare as a core State policy area; the overcoming of the social unrest and social question through the establishment of links of solidarity among the members of the national communities. The “total war” triggered social change due to domestic stabilization and to the ideological content of WWII. The promotion of social enhancement for a “better future” was a key point of propaganda. In Britain, the social plans were a tool to re-assert the role of the country as a leader in the postwar settlement. The military victory of the Allies made possible the spreading of social security. The British universalistic model did not become a model in the Continent, but its core principles fueled the postwar debates and plans of social reforms. The study shows the intermingling of different processes at the root of the shift from the “social insurances” to the “social security” during and after WWII. On the one hand, some political principles and administrative practices gradually emerged, irrespective of the different political regimes and levels of industrialization. On the other, WWII brought about two different views concerning the goals and the role of the social protection in the modern societies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Alam, M. Y. "Ethnographic encounters and literary fictions : crossover and synergy between the social sciences and humanities." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6295.

Full text

Abstract:

Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Kark, Daniel History &amp Philosophy Faculty of Arts &amp Social Sciences UNSW. "Equivocal empire: British community development in Central Africa, 1945-55." Publisher:University of New South Wales. History & Philosophy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/41225.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis resituates the Community Development programme as the key social intervention attempted by the British Colonial Office in Africa in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A preference for planning, growing confidence in metropolitan intervention, and the gradualist determination of Fabian socialist politicians and experts resulted in a programme that stressed modernity, progressive individualism, initiative, cooperative communities and a new type of responsible citizenship. Eventual self-rule would be well-served by this new contract between colonial administrations and African citizens. The thesis focuses on the implementation of the Mass Education programme in Nyasaland, and, more specifically, on a small but significant Mass Education scheme at Domasi, that operated between 1949 and 1954 in Nyasaland??s south. The political and social context in which the Mass Education scheme was implemented in Nyasaland is important. The approach taken by the government of the Protectorate before the mid-1940s is discussed, and previous welfare interventions described and critically assessed. The initial approach to Mass Education in Nyasaland is also dwelt upon in some detail. The narrative concentrates upon the scheme itself. Three themes emerge and are discussed successively ?? the provision of social services adapted to the perceived needs of Africans, the enforcement of environmental restrictions and inappropriate social and agricultural models, and the attempted introduction of representative local government. All three interventions were intended to promote the precepts of Mass Education, but instead resulted in the extension of state administrative power. The manner in which this occurred is explored throughout the thesis. Mass Education at Domasi did not result in the creation of a new form of citizenship in Nyasaland. It contributed instead to a breakdown in the narrative of social development and eventual self-rule that had legitimised British rule. The riots that occurred in 1953 tore at the precepts that underpinned the Mass Education programme. The immediacy of self-rule and independence resulted in a shift in emphasis within the Colonial Office and the colonial government in Nyasaland from social intervention and to constitutional reform and political development. There simultaneously emerged a new rural transcript, one that privileged open opposition to the colonial social prescription over subtle and hidden rural resistance. At a time when nationalist politics was in disarray in Nyasaland, rural Africans spoke back to colonial power.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Posner, Jane. "The establishment and development of the new police in Halifax, 1848-1914." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2014. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/25022/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis analyses the establishment and development of a new police force in Halifax, considering the question through the tenures of the chief constables from its inception in 1848 to the start of the Great War. It considers what existed before the police, how effective that was and how much actually changed after the incorporation of the borough. The early chapters explore the extent of the hostility to the new regime and at what point and how far it came to be accepted. The structure of the force is examined and through it the recruitment and turnover of men and the development of a career pattern for promising candidates. The later chapters assess how the force changed and consolidated towards the end of the nineteenth century, developing a shared sense of pride and camaraderie as policing became a recognised career for a working-class man. The question of how far the role of chief constable was influential in the formation and determination of policing in Halifax is considered, along with the careers of individuals, illustrating that the situation was both complex and fluid. The overall argument of this thesis is supportive of Swift’s contention that local, not national considerations underlay the reform of the new police and continued to dominate the aims and focus of policing in the boroughs throughout the nineteenth century. Borough chief constables were accountable to locally elected councillors and their actions reflected the concerns of the ratepayers. The history of borough police forces is embedded in the social, economic and geographical priorities of local government.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Kendall, Gilbert John. "Regulating police detention : a case study of custody visiting." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7146/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis investigates the work of custody visiting in police stations. Custody visitors make what are supposed to be random and unannounced visits to custody blocks in all parts of England and Wales. They check on the welfare of detainees being held in police custody, and they report their findings to the local Police and Crime Commissioner. Custody visiting is an important component of the criminal justice system, but it has been almost completely ignored by police scholars, and is largely unknown among the general public. The thesis analyses the character of official policy about custody visiting since the first “lay visiting” schemes in the early 1980s, through to the operation, from 2002, of the current statutory scheme known as “Independent Custody Visiting”. Using observation and face-to-face interviews in a local case study, along with wider desk and archival research and elite interviews, and drawing on Steven Lukes’ concept of power, this thesis is an original, in-depth investigation of this phenomenon. It is the first rigorous assessment of custody visiting, and the first thorough evaluation of its independence and of its effectiveness as a regulator of police behaviour.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Alam, M. Yunis. "Ethnographic encounters and literary fictions: crossover and synergy between the social sciences and humanities. Statement in support of application for Doctor of Philosophy by published works (1998-2012)." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6295.

Full text

Abstract:

Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Trampusch, Christine. "Arbeitsmarktpolitik, Gewerkschaften und Arbeitgeber." Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B23A-7.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Endorf, Andrew Montgomery. "British foreign policy under Canning." CONNECT TO THIS TITLE ONLINE, 2008. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-09192008-091344/.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Jenkins, Kirsten. "Discourses of energy justice : the case of nuclear energy." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10255.

Full text

Abstract:

The energy sector faces sustainability challenges that are re-working the established patterns of energy supply, distribution and consumption (Anderson et al. 2008; Haas et al. 2008; Stern 2008; Shove and Walker 2010). Amidst these challenges, socio-technical energy transitions frameworks have evolved that focus on transitions towards decarbonised, sustainable energy systems (Bridge et al. 2013). However, the ‘socio-‘ or social is typically missing as we confront climate and energy risks in a moral vacuum (Sovacool et al. 2016). The energy justice framework provides a structure to think about such energy dilemmas. However, the full extent and diversity of justice implications within the energy system have been neglected. Thus, borrowing from and advancing the framework this research explores how energy justice is being articulated with attention to three emergent areas of growth, the themes of: (1) time, (2) systems component and (3) actor. It does so through a case study of nuclear energy, which was chosen because of its points of enquiry with regards to these three areas of growth, and its historical and on-going importance in the UK energy mix. Using results from 36 semi-structured interviews with non-governmental organisations and policy actors across two case studies representative of the nuclear energy stages of energy production and of waste storage, disposal and reprocessing – the Hinkley Point and Sellafield nuclear complexes – this research presents new insights within each of these previously identified areas of development. It offers the contributions of (1) facility lifecycles, (2) systems approaches and (3) the question of ‘justice by whom?' and concludes that the energy justice framework can aid energy decision-making in a way that not only mitigates the environmental impacts of energy via socio-technical change, but also does so in an ethically defensible, socially just, way.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Kök-Kalaycı, İrem. "Politics of transparency : contested spaces of corporate responsibility, science and regulation in shale gas projects of the UK and the US." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:79f34c61-709d-44f1-ae1c-c298cd4cb07c.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis presents a political geography of transparency, regulation and resource making in shale gas projects in the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US). The emergence of shale gas as a politically and economically desirable resource occupied national political aspirations, most notably in the US and to some extent in the UK, for reasons of energy security and economic development. Although shale gas has become a globally desirable resource, this thesis shows that the resource is not same everywhere. Following knowledge making practices in distinct regulatory regimes of the UK and the US, I trace how making of shale gas resource is subjected to contestation in a range of technical fields, such as law, economics, geosciences and environmental impact assessment. The study is based on in-depth analysis of technical and policy documents, and interviews with a wide range of actors (i.e. regulators, gas companies, investors, scientists, landowners), and field visits in the US (New York, Pennsylvania and Texas) and the UK (Lancashire, Litchfield and London). Drawing on theoretical insights from the Science and Technology Studies (STS), legal and resource geographies, I empirically showed that both regulatory practices and resource materialities matter in encapsulating making of shale gas projects in different national contexts. Documenting how information production and its contestation is entangled with assemblages of materials and technologies, as well as regulatory, geoscientific and market interventions in the context of the UK and the US, this thesis offers an alternative account of the geography of transparency and regulation regarding the development of shale gas policies. The political viability of shale projects depends on how these informational spaces are generated, contested and transformed in nationally specific scientific practices and regulatory regimes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Ahmed, Shamila Kouser. "The impact of the 'war on terror' on Birmingham's Pakistani/Kashmiri Muslims' perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3635/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis explores British Muslims’ counter discourse to the ‘war on terror’ through revealing the impact of the dominant ‘war on terror’ discourse created by the state. The research explores the counter discourse through investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on Birmingham’s Pakistani / Kashmiri Muslims’ perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities before the ‘war on terror’ and since the ‘war on terror’. The theoretical perspectives of cosmopolitanism and citizenship are used as a foundation from which the ‘war on terror’ and the role of the state and the police in the ‘war on terror’ can be deconstructed, critiqued and reconstructed according to Muslim citizens’ perceptions. In particular attention is paid to the challenges and difficulties the 32 respondents interviewed for the research have faced since the ‘war on terror’. Many themes emerged through this framework and the core themes were injustice, legitimacy and human rights. The impact of the ‘war on terror’ showed the battle for Islamic identity construction versus resistance and the negative impact of regulatory discourses on perceptions of commonality, unity and shared identities.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Lee, Yiu-wa. "The foreign policy of an incompetent empire : a study of British Policy towards the Sino-Japanese War in 1937-1941 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20731632.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Horne, Fiona. "Explaining British Refugee Policy, March 1938 - July 1940." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1043.

Full text

Abstract:

The twentieth century has aptly been referred to the century of the refugee.1 In the twentieth century, refugees became an important international problem which seriously affected relations between states and refugee issues continue to play an important part in international relations in the twenty-first century. The refugee crisis created by the Nazis in the 1930s was without precedent and the British government was unsure how to respond. British refugee policy was still in a formative stage and was therefore susceptible to outside influences. This dissertation aims to explain the key factors that drove British refugee policy in the period March 1938 to July 1940, and to evaluate their relative significance over time. I divided the period of study into three phases (March-September 1938, October 1938 to August 1939, September 1939 to July 1940), in order to explore how a range of factors varied in importance in a political and international environment that was rapidly changing. In considering how to respond to the refugee crisis, the British government was hugely influenced by concerns over its relations with other countries, especially Germany. There is little doubt that, during the entire period of this study, the primary influence on the formation and implementation of British refugee policy was the international situation. However, foreign policy did not by itself dictate the precise form taken by British refugee policy. The response of the British government was modulated by economic concerns, domestic political factors, humanitarianism, and by the habits, traditions and assumptions of British political culture. Some factors, like anti-Semitism became less important during the period of this study, while others like humanitarianism increased in importance.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Brown, David Stuart. "Palmerston and the politics of foreign policy, 1846-1855." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1998. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/42314/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis considers the career of Lord Palmerston during the important, but hitherto rather neglected, period of his political career immediately preceding his accession to the premiership in 1855, in a broader context than has previously been attempted. By combining a high political, that is governmental, approach to the question with what might be termed a low one - essentially all non-governmental factors - the reasons for Palmerston's supposed political invincibility, or at least longevity, can be more clearly understood. Such a focus simultaneously reveals a great deal about the nature and working of the Victorian constitution and the political influence of parts of the population traditionally regarded as falling beyond its pale. Through an examination of political manoeuvring in government, making extensive use of private papers, this thesis demonstrates the extent and ways in which Palmerston was able to exercise an influence over and manipulate his Cabinet colleagues, thereby securing their approbation for his foreign policy at a time when there were great pressures from the Crown and Parliament to remove him. The analysis is followed though to the history of the Aberdeen Coalition (1852-55) to explain why Palmerston came to be allied with many of his former adversaries in the first place and secondly how he managed, from his official post at the Home Office, to continue to wield great influence over the conduct of foreign policy - a question of special importance given that it was this government which was faced with the problem of managing the Crimean War. It is clear, however, that personal and party political relationships are incomplete means by which to explain Palmerston's career and elucidate the general theme of the politics of foreign policy. Palmerston's political strength rested to a large extent on the rather nebulous perception that he was 'popular', carrying with him the support of the country and embodying the mood of the nation. Public opinion, generally conceived, had a profound and complicated impact on politics during this period, particularly on Palmerston, yet this is an aspect of Palmerston's political life rarely examined by historians. It is in this thesis' attempts to underpin an account of political life at the centre with an analysis of political forces and influences beyond that a great deal of the work's originality is to be found. Examination of the role of the press, various forms of extra-parliamentary opposition (and support) across all social classes, and parliamentary opposition, including not only on what grounds were attacks made but why and with what effect, add a unique contribution to our understanding of Palmerstonianism and demonstrate the success and considerable good fortune Palmerston enjoyed in manipulating political life to his own ends.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Chalmers, Malcolm G. "Nuclear weapons and British defence policy : an examination of nuclear aspects of British foreign and defence policy 1940-1990." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4220.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis is an attempt to understand the role of nuclear weapons in Britain's defence and foreign policies. It works from the assumption that decisions in relation to nuclear weapons, can only be understood in the context of a broader overview of the British state's policies since the 1940's. In turn Britain's nuclear policies have made a decisive impact on defence policy as a whole and have had an important effect on international developments. It is hoped that this thesis will contribute to a better-understanding of the causes and effects of the nuclear weapons policies adopted by the UK since the 19401s. The thesis will focus on the politics and political economy of nuclear weapons and British defence policy. This central concern has required that a number of other important aspects of the subject have been given only peripheral consideration. The thesis does not attempt to provide a detailed technological history of Britain's nuclear force. Nor is it intended to provide particular new insights on the nuclear decisionmaking process. Rather it seeks to explore the underlying factors which have shaped both the technology and the perceptions of decision-makers. There is no shortage of historical accounts of Britain's nuclear force. The unique contribution which it is hoped that this thesis makes, however, does not lie so much in its subject matter as in the way that this subject matter is approached. In my view that approach is sufficiently different from those of previous works in this area as to be both original and of some interest to other scholars in this field.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Schreinert, Erin L. "Britain, European immigrants and the myth of the open door an examination of the racialist argument in British immigration policy 1880-1971 /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594498381&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Rough, Elizabeth Kate. "Nuclear narratives in UK energy policy, 1955-2008 : exploring the dynamics of policy framing." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252274.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Hirowatari, Kiyoshi. "Britain and European monetary cooperation, 1964-1979." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609092.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Wang, Hao. "Britain's Taiwan policy 1949-1958." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.637482.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Hendley, Matthew. "The conscription movement in Great Britain 1899-1914 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60625.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis is an examination of the Conscription movement in Britain between 1899-1914.
The introduction briefly examines British efforts at home defence before 1899 and the existing historiography on the Edwardian Conscription movement.
Chapter One studies the impact of that conflict's manpower problems. In particular, it looks at the ad hoc wartime efforts to expand the Army and the subsequent rise of the National Service League.
Chapter Two studies the non-military goals of the Conscription movement. It considers the attraction of conscription as the foundation of both greater physical efficiency and social reform, especially before 1906.
The final chapter studies the use of sensationalist invasion scares and calls for home defence to further the cause of the Conscription movement. Particular attention is given to the invasion scare of 1908-09 and the rise of the Territorial Force after 1906.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Dyson, Stephen Benedict. "Prime minister and core executive in British foreign policy process, outcome and quality of decision /." Online access for everyone, 2004. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Fall2004/s%5Fdyson%5F112304.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Khalid, Amr. "Aspects of Islam and social coexistence : the case of Britain." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683357.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Babij, Orest. "The making of Imperial Defence policy in Britain, 1926-1934." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fb422556-884e-4d47-9705-92d9ff36181d.

Full text

Abstract:

Although the period between 1926 and 1934 was relatively peaceful, Imperial Defence policy-making in Britain focused on threats along the periphery of the Empire. This included a short-lived, but serious concern over Communist expansion in China and Afghanistan and a fear that American naval construction would undermine the Royal Navy's position in the world. The first threat receded by 1928 and the second was met by negotiating the highly successful London Naval Conference of 1930. Throughout these years, the need to reorient the Imperial Defence system to meet a perceived Japanese threat in the Far East, and the Treasury's opposition to the very idea, remained constants within policy-making circles. The world-wide depression led to serious defence cutbacks which the services met largely by cutting back even further on war reserves and mobilization potential. The Japanese assault on Manchuria in 1931, and then in Shanghai in 1932, exposed the inability of the Imperial Defence system to meet a Far Eastern threat. This led to pressure from the navy, in particular, for an increase in service estimates, but the economic situation and the World Disarmament Conference kept the government from agreeing to any significant change in policy. From 1931-193, Imperial Defence concerns were centred on the Far East, but Hitlerâs rise to power in March 1933 turned attention hack toward Europe. Nevertheless, the first large-scale review of Imperial defence deficiencies, the Defence Requirements Sub-Committee, presented a report which balanced the needs of European and Far Eastern defence. In the spring of l934. however, the Cabinet found itself unable to come to a consensus on the DRC's recommendations and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Neville Chamberlain, stepped forward with his own defence vision. He discounted the need for Far Eastern defence and re-oriented defence policy toward homeland defence. It was his intervention that set the tone for British rearmament in the 1930s.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Drolet, Marc 1968. "The anatomy of the British battle cruiser and British naval policy, 1904-1920 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68084.

Full text

Abstract:

The Battle Cruiser was the result of the naval arms race and the realisation that England's undisputed mastery of the seas was over. The ship was the next logical step in the evolution of the Cruiser. Historians have generally considered this type of warship as an expensive mistake. While it was not as successful as its creators might have hoped, neither was it the disaster claimed by many of its critics. Once the British chose to build these ships, not only did they have no choice but to keep building more of them, but they also had to build larger, more powerful and expensive Battle Cruisers in order to maintain the lead in the arms race with Germany.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Royed, Terry J. "Policy promises and policy action in the United States and Great Britain, 1979-1988 /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487780865407853.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Stanbridge, Karen A. "British Catholic policy in eighteenth-century Ireland and Quebec." Ottawa : Library and Archives Canada, 1999. http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq31132.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Alsabah, Mohammad. "Welfare Economics and Public Policy in Early 20th Century Great Britain." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1723.

Full text

Abstract:

The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Great Britain – Social policy'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles